Academic literature on the topic 'Urbanisation – Gaule'

Roman-style bathhouses are often used as markers to study processes of ‘Romanisation’, or, more generally, the spread of a Roman way of life throughout newly conquered regions. The building type, with its characteristic hypocaust system and pools, was a foreign element in regions unacquainted with communal bathing. However, to assume that these buildings were introduced and spread as a ‘package’, with the standard sequence of rooms and accompanying technology, would be oversimplifying a complex phenomenon of acceptance, rejection and adaptation. Since Roman baths are too often perceived as a mainly urban phenomenon, regions on the fringes of the empire with low levels of urbanisation, including the northern provinces, have been excluded from most seminal works.1 The present paper aims to examine a corpus of baths in NW Gaul from between the 1st and early 4th c. (i.e., the period between the first villa constructions and their abandonment following Germanic invasions) in order to challenge idées fixes2 that their plans were rigid and standardised and that most were in urban settings.

Land cover has been modified by anthropogenic activities for thousands of years, although the speed of change has increased in recent decades, particularly driven by socio-economic development. The development of transport infrastructure can accelerate land use land cover change, resulting in impacts on natural resources such as water, biodiversity, and food production. To understand the interaction between land cover and social–ecological drivers, changing land cover patterns and drivers of change must be identified and quantified. This study documents land cover dynamics along the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) corridor in Kenya and evaluates the underlying drivers of this change from 2000 to 2019. The study utilised GIS and remote sensing techniques to assess the land use and land cover changes along the SGR corridor, while correlational and regression analyses were used to evaluate various drivers of the changes. Results showed that built-up areas, bare lands, water bodies, croplands and forests increased by 144.39%, 74.73%, 74.42%, 9.32% and 4.85%, respectively, while wetlands, grasslands and shrub lands reduced by 98.54%, 67.00% and 33.86%, respectively. The underlying drivers responsible for these land use and land cover dynamics are population growth, urbanisation, economic growth and agro-ecological factors. Such land cover changes affect environmental sustainability, and we stress the need to adequately identify and address the cumulative social and environmental impacts of mega-infrastructure projects and their interacting investments. The findings of this study provide an evidence base for the evaluation of the social–ecological impacts of the SGR and the implementation of best practices that will lead to enhanced sustainability in the development corridors in Kenya and beyond.

A highly developed industry used to be synon-ymous with Osijek and the entire Slavonija and Baranja region in the past, but in modern times the notion of industry has taken on a new meaning. Classic factories have disappeared, making room for the development of more modern and innovative industries, including cultural and creative industries. The problem of recognition and conservation of tangible and intangible cultural heritage, which is increas-ingly often at risk, has also come up in the ur-banisation process. Systematic efforts to con-serve and revitalise cultural heritage are need-ed in order to preserve the identity and the culture of the local community. Otherwise it will fall victim to uncontrolled urbanisation, and disappear. Cultural and creative industries are building ways for the development, con-servation and urban regeneration and revitali-sation of the cultural heritage. Repurposed industrial cultural heritage can serve as a re-minder of former glory, but also as a daily in-spiration for new entrepreneurs, creative pro-fessionals, and all other citizens. Local and national governments must make projects aimed at the revitalisation of all types of cul-tural heritage their priority. These projects are highly attractive. Even though they are also challenging and very expensive, they will con-tinue to bear fruit for many years after their implementation by reinforcing their city’s identity, but also through fast-growing cultural tourism. The main objective of this paper is to explore the potentials of the forgotten (invisi-ble) industrial (now cultural) heritage of Osijek within the sector of cultural and creative in-dustries. With this goal in mind, the authors carried out a survey to gauge public awareness of the economic potential offered by the devel-opment of cultural and creative industries, with a focus on the revitalisation of Osijek’s industrial cultural heritage. One of the objec-tives of the survey was also to identify the opinions of different age and education groups in the public about these matters. Regrettably, the awareness of the importance of conserving cultural heritage remains rather low. Educa-tional campaigns, written guidelines, projects and events are needed to educate the broader community in order for the development po-tential of cultural and creative industries to be really manifested.

TamdrupRoyal residence and memorial church in a new light Tamdrup has been shrouded in a degree of mystery in recent times. The solitary church located on a moraine hill west of Horsens is visible from afar and has attracted attention for centuries. On the face of it, it resembles an ordinary parish church, but on closer examination it is found to be unusually large, and on entering one discovers that hidden beneath one roof is a three-aisled construction, which originally was a Romanesque basilica. Why was such a large church built in this particular place? What were the prevailing circumstances in the Early Middle Ages when the foundation stone was laid? The mystery of Tamdrup has been addressed and discussed before. In the 1980s and 1990s, archaeological excavations were carried out which revealed traces of a magnate’s farm or a royal residence from the Late Viking Age or Early Middle Ages located on the field to the west of the church (fig. 4), and in 1991, the book Tamdrup – Kirke og gård was published. Now, by way of metal-detector finds, new information has been added. These new finds provide several answers, but also give rise to several new questions and problems. In recent years, a considerable number of metal finds recovered by metal detector at Tamdrup have been submitted to Horsens Museum. Since 2012, 207 artefacts have been recorded, primarily coins, brooches, weights and fittings from such as harness, dating from the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. Further to these, a coin hoard dating from the time of Svein Estridson was excavated in 2013. The museum has processed the submitted finds, which have been recorded and passed on for treasure trove evaluation. As resources were not available for a more detailed assessment of the artefacts, in 2014 the museum formulated a research project that received funding from the Danish Agency for Culture, enabling the finds to be examined in greater depth. The aim of the research project was to study the metal-detector finds and the excavation findings, partly through an analysis of the total finds assemblage, partly by digitalisation of the earlier excavation plans so these could be compared with each other and with the new excavation data. This was intended to lead on to a new analysis, new interpretations and a new, overall evaluation of Tamdrup’s function, role and significance in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages.Old excavations – new interpretationsIn 1983, on the eastern part of the field, a trial excavation trench was laid out running north-south (d). This resulted in two trenches (a, b) and a further three trial trenches being opened up in 1984 (fig. 6). In the northern trench, a longhouse, a fence and a pit-house were discovered (fig. 8). The interpretation of the longhouse (fig. 4) still stands, in so far as we are dealing with a longhouse with curved walls. The western end of the house appears unequivocal, but there could be some doubt about its eastern end. An alternative interpretation is a 17.5 m long building (fig. 8), from which the easternmost set of roof-bearing posts are excluded. Instead, another posthole is included as the northernmost post in the gable to the east. This gives a house with regularly curved walls, though with the eastern gable (4.3 m) narrower than the western (5.3 m). North of the trench (a) containing the longhouse, a trial trench (c) was also laid out, revealing a number of features. Similarly, there were also several features in the northern part of the middle trial trench (e). A pit in trial trench c was found to contain both a fragment of a bit branch and a bronze key. There was neither time nor resources to permit the excavation of these areas in 1984, but it seems very likely that there are traces of one or more houses here (fig. 9). Here we have a potential site for a possible main dwelling house or hall. In August 1990, on the basis of an evaluation, an excavation trench (h) was opened up to the west of the 1984 excavation (fig. 7). Here, traces were found of two buildings, which lay parallel to each other, oriented east-west. These were interpreted as small auxiliary buildings associated with the same magnate’s farm as the longhouse found in the 1984 excavation. The northern building was 4 m wide and the southern building was 5.5 m. Both buildings were considered to be c. 7 m long and with an open eastern gable. The southern building had one set of internal roof-bearing posts. The excavation of the two buildings in 1990 represented the art of the possible, as no great resources were available. Aerial photos from the time show that the trial trench from the evaluation was back-filled when the excavation was completed. Today, we have a comprehensive understanding of the trial trenches and excavation trenches thanks to the digitalised plans. Here, it becomes apparent that some postholes recorded during the evaluation belong to the southernmost of the two buildings, but these were unfortunately not relocated during the actual excavation. As these postholes, accordingly, did not form part of the interpretation, it was assumed that the building was 7 m in length (fig. 10). When these postholes from the evaluation are included, a ground plan emerges that can be interpreted as the remains of a Trelleborg house (fig. 11). The original 7 m long building constitutes the western end of this characteristic house, while the remainder of the south wall was found in the trial trench. Part of the north wall is apparently missing, but the rest of the building appears so convincing that the missing postholes must be attributed to poor conditions for preservation and observation. The northeastern part of the house has not been uncovered, which means that it is not possible to say with certainty whether the house was 19 or 25 m in length, minus its buttress posts. On the basis of the excavations undertaken in 1984 and 1990, it was assumed that the site represented a magnate’s farm from the Late Viking Age. It was presumed that the excavated buildings stood furthest to the north on the toft and that the farm’s main dwelling – in the best-case scenario the royal residence – should be sought in the area to the south between the excavated buildings. Six north-south-oriented trial trenches were therefore laid out in this area (figs. 6, 7 and 13 – trial trenches o, p, q, r, s and t). The results were, according to the excavation report, disappointing: No trace was found of Harold Bluetooth’s hall. It was concluded that there were no structures and features that could be linked together to give a larger entity such as the presumed magnate’s farm. After digitalisation of the excavation plans from 1991, we now have an overview of the trial trenches to a degree that was not possible previously (fig. 13). It is clear that there is a remarkable concentration of structures in the central and northern parts of the two middle trial trenches (q, r) and in part also in the second (p) and fourth (s) trial trenches from the west, as well as in the northern parts of the two easternmost trial trenches (s, t). An actual archaeological excavation would definitely be recommended here if a corresponding intensity of structures were to be encountered in an evaluation today (anno 2016). Now that all the plans have been digitalised, it is obvious to look at the trial trenches from 1990 and 1991 together. Although some account has to be taken of uncertainties in the digitalisation, this nevertheless confirms the picture of a high density of structures, especially in the middle of the 1991 trial trenches. The collective interpretation from the 1990 and 1991 investigations is that there are strong indications of settlement in the area of the middle 1991 trial trenches. It is also definitely a possibility that these represent the remains of a longhouse, which could constitute the main dwelling house. It can therefore be concluded that it is apparently possible to confirm the interpretation of the site as a potential royal residence, even though this is still subject to some uncertainty in the absence of new excavations. The archaeologists were disappointed following the evaluation undertaken in 1991, but the overview which modern technology is able to provide means that the interpretation is now rather more encouraging. There are strong indications of the presence of a royal residence. FindsThe perception of the area by Tamdrup church gained a completely new dimension when the first metal finds recovered by metal detector arrived at Horsens Museum in the autumn of 2011. With time, as the finds were submitted, considerations of the significance and function of the locality in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages were subjected to revision. The interpretation as a magnate’s farm was, of course, common knowledge, but at Horsens Museum there was an awareness that this interpretation was in some doubt following the results of the 1991 investigations. The many new finds removed any trace of this doubt while, at the same time, giving cause to attribute yet further functions to the site. Was it also a trading place or a central place in conjunction with the farm? And was it active earlier than previously assumed? The 207 metal finds comprise 52 coins (whole, hack and fragments), 34 fittings (harness, belt fittings etc.), 28 brooches (enamelled disc brooches, Urnes fibulas and bird brooches), 21 weights, 15 pieces of silver (bars, hack and casting dead heads), 12 figures (pendants, small horses), nine distaff whorls, eight bronze keys, four lead amulets, three bronze bars, two fragments of folding scales and a number of other artefacts, the most spectacular of which included a gold ring and a bronze seal ring. In dating terms, most of the finds can be assigned to the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. The largest artefact group consists of the coins, of which 52 have been found – either whole or as fragments. To these can be added the coin hoard, which was excavated in 2013 (fig. 12) and which primarily consists of coins minted under Svein Estridson. The other, non-hoard coins comprise: 13 Svein Estridson (figs. 15, 16), five Otto-Adelheid, five Arabic dirhams, three Sancta Colonia, one Canute the Great, one Edward the Confessor, one Theodorich II, one Heinrich II, one Rand pfennig, one Roman denarius (with drilled hole) and nine unidentified silver coins, of which some appear however to be German and others Danish/Anglo-Saxon. Most of the single coins date from the late 10th and early 11th centuries. The next-largest category of finds from Tamdrup are the fittings, which comprise 34 items. This category does, however, cover a broad diversity of finds, of which the dominant types are belt/strap fittings of various kinds and fittings associated with horse harness (figs. 17-24). In total, ten fittings have been found by metal detector that are thought to belong to harness. In addition to these is a single example from the excavation in 1984. The majority of these fittings are interpreted as parts of curb bits, headgear and stirrups. One particularly expressive figure was found at Tamdrup: a strap fitting from a stirrup, formed in a very characteristic way and depicting the face of a Viking (fig. 20). The fitting has been fixed on the stirrup strap at the point where the sides meet. Individual stirrup strap fittings are known by the hundred from England and are considered stylistically to be Anglo-Scandinavian. The fitting from Tamdrup is dated to the 11th century and is an example of a Williams’ Class B, Type 4, East Anglian type face mount. A special category of artefacts is represented by the brooches/fibulas, and enamel brooches are most conspicuous among the finds from Tamdrup. Of the total of 28 examples, 11 are enamel brooches. The most unusual is a large enamel disc brooch of a type that probably has not been found in Denmark previously (fig. 24). Its size alone (5.1 cm in diameter) is unusual. The centre of the brooch is raised relative to the rim and furnished with a pattern of apparently detached figures. On the rim are some alternating sail-shaped triangles on a base line which forms four crown-like motifs and defines a cruciform shape. Between the crowns are suggestions of small pits that probably were filled with enamel. Parallels to this type are found in central Europe, and the one that approaches closest stylistically is a brooch from Komjatice in western Slovakia, found in a grave (fig. 25). This brooch has a more or less identical crown motif, and even though the other elements are not quite the same, the similarity is striking. It is dated to the second half of the 10th century and the first half of the 11th century. The other enamel brooches are well-known types of small Carolingian and Ottonian brooches. There are four circular enamel cross-motif brooches (fig. 26a), two stellate disc brooches with central casing (fig. 26b), one stepped brooch with a cruciform motif, one cruciform fibula with five square casings and two disc-shaped brooches. In addition to the enamel brooches there are ten examples that can definitely be identified as animal brooches. Nine of these are of bronze, while one is of silver. The motifs are birds or dragons in Nordic animal styles from the Late Viking Age, Urnes and Ringerike styles, and simpler, more naturalistic forms of bird fibulas from the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. Accordingly, the date for all the animal brooches is the 11th and 12th centuries. A total of 21 weights of various shapes and forms have been found at Tamdrup: spherical, bipolar spherical, disc-shaped, conical, square and facetted in various ways. Rather more than half are of lead, with the remainder being of bronze, including a couple of examples with an iron core and a mantle of bronze (so-called ørtug weights), where the iron has exploded out through the bronze mantle. One of the bipolar spheres (fig. 28) has ornamentation in the form of small pits on its base. Weights are primarily associated with trade, where it was important to be able to weigh an agreed amount of silver. Weights were, however, also used in the metal workshops, where it was crucial to be able to weigh a particular amount of metal for a specific cast in order to achieve the correct proportions between the different metals in an alloy. Eight bronze keys have been found, all dated broadly to the Viking Age (fig. 29). Most are fragmentarily preserved pieces of relatively small keys of a very simple type that must be seen as being for caskets or small chests. Keys became relatively widespread during the course of the Viking Age. Many were of iron and a good number of bronze. Nevertheless, the number of keys found at Tamdrup is impressive. A further group of artefacts that will be briefly mentioned are the distaff whorls. This is an artefact group which appears in many places and which was exceptionally common in the Viking Age. In archaeological excavations, examples are often found in fired clay, while metal distaff whorls – most commonly of lead – are found in particular by metal detector. Nine distaff whorls have been found at Tamdrup, all of lead. The finest and absolutely most prestigious artefact is a gold ring, which was found c. 60 m southwest of house 1. The ring consists of a 2 mm wide, very thin gold band, while the fittings comprise a central casing surrounded by originally eight small circular casings. In the middle sits a red stone, presumably a garnet, mounted in five rings. In a circle around the stone are the original eight small, circular mounts, of which six are preserved. The mounts, from which the stones are missing, alternate with three small gold spheres. The edges of the mounts have fine cable ornamentation. The dating is rather uncertain and is therefore not ascribed great diagnostic value. In the treasure trove description, the ring is dated to the Late Middle Ages/Renaissance, but it could presumably also date from the Early Middle Ages as it has features reminiscent of the magnificent brooch found at Østergård, which is dated to 1050. Two other spectacular artefacts were found in the form of some small four-legged animals, probably horses, cast in bronze. These figures are known from the Slav area and have presumably had a pre-Christian, symbolic function. Common to both of them are an elongated body, long neck and very short legs. Finally, mention should be made of four lead amulets. These are of a type where, on a long strip of lead, a text has been written in runes or Latin characters. Typically, these are Christian invocations intended to protect the wearer. The lead amulets are folded together and therefore do not take up much space. They are dated to the Middle Ages (1100-1400) and will therefore not be dealt with in further detail here. What the artefacts tell usWhat do the artefacts tell us? They help to provide a dating frame for the site, they tell us something about what has taken place there, they give an indication of which social classes/strata were represented, and, finally, they give us an insight into which foreign contacts could have existed, which influences people were under and which networks they were part of. Most of the artefacts date from the period 900-1000, and this is also the dating frame for the site as a whole. There is a slight tendency for the 10th century finds to be more evenly distributed across the site than those from the 11th century, which tend to be concentrated in the eastern part. A number of the finds are associated with tangible activities, for example the weights and, especially, the distaff whorls. Others also had practical functions but are, at the same time, associated with the upper echelons of society. Of the material from Tamdrup, the latter include the harness fittings and the keys, while the many brooches/fibulas and pendants also belong to artefact groups to which people from the higher strata of society had access. Some of the harness fittings and brooches suggest links with England. The stirrup-strap fitting and the cruciform strap fitting in Anglo-Scandinavian style have clear parallels in the English archaeological record. The coins, on the other hand, point towards Germany. There are a number of German coins from the end of the 10th century and the beginning of the 11th century, but the occurrence of Otto-Adelheid pennies and other German coins is not necessarily an indication of a direct German connection. From the second half of the 11th century, Svein Estridson coins dominate, but they are primarily Danish. Other artefacts that indicate contacts with western Europe are the enamelled brooches in Carolingian-Ottonian style. A number of objects suggest some degree of trade. Here again, it is the coins and the hack silver, and also the relatively large number of lead weights, that must be considered as relatively reliable indicators of trade, at least when their number is taken into consideration. In the light of the metal-detector finds it can, in conclusion, be stated that this was a locality inhabited by people of middle to high status. Many objects are foreign or show foreign inspiration and suggest therefore that Tamdrup was part of an international network. The artefacts support the interpretation of Tamdrup as a magnate’s farm and a royal residence. ConclusionTamdrup was located high up in the landscape, withdrawn from the coast, but nevertheless with quick and easy access to Horsens Fjord. Tamdrup could be approached from the fjord via Nørrestrand and the river Hansted Å on a northern route, or by the river Bygholm Å on a southern route (fig. 33). A withdrawn loca­tion was not atypical in the Viking Age and the Early Middle Ages. At that time there were also sites directly on the coast and at the heads of fjords, where early urbanisation materialised through the establishment of the first market towns, while the king’s residences had apparently to be located in places rather less accessible by boat and ship. As withdrawn but central, regional hubs and markers between land and sea. One must imagine that Tamdrup had a high status in the 10th and 11th centuries, when the king had a residence and a wooden church there. A place of great importance, culminating in the construction of a Romanesque basilica to commemorate the Christianisation of Denmark. Tamdrup appears to have lost its significance for the monarchy shortly after the stone church was completed, which could fit with King Niels, as the last of Svein Estridson’s sons, being killed in 1134, and another branch of the royal family taking over power. At the same time as Tamdrup lost its importance, Horsens flourished as a town and became of such great importance for the Crown that both Svein Grathe and Valdemar the Great had coins minted there. Tamdrup must have been a central element of the local topography in the Viking Age, when Horsens functioned as a landing place, perhaps with seasonal trading. In the long term, Horsens came out strongest, but it must be assumed that Tamdrup had the highest status between AD 900 and 1100.Lars PaghHorsens Museum

The territories – cities and landscapes – of South Asia are under incredible transformation due to man-made and natural conditions. Globalisation is spatially leaving its imprint as cities and landscapes are progressively being built by an ever-more fragmented, piecemeal and ad-hoc project modus – funded by established and new-found fortunes of national and international developers and lenders, development aid projects and (often corrupt) governments. At the same time, ‘natural’ disasters are increasing in severity and frequency – due to climate change and the flagrant disregard of the environment in the relentless dive to impose imported terms of reference for modernisation and urbanisation. The challenges and strategic importance of realising urban design in South Asia’s contemporary context of borrowed visions, abstract land-use planning and a diminishing political will are, obviously, innumerable. How to qualitatively intervene as an urbanist in such a context? This paper will argue that an understanding of contexts, based on fieldwork, is necessary in order to project feasible urban visions and strategic urban design projects that can make more evident particular sites’ inherent qualities and creatively marry ecological, infrastructural, and urbanisation issues by solutions that cut across multiple scales and sectoral divisions. Interpretative mapping is a first step to transform a territory. An understanding of the context and the reading of sites are necessary in order to create modifications that have logic and relate to the particularities of places and situations. Three scales of mapping (territorial, urban, and tissue) will be presented. The territories/cities investigated are the southwest (Galle-Matara) coast of Sri Lanka, Mumbai, the economic engine of India, and Khulna, the third largest city in Bangladesh.

The territories – cities and landscapes – of South Asia are under incredible transformation due to man-made and natural conditions. Globalisation is spatially leaving its imprint as cities and landscapes are progressively being built by an ever-more fragmented, piecemeal and ad-hoc project modus – funded by established and new-found fortunes of national and international developers and lenders, development aid projects and (often corrupt) governments. At the same time, ‘natural’ disasters are increasing in severity and frequency – due to climate change and the flagrant disregard of the environment in the relentless dive to impose imported terms of reference for modernisation and urbanisation. The challenges and strategic importance of realising urban design in South Asia’s contemporary context of borrowed visions, abstract land-use planning and a diminishing political will are, obviously, innumerable. How to qualitatively intervene as an urbanist in such a context? This paper will argue that an understanding of contexts, based on fieldwork, is necessary in order to project feasible urban visions and strategic urban design projects that can make more evident particular sites’ inherent qualities and creatively marry ecological, infrastructural, and urbanisation issues by solutions that cut across multiple scales and sectoral divisions. Interpretative mapping is a first step to transform a territory. An understanding of the context and the reading of sites are necessary in order to create modifications that have logic and relate to the particularities of places and situations. Three scales of mapping (territorial, urban, and tissue) will be presented. The territories/cities investigated are the southwest (Galle-Matara) coast of Sri Lanka, Mumbai, the economic engine of India, and Khulna, the third largest city in Bangladesh.

Fluctuations in suspended sediment concentration (SSC) has been investigated in the Warta River (western Poland), based on data obtained for the period 1961–1980 from three gauge stations located in upstream, middle-stream and downstream areas. Over the two decades, the SSC values demonstrated wide fluctuations and an overall increase at each gauge station. No significant correlation was generally observed between SSC and discharge but high SSC was found to follow low discharge and increasing temperature during the summer seasons in some years. Measurements of SSC and discharge were used to estimate total annual suspended sediment load (SSL). SSL values were found to increase downstream along with an increase in discharge. SSC decreases along the river course. However, when it comes to changes over time, SSL variability was mainly determined by SSC changes. The maximum SSC values were primarily caused by anthropogenic factors: the disposal of mine wastewater upstream, river training works, increased urbanisation and the intensification of sewage disposal. Where the river catchment has been greatly affected by anthropogenic factors, a denudation index calculated solely based on SSC and discharge does not appear to reflect the actual denudation rate, and must be treated with caution.

<p>I 2002 besluttede Den Gamle By at fortælle 1900-tallets Danmarkshistorie ved at udvide museet med to nye bykvarterer – et 1927-kvarter og et 1974-kvarter. Indtil da havde museet i al væsentlighed arbejdet med 16-, 17- og 1800-tallets historie, og der forestod (og forestår) derfor et stort arbejde med vidensopsamling og -generering i form af forskning og undersøgelser om den moderne bys udseende. Da detailhandelen er en meget synlig nyskabelse i den moderne by i forhold til de perioder, museet allerede præsenterer, var behovet for viden på ikke mindst dette område af stor betydning. I artiklen giver vi et overblik over 1900-tallets butiksudvikling i Danmark, og vi gør rede for de undersøgelser, der er gået forud for etableringen af butikkerne i Den Gamle Bys nye bykvarterer.</p><p><em><strong>Abstract</strong></em></p><p><em>In connection with the development of two new town districts – for 1927 and 1974 respectively – at the open-air museum, Den Gamle By (”The Old Town”) in Århus, its staff undertook a number of studies, one of which concerned the history of retail trade in Denmark.</em></p><p><em>Retail trade is an important factor in the formation of the modern urban streetscape. Urbanisation and industrialisation prompted an increase in shops from the mid-19^th century onwards. By the end of World War 1, retailing had developed from merchant’s houses offering a wide assortment of goods, to strictly specialised shops.</em></p><p><em>In tandem with this development, the visual appearance of the shops in the streetscape changed: from being next to invisible, marked only by a discrete sign on the wall around 1850, to the almost obtrusively large window sections, glossy advertisements and rich illumination of the interwar shop fronts.</em></p><p><em>The retail trade continued to develop significantly in the 20^th century: from relatively small establishments of independent grocers, greengrocers, butchers and bakers to large supermarkets offering all such goods under one roof. Consequently, food shops were largely replaced by service enterprises. From the 1960s onwards, the pedestrian streets in the city centres, as well as the assemblages of large supermarkets and other businesses on the outskirts, came to characterise the larger cities.</em></p>

Ce travail se veut une synthèse sur l'artisanat de Gaule méridionale entre la fin du VIIIe s. et la fin du IIIe s. av. n. è., thématique encore peu abordée dans son ensemble pour cet espace géographique. Il vise à définir les facteurs de la spécialisation des tâches et des individus et à traiter de l'évolution du travail dans les sociétés indigènes. Successivement, seront approchées les activités associées aux arts du feu la métallurgie, la céramique et le verre - et les productions dérivées du travail vivrier les textiles, le cuir et les matières dures animales -. À chaque fois, il s'agira d'identifier les procédés techniques attestés à l'âge du Fer, d'examiner les degrés de technicité associés à chaque activité et de dépeindre l'environnement dans lequel ces opérations se déroulent. Une fois ces considérations posées et à la lumière de cette documentation, les aspects économiques attachés à la production d'objets manufacturés et notamment le rôle de l'artisanat dans le processus de complexification sociale dans lequel les communautés sont alors engagées seront analysés. Enfin, compte tenu de l'importance fondamentale de la composante sociale dans le développement du travail spécialisé, les thèmes liés aux lieux dédiés à la production et à l'apparition des ateliers, au statut et à la place des artisans ou à l'apprentissage seront tour à tour abordés, parfois pour susciter plus de questions que de réponses
This documentation presents a synthesis concerning the handicrafts of Southern Gaul between the end of the VIIIth and the end of the IIIrd century B.C., a topic that has not been overly dealt with globally with respect to that geographical area. It aims at defining the factors determining the specialization of tasks and individual people as well as discussing the evolution of activities within the indigenous societies. Subsequently the activities associated with the arts of fire will be dealt with, i.e. metallurgy, ceramics and glass as well as the products derived from cottage industry, i.e. textiles, leather and hard materials stemming from animals. There always arises the need of identifying the technical procedures bearing witness to the Iron Age, of examining the degrees of technical achievement associated with each and every activity and of depicting the environment where these operations take place. Once those considerations are established - and in the light of that documentation - we shall analyze the economic aspects underlying the production of hand-made objects and namely the role played by handicrafts in the creation of an ever more complex society made up by the individual communities. Finally, given the fundamental importance of the social component in the development of specialized activities, the topics connected with the actual place of production, with the appearance of workshops, with the status and place of the craftsmen or with the institution of apprenticeship will be alternately dealt with; sometimes giving rise to more questions than answers

Les régions alpines, traditionnellement associées au passage, sont également décrites par les auteurs antiques comme des espaces hostiles et pauvres. Cependant, l'apparition des villes, d'agglomérations secondaires et d'établissements ruraux dans la plupart des massifs témoigne d'une organisatoin nouvelle du territoire, et d'un intérêt économique pour ces régions. La montagne est un espce habité et exploité. Ce travail a pour objectif d'évaluer l'importance et les modalités de la mise en valeur dans les Alpes occidentales, en tenant compte de la diversité des milieux. Pour cel, deux axes ont été dégagés. Le pemier s'intéresse à l'apparition d'agglomérations, à leur place dans l'intégration sociale, culturelle et économique des populations alpines. Cette réflexion est associée à une évaluation des changements qui interviennent dans l'exploitation du milieu alpin. L'archéologie de la montagne et la collaboration avec les palynologues permettent de dresser un tableau nuancé de l'exploitation des ressources naturelles.

L’étude des bâtiments en terre et bois des agglomérations du Second âge du Fer (IIIe-Ier s. av. n. è.) de Gaule interne (hors littoral méditerranéen) a permis de construire une réflexion autour de deux thématiques de recherche à la fois peu investies et complémentaires. Les nombreux débats concernant la caractérisation de ces habitats agglomérés et leur éventuel statut urbain m’ont amené à développer une approche croisée dans le cadre de ce doctorat. L’objectif a ainsi été de contribuer à une meilleure compréhension du phénomène d’urbanisation et des caractéristiques des agglomérations (oppida et agglomérations ouvertes) à travers une étude fine de l’architecture, permettant de préciser dans quelle mesure les formes architecturales sont révélatrices mais également vectrices de dynamiques socioéconomiques particulières. L’étude technique de 339 bâtiments, provenant de 39 agglomérations, s’est appuyée sur une méthodologie rigoureuse et originale. Celle-ci combine l’analyse des divers types de vestiges architecturaux et des dynamiques taphonomiques intégrant à la fois la documentation archéologique et ethnographique. Si une grande partie de ces constructions est constituée de poteaux plantés, une place privilégiée a été accordée aux architectures en pan de bois et à l’usage de pièces de contreventement obliques. Ces traditions architecturales ont ensuite été intégrées dans une recherche plus globale, considérant à la fois l’organisation spatiale des agglomérations, les usages des bâtiments et les statuts sociaux de leurs occupant·e·s, ainsi que les différences avec l’architecture rurale. Un modèle interprétatif, tenant compte du contexte environnemental et de toute la complexité de ces agglomérations, a ainsi été proposé. Une partie au moins de ces habitats groupés serait caractérisée par la mise en œuvre d’économies et de gestions rationnelles du bois d’œuvre et de la construction, par le développement de réseaux d’artisans ainsi que par des adaptations des modèles architecturaux à l’urbanisme et au degré d’urbanisation
The study of the earthen and wooden buildings of the Late Iron Age agglomerations (3rd-1st century BC) of inner Gaul (except the Mediterranean coast) allows to develop a reflection around two research topics both little invested and complementary. Many debates concerning the characterisation of these grouped settlements and their possible urban status have thus led me to develop an interdisciplinary approach in this PhD. The aim was therefore to contribute to a better understanding of the urbanisation process and of the agglomerations (oppida and open agglomerations) features through a detailed study of architecture, allowing to define how architectural forms reveal and convey particular socio-economic dynamics. The technical study of 339 buildings, from 39 agglomerations, was based on a strict and original methodology: this combines the analysis of various types of architectural remains and taphonomic dynamics integrating both archaeological and ethnographic documentation. While a large part of these constructions is made up of earthfast posts, a significant place was given to timber-framed architecture and the use of diagonal braces. These architectural traditions were then integrated into a more global research, considering at the same time the spatial organisation of agglomerations, the use of buildings and the social status of their inhabitants, as well as the differences between rural architecture and that of grouped settlements. An interpretative model, taking into account the environmental context and all the complexity of Late Iron Age agglomerations, has thus been proposed. At least part of these grouped settlements would be characterised by the development of economies and rational management of timber and construction, craftsmen networks as well as by adaptations of architectural models to urban planning and urbanisation degree

@Ce travail propose de faire le point sur la connaissance de la cité des Riédons à l'époque gallo-romaine, en apportant une contribution à l'étude de l'urbanisation en Gaule. Une première partie est consacrée au territoire de la cité dans son ensemble. Elle apporte un éclairage concernant les Riédons de l'indépendance, réactualisé à partir des dernières découvertes archéologiques. Un point des connaissances concernant l'époque gallo-romaine est ensuite proposé, en examinant successivement la question des limites géographiques de la cité, les voies de communication, puis l'occupation humaine du territoire dépendant de Condate. La seconde partie est une approche détaillée du chef-lieu des Riédons recourant aux découvertes archéologiques les plus récentes. La genèse du développement de la ville ainsi que l'organisation urbaine y sont abordées dans un premier temps. Il est procédé dans un second temps à un examen de l'évolution du paysage urbain et de quelques aspects de la vie quotidienne, qui couvre la période du Haut-Empire. Enfin c'est par l'étude du castrum et des rares indices éclairant la transformation de la physionomie urbaine de l'époque tardive, que s'achève cette recherche permettant d'apprécier le degré d'intégration de cette cité de Gaule occidentale
@This study brings together information concerning the civitas of the Riedons during the gallo-roman period, and contributes to the study of urban development in Gaul. The first section concerns the totality of territory occupied by the Riedons. It puts new light on the Riedons at the moment of the independence as a result of recent new archaeological evidence. A review of evidence concerning the gallo-roman period is proposed here by examining successively the question of the geographic limits of the civitas , communications and finally settlement in the territory depending on Condate. The second part is a detailed analysis of the capital of the Riedons taking into account the most recent archaeological discoveries. The early development of the town as well as its urban organisation are discussed. It is followed by an examination of the urban landscape and aspects of daily life, which covers the first half of the roman period. Finally it is with the study of the castrum and the rare evidence bringing to light the transformation of the urban landscape at the end of the roman period, that this research is concluded enabling the degree of integration of this civitas of western Gaul to be appreciated

La thèse entreprise entend aborder la vaste question de la compréhension du rôle socio-économique des productions animales - en terme de viande mais aussi de matières secondaires - au sein des nouvelles formes d'urbanisation qui apparaissent à la fin du second âge du Fer, fruit d'une longue maturation sociale. À travers l'étude archéozoologique de deux sites majeurs de la Gaule-Belgique - Villeneuve-Saint-Germain, en territoire Suession, et Condé-sur-Suippe, en territoire Rème -, l'enquête cherche à recentrer la problématique sur un aspect économique spécifique, celui des ressources carnées et de leur gestion : quel rôle joue cette ressource au sein de ces nouvelles formes d'urbanisation et comment est-elle gérée d'un point de vue individuel et collectif? Quelle est la part prise par cette production dans l'économie générale de ces populations? Par le biais d'analyses intrasites - parfois diachroniques-, extrasites et comparatives avec d'autres sites de stature différentes (agglomérations, villages ou fermes), on espère pouvoir éclairer d'un jour nouveau ces « grandes agglomérations fortifiées» qui, à elles seuls, semblent matérialiser l'aboutissement d'un long processus de stratification de la société gauloise. Si l'intensification de la production céréalière et la spécialisation des tâches sont deux éléments à la base de ce phénomène d'agglomération- ou l'ont du moins accompagné -, le projet devrait, à termes, permettre une meilleure appréhension des effet que celui-ci a eu sur la production carnée et comment cela s'est traduit sur le site de Villeneuve-Saint-Germain, de Condé-­sur-Suippe mais également dans les villages et les fermes environnants
The purpose of this research is to approach the economic issues that took place during the last 2 centuries B.C. (with the emergence of Gallic cities) through the study of the fauna remains recovered mostly from Condé-sur-Suippe, in the territory of the Remi, and also from Villeneuve-Saint-Germain, the capital of the Suessiones. Dating respectively from 120 to 90 and from 90 to 40 BCE, these fortified communities (or oppida) are among the most important in Europe, not only because of their size (over a hundred hectares each) and of the exceptional conservation of their town planning but also because of their almost unequalled faunal wealth (over 250.000 bones in Villeneuve-Saint-Germain alone). Two different lines of investigation will be pursued :- on the one hand, an intrasite study for each of the two sites aiming to determine the manner in which the populations settled in these enclosed spaces and the probable spatial evolutions that took place during the phase in question, -on the other hand, the second level of analysis will endeavour to examine broader issues concerning the hierarchical organisation of urban spaces in the Gaulish territories of the Remi and of the Suessiones. The four categories of building complexes recorded until now - farms, «aristocratie» farms, villages and fortified communities - were most probably distinguished in terms of function, administration and, in brief, a precise hierarchy, reflected or not, on the archaeological material. In this context fauna would not be an exception.The research project will hence attempt to cast a new light on these fortified communities which are the outcome of a long stratification process within the Gaulish society