Academic literature on the topic 'US-Iran relations'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'US-Iran relations.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "US-Iran relations"

1

Kumar, Sumita. "Pakistan–Iran Relations: The US Factor." Strategic Analysis 32, no. 5 (September 25, 2008): 773–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160802309159.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Tarock, Adam. "US-Iran relations: Heading for confrontation?" Third World Quarterly 17, no. 1 (March 1996): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599650035824.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Ustiashvili,, Samin. "Iran-US relations; The Middle East issues." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 10 (October 21, 2021): 780–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i10.sh02.

Full text
Abstract:
Iran-US relations have historically been of particular importance to both sides. The ups and downs of this relationship and its causes and factors have always been considered by international relations researchers and thinkers, including the two countries' experts. This article aims to examine Israel's role in perpetuating the strained relations between Iran and the United States. The continuing turmoil and the severance of official relations between Iran and the United States, given the historical background of relations between the two countries, the existence of shared regional interests, along with the opportunities to repair and improve relations, raises the question of international relations researchers why relations between the two countries are still strained as Iran enters the fourth decade of its revolution. What are the leading causes and factors of the continuation of the strained relations between the two countries? In response to various hypotheses, the author cites a drastic change in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Israel - compared to the pre-revolutionary period - the main factor in the continuation of hostility between the two countries and Iran's opposition to Israel. Therefore, considering the opposition to the Middle East peace process as the main factor of the current situation, it has tried to confirm the mentioned hypothesis by presenting evidence and analyzing documents. This article has been written with a genealogical (historical-analytical) approach and has a review nature. To attain the specifications of this research, a descriptive methodology will be used. The advantages presented by this method include enabling the collection of a significant amount of data at once. The scientific findings of this study indicate the undeniable effect of the Israeli variable on Iran-US relations.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Ali, Anwar, Mughees Ahmad, and Bilal Bin Liaqat. "US-Iran Relations: Prospects for Regional Stability." Pakistan Social Sciences Review 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.35484/pssr.2018(2-i)01.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Khanaliyev, Nuradin U. "US - IRAN RELATIONS: CURRENT ISSUES AND CHALLENGES." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 1 (2020): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2020-1-187-198.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Nazir Hussain. "US-Iran Relations: Issues, Challenges and Prospects." Policy Perspectives 12, no. 2 (2015): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/polipers.12.2.0029.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Bahgat, Gawdat. "US-Iran Relations under the Trump Administration." Mediterranean Quarterly 28, no. 3 (September 2017): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4216432.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Mahwish Hafeez. "India-Iran Relations: Challenges and Opportunities." Strategic Studies 39, no. 3 (November 5, 2019): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.039.03.00103.

Full text
Abstract:
Besides geographic proximity, India and Iran share a historic relationship that has its mark even today. However, despite these historic ties, both India and Iran have not been able to take this relationship to the desired level. Although several factors account for this failure, the biggest being the prevailing hostility between the US and Iran. Throughout the Cold War era, both Tehran and Washington were close allies. However, this situation completely changed following the Iranian revolution and the 1979 hostage crisis. This sudden change between the US and Iran had an impact on Iran’s relationship with the rest of the world. Since India is aspiring to become a global economic power, it is imperative for India to ensure a continuous supply of energy resources. This necessity for energy resources has compelled India to maintain some level of cooperation with Iran despite the US pressure. Thus, New Delhi finds itself walking a tight rope balancing its relationship with energy-rich Iran and the world’s dominant power, the US.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Agarwal, Shyam Mohan, and Rajdeep Singh. "Indo-Iran Relations: General Analysis." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i08.010.

Full text
Abstract:
India and Iran are closely linked at the political level, although the volume of trade and investment has been affected by US sanctions against Iran. During this period Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh visited Iran in 2013 and then Prime Minister Modi visited Iran in 2016. Iranian President Rouhani also visited India in 2019. However, the two-way trade has declined to US$ 2.106 billion in 2020-21 with Indian exports of US$ 1.77 billion and Indian imports of US$ 331 million. Iran invested in the Madras Refinery in 1965. Iran also committed to invest $630 million in Kudremukh Iron and Ore Co Ltd in the mid-seventies. While Iran initially paid US$255 million, the project was later shelved and eventually completed with Indian investments. India, on the other hand, committed an investment of $85 million in the Chabahar port. The level of trade and investment does not reflect the full potential of bilateral relations between India and Iran. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारत और ईरान राजनीतिक स्तर पर लगातार जुड़े हुए हैं, हालांकि ईरान के खिलाफ अमेरिकी प्रतिबंधों से व्यापार और निवेश की मात्रा प्रभावित हुई है। इस अवधि में प्रधानमंत्री डॉ. मनमोहन सिंह ने 2013 में ईरान का दौरा किया और उसके बाद 2016 में प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने ईरान का दौरा किया। ईरानी राष्ट्रपति रूहानी ने भी 2019 में भारत का दौरा किया था। हालांकि, 2020-21 में 1.77 बिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर के भारतीय निर्यात और 331 मिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर के भारतीय आयात के साथ दोतरफा व्यापार घटकर 2.106 बिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर हो गया है। ईरान ने 1965 में मद्रास रिफाइनरी में निवेश किया था। ईरान ने सत्तर के दशक के मध्य में कुद्रेमुख आयरन एंड ओर कंपनी लिमिटेड में 630 मिलियन डॉलर का निवेश करने की भी प्रतिबद्धता जताई थी। जबकि ईरान ने शुरू में 255 मिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर का भुगतान किया था, परियोजना को बाद में बंद कर दिया गया था और अंततः भारतीय निवेश के साथ पूरा किया गया था। दूसरी ओर भारत ने चाबहार बंदरगाह में 85 मिलियन डॉलर के निवेश की प्रतिबद्धता जताई। व्यापार और निवेश का स्तर भारत और ईरान के बीच द्विपक्षीय संबंधों की पूरी क्षमता को प्रतिबिंबित नहीं करता है। Keywords: भारत, ईरान, पश्चिम एशिया, राजनीतिक, रणनीतिक, ऐतिहासिक।
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Taufiq, Firmanda, and Ayu Maulida Alkholid. "IRAN-US RELATIONS AFTER THE DEATH OF QASSEM SOLEIMANI." Jurnal CMES 14, no. 2 (December 8, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.14.2.50830.

Full text
Abstract:
<p>Iran-United States relations have up and down. Some sharp diplomatic statements made by the US president, Donald Trump, as well as the president of Iran, Ayatullah Khomeini. In fact, the sanctions that must be accepted by the US against Iran are embargo sanctions. This article aims to analyze how the future relations between Iran and the United States. Cooperation between the two countries has a history that dates back to the Cold War. Relations between these two countries based on a variety of interests, including economic, political, military, ideological, and security considerations . The theory used in this research is balance of power theory. The US has major interest in the Middle East and Iran is a rival of the US in achieving that interest. Nevertheless, many US foreign policies are caused tension between the two countries. Conversely, Iran has considerable economic importance, but the role of the Iran government elite also has a significant influence in the determination of their foreign policy. The findings in this study, despite challenges and complicated processes, the US and Iran are eternal rivals in the fusion of power and political influence in the Middle East, and relations between both will continue to fluctuate . </p>
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "US-Iran relations"

1

Baker, Joshua George. "Imagining empathy : counterfactual methods and the US-Iran security dilemma." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7422/.

Full text
Abstract:
The overall contribution of this thesis is to develop a conceptualisation of empathy for the security dilemma, and to empirically explore this conceptualisation through a counterfactual case study of US foreign policy towards Iran, 2001-2010. It achieves this in three stages. First, it shows how the concept of empathy has long been implicitly central to security dilemma theorising. In particular, it demonstrates that security dilemma theorists have drawn upon implicit and unspecified notions of empathy in order to answer the crucial question of how security dilemma dynamics between adversaries can be overcome. Second, it addresses this omission by developing a conceptualisation of empathy that speaks to the unique context of the security dilemma. In mediating between different understandings of empathy across a number of literatures, the thesis proposes a conceptualisation that emphasises the importance of reflexivity and notions of difference. And third, it uses an innovative counterfactual methodology to empirically map the dynamics of empathy onto US foreign policy towards Iran. In doing so the thesis shows how empathy can promote cooperation between adversaries in some instances, but can be inhibited by broader contextual factors in others.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Rees, Samuel Huw. "The collapsing pillar : Jimmy Carter and US foreign policy towards Iran, 1977-1981." Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43014.

Full text
Abstract:
The continuing diplomatic impasse between the United States and Iran dates back to the turbulent events of the late 1970s. Blame for the 'loss' of Iran, which had been one of the 'twin pillars' of US strategy in the Persian Gulf, has inevitably fallen on the White House incumbent at the time, President Jimmy Carter. This thesis offers a reassessment of Carter's decision making and his responses to the fall of the Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the US embassy hostage taking. It demonstrates that the breakdown of US-Iranian relations was not simply a one-president phenomenon and, more significantly, Carter's handling of Iran was not as dire as it is often portrayed. The research is based on a thorough examination of the available archive material, including newly released documents, as well as recent interviews with the major protagonists. When Carter took office in 1977 he inherited a badly creaking Iranian pillar that was soon to collapse altogether. The flawed policies of his predecessors placed strict limitations on his administration and unwittingly created a ticking time bomb in the form of the Shah. Despite these restrictions, Carter battled to reconcile the strategic necessities of Cold War containment with his moral principles in areas such as human rights and arms sales. In an administration seemingly dominated by the disagreements amongst his top two advisors, Carter remained the key decision maker at all times. He recognised the practical limits of American power and assumed sensible positions in response to an ever changing and uncontrollable crisis. Aside from its contemporary significance, Iran is therefore critical to Carter's disputed legacy and how he rates as a foreign policy president.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Alvandi, Roham. "Nixon, Kissinger and the Shah : US-Iran relations and the Cold War, 1969-1976." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:52d2d8e8-f8d1-4632-aee9-9734585ce9e9.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis examines the nature and dynamics of U.S.-Iran relations during the Cold War under the leadership of U.S. President Richard Nixon, his adviser Henry Kissinger, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran. This revisionist account critically examines the popular view of Mohammad Reza Shah as a mere instrument of American strategies of containment during the Cold War. Relying on recently declassified American documents, British government papers, and the diaries, memoirs and oral histories of Iranian actors, this thesis restores agency to the shah as an autonomous Cold War actor and suggests that Iran evolved from a client to a partner of the United States under the Nixon Doctrine. This partnership was forged during Nixon’s first term in office between 1969 and 1972, as the United States embraced a policy of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf region. Thanks to a long-standing friendship with the president, the shah was able to exercise extraordinary influence in the Nixon White House. This partnership reached its peak during Nixon’s second term as the United States supported Iran’s regional primacy against the challenge from Iraq. The shah drew Nixon and Kissinger into Iran’s secret war against Iraq in Kurdistan in 1972, by portraying Iran’s long-standing regional conflict with Iraq as a Cold War confrontation with the Soviet-backed Ba’th regime in Baghdad. When the shah unilaterally decided to abandon the Kurds in a deal with Iraq’s Saddam Hussein in 1975, Kissinger had little choice but to acquiesce, despite the personal embarrassment and domestic recriminations that followed. The U.S.-Iran partnership declined following Watergate and Nixon’s resignation in 1974. In spite of the best efforts of the shah and Kissinger, between 1974 and 1976 the United States and Iran were unable to reach an agreement on U.S. nuclear exports to Iran. President Gerald Ford tried to impose a discriminatory nuclear agreement on Iran that was rejected by the shah because it violated Iran’s national sovereignty. Under Ford, the United States reverted to treating Iran as a client rather a partner of the United States.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Serim, Ayse Esra. "The Iranian factor in the context of Turkish-US relations." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020AIXM0055.

Full text
Abstract:
La présente thèse a pour objectif de travailler sur l’influence de l’Iran dans les relations turco-américaines. A la suite d’événements régionaux et internationaux dans les années 1990, l’Iran a commencé à jouer un rôle majeur dans les relations d’alliance des États-Unis et de la Turquie. Depuis lors, les politiques et interventions militaires américaines dans la région font du régime iranien un défi. Par conséquent, notre recherche questionne ces tendances et les orientations et stratégies politiques déployées par les deux alliés à l’égard de l’Iran. Elle offre également une analyse comparative approfondie des différentes manières avec lesquelles les deux États appréhendent l’Iran et son régime. La thèse s’arrête, de manière plus précise, sur deux grands sujets de préoccupation des États-Unis et de la Turquie à l’égard de l’Iran : la question du nucléaire d’une part ; la puissance et l’influence stratégiques de l’Iran et de son régime dans la région, d’autre part. Dans un premier temps, elle analyse la manière avec laquelle les États-Unis et la Turquie en tant qu’alliés stratégiques ont, non seulement, traité la question du nucléaire iranien, mais surtout l’ont appréhendée différemment en termes de légitimé et de crédibilité politique. Dans un second temps, elle montre comment ces deux États ont, en revanche, trouvé des perspectives d’actions communes pour faire face aux capacités croissantes d’influence de l’Iran dans la région. Ceci se vérifie notamment dans le contexte des « Printemps arabes » qui a conduit à l’exacerbation des tensions entre la Turquie et l’Iran, ainsi qu’après le changement historique de positionnement des États-Unis à l’égard de l’Iran
The objective of this dissertation is to study the Iranian factor in the context of the US-Turkish relationship. Since the beginnings of the 1990s, coupled with regional and international developments, Iran began to play an important role at the center of US-Turkish relations. Since then, both US policies and military interventions within the Middle East paved the way for Iran to arise as a challengeable actor within the region. The study aims to address how American and Turkish policymakers have responded to issues in the region with regard to Iran. A central focus of the dissertation is Iran’s nuclear question and Iran’s increasing power, which were simultaneously of particular concern to Washington, Ankara, and Tehran. Therefore, this dissertation demonstrates how these three actors handled the nuclear issue within the framework of their concerns/interests and political legitimacy and credibility. The fact that the Iranian regime has sought to increase its sphere of influence throughout the region has led the two allies to adopt common strategies from time to time. In fact, the Iranian factor has triggered important debates and developments between Washington and Ankara, in direct proportion to the positions of Turkey and Iran on different sides, particularly with the onset of the Arab Spring and Washington’s changing approach to Iran
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Ganji, Babak. "From regional hegemony to revolutionary turmoil : an examination of policy currents in US relations with Iran." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405356.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Emery, Christian. "US policy in Iran 1979-80 : the Cold War dynamics of engagement and strategic alliance." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1016/.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis examines the context, conception and execution of US engagement strategies towards the Islamic Republic of Iran from 1979 to 1980. Utilising a wealth of primary sources and interviews with former officials, it charts the assessments that guided US policy and considers the internal and geo-political dynamics that shaped it. It focuses in particular on attempts to establish a strategic alliance based on an assumed mutual interest in containing communist encroachment. To support this, it examines US perceptions and assessments of the Soviet threat in Iran and the Iranian left. It highlights severe deficiencies in the approach and findings of both. This thesis then examines how the hostage crisis and Soviet intervention in Afghanistan re-fashioned US objectives in Iran. It demonstrates that the Soviet intervention reinforced many of the original premises that had underpinned US engagement. This thesis concludes that, whilst Washington went to significant efforts to restore working relations with Iran, America’s presentation of the communist threat as a starting point for rapprochement sat incongruously with its claim to have accepted the Revolution. More importantly, a Soviet-centric mindset obstructed a deeper understanding of Iran’s complex internal affairs. This approach does not dispute the major, possibly even insurmountable, obstacles facing the normalisation of bi-lateral relations. However, this does not obviate its analysis of some underlying flaws in how Washington approached engagement.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Terry, Patrick. "US-Iran relations in international law since 1979 hostages, oil platforms, nuclear weapons and the use of force." Rangendingen (Hechingen) Libertas, 2008. http://d-nb.info/993662307/04.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Yoo, Hyun Sang. "An analysis of United States security policy towards a Third World state during the Cold War era : case study of US-Iran relations." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1458/.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Freeman, Emily. "Nuclear Paradox: A Comparison of Leadership in US-Iranian Relations." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1027.

Full text
Abstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Uzmez, Sena. "Iranian Nuclear Crisis And Its Impact On Us-iranian Relations Between 1953-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612879/index.pdf.

Full text
Abstract:
ABSTRACT IRANIAN NUCLEAR CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON US-IRANIAN RELATIONS BETWEEN 1953-2008 Ü
zmez, Sena M.S., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ö
zlem Tü
r December 2010, 101 pages This thesis analyzes the U.S.-Iran relations in accordance with Iranian Nuclear Crisis from a historical perspective. Analyzing the U.S.-Iran relations since 1953 until 2008, it is possible to see that as the two countries&rsquo
perceptions towards each other change, their policies towards the nuclear issue change, too. While nuclear developments were not a threat for the two states that were close allies during the Shah Era, the perceptions totally changed after the Islamic Revolution. However, even if US and Iran started to perceive each other as a threat, nuclear issue lost its importance because of Khomeini&rsquo
s approach in this period. With the September 11, 2001 attacks, the American approach has changed not only regarding the Middle East, but also regarding the nuclear issue in Iran. The Nuclear Crisis that started in 2002 by the announcement of secret nuclear centrals escalated to its peak with the election of Ahmedinejad as the president. Different historical facts that were experienced at different periods shaped perceptions of two nations towards each other. As these perceptions change towards each other, their perceptions regarding the nuclear issue and their policies have changed, too. In this study, how these two nations&rsquo
perceptions towards each other were shaped and their approaches regarding the nuclear issue influenced by the historical events will be examined and analyzed.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "US-Iran relations"

1

D, Hays Michael, Air University (U.S.), and Air University (U.S.). Air Force Fellows., eds. A US strategy for Iran. Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala: Air University Press, 2008.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Cossa, Ralph A. Iran--Soviet interests, US concerns. Washington, DC: Institute for National Strategic Studies, 1990.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Amirahmadi, Hooshang. The 107th Congress and Iran: Implications for US-Iran relations. Edited by American-Iranian Council. Princeton: American-Iranian Council, 2002.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Monshipouri, Mahmood. US-Iran relations: Embracing a new realism. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Rawshandil, Jalīl, 1944 or 5-, ed. US-Iran relations: Policy challenges and opportunities. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Cossa, Ralph A. Iran: Soviet interests, US concerns. Washington, DC: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 1990.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Cossa, Ralph A. Iran: Soviet interests, US concerns. Washington, DC: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 1990.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Leverett, Flynt Lawrence. US-Iran relations: Looking back and looking ahead. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2003.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Leverett, Flynt Lawrence. US-Iran relations: Looking back and looking ahead. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2003.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Bennis, Phyllis. Understanding the US-Iran crisis: A primer. Northampton, Mass: Olive Branch Press, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Book chapters on the topic "US-Iran relations"

1

Monshipouri, Mahmood. "US–Iran relations." In Middle East Politics, 268–94. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429060496-11.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Sharifi, Majid. "US–Iran relations post-9/11." In Insecurity Communities of South Asia and the Middle East, 178–96. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge India, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003097051-12.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Keynoush, Banafsheh. "US-Iran Relations: The End-Game." In Middle East Today, 17–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09249-7_2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Akbarzadeh, Shahram. "Iran–US relations and the nuclear deal." In Middle East Politics and International Relations, 241–61. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003196778-12.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Garver, John W. "China and Iran: Expanding Cooperation under Conditions of US Domination." In Toward Well-Oiled Relations?, 180–205. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137539793_12.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Zaccara, Luciano, and Mehran Haghirian. "Rouhani, the Nuclear Deal, and New Horizons for Iran–US Relations." In Contemporary Gulf Studies, 57–86. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-3924-4_4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Sheldon-Duplaix, Alexandre. "Russia-China Naval Partnership and Its Significance." In Russia-China Relations, 101–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_6.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractAllies in 1950, at odds in 1960, at war in 1969, on opposite sides of the Cold War during the 1980s, the Russians and Chinese have worked out their border issues in recent years to partner against a common challenge: the United States. While it can be argued that both countries distrust one another, Moscow and Beijing share a common concern and can’t afford bad relations. Both abhor the US-Western interventions of the last two decades that in their view have destabilized the Middle East, generating terrorism and instability within or near their borders. Both resent US support for their domestic opposition or to neighboring intimate “foes,” most notably Taiwan, Ukraine, and Georgia. Both have displayed their support for Syria and Iran. Both have been engaged in a “strategic partnership” within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization since 2001. Both are now conducting joint naval exercises, sometimes in sensitive areas. But beyond those gesticulations, how far can this naval partnership go? Is it a harbinger of a future military alliance? Does it suggest an intent to deter future Western interventions from the sea? Is there evidence and are there documents that formally support this signaling of strategic and naval partnerships?
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

"Iran–US Relations: From Friends to Foes." In Iran and the United States. Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501317903.ch-001.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

"A Wolf and A Sheep: Us –Iran Relations." In Ahmadinejad. I.B.Tauris, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755610150.ch-006.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Abrahamian, Ervand. "Revisiting the Coup: Assessing the New US Documents on Iran, 1951–4." In United States Relations with China and Iran. Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350087767.ch-007.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "US-Iran relations"

1

ALMadani, Ahmed, and Muhamad Muttaqien. "Donald Trump's Decision between the Transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem and Modify the Nuclear Deal with Iran." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010276202970301.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

Full text
Abstract:
The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography