Journal articles on the topic 'Urban transportation policy – Ontario – Toronto'

The author runs "Natural Heritage Consulting" in Richmond Hill, Ontario, Canada. She is a former Adjunct Professor at Ryerson University having taught Applied Ecology as a joint program between the School of Occupational and Public Health and the School of Urban and Regional Planning. She has provided environmental policy input on government initiatives such as the formation of the Greenbelt around the City of Toronto in her capacity as a member of the Province of Ontario's Greenbelt Task Force. The text that follows is a revised and edited version of a paper presented by the author at the Natural City conference - "Success Stories" - organized by the Centre for Environment, University of Toronto from 31 May to 2 June, 2006.

A series of macrolevel prediction models that would estimate the number of accidents in planning zones in the city of Toronto, Ontario, Canada, as a function of zonal characteristics were developed. A generalized linear modeling approach was used in which negative binomial regression models were developed separately for total accidents and for severe (fatal and nonfatal injury) accidents as a function of socio-economic and demographic, traffic demand, and network data variables. The variables that had significant effects on accident occurrence were the number of households, the number of major road kilometers, the number of vehicle kilometers traveled, intersection density, posted speed, and volume-capacity ratio. The geographic weighted regression approach was used to test spatial variations in the estimated parameters from zone to zone. Mixed results were obtained from that analysis.

During the first great burst of urban growth in Canada from the beginning of the 20th century and on into the 1920s it was generally the municipalities, either singly or collectively, which fostered policy innovation and new services. Provinces generally did little at that time, either to foster new policies or rein in local autonomy. It was only after the economic setbacks of the depression and a renewed spirit of urban development after 1945 that provincial direction over municipalities became much more significant. This paper is a case study of two major policy crises which threatened the viability of the whole municipal system in Ontario. In the 1930s the Border Cities (Metropolitan Windsor) faced bankruptcy and economic collapse and placed in jeopardy the credit of the province. In the early 1950s the inability of Metropolitan Toronto to create area-wide solutions to severe servicing problems threatened to stall the main engine of provincial growth. The case study demonstrates how a reluctant provincial government intervened to create new metropolitan arrangements for the two areas and accompanied this with a greatly expanded structure of provincial oversight including a strengthened Ontario Municipal Board and a specific department to handle municipal affairs. The objective of the policy was to bolster local government rather than to narrow municipal autonomy.

By North American standards Toronto is a concentrated agglomeration. Its downtown has enjoyed spectacular growth since the 1960s; most inner-city neighbourhoods are perceived as desirable; and public transit patronage is high relative to that of same-size North American metropolitan regions. Still, it is within dispersed, car-oriented, suburbs that most post-1950 development has taken place. This agglomeration is composed of two realms—a concentrated and a dispersed realm—differentiated by their respective land-use-transportation dynamic. The concentrated realm is defined by a considerable reliance on walking and public transportation, a mixing of land uses and overall higher employment and residential densities than elsewhere in the metropolitan region. Meanwhile, the dispersed realm is car dependent, dominated by large monofunctional zones and developed at a relatively low density. The author links the coexistence and respective importance of these two realms in the Toronto agglomeration both to the nature of urban policies implemented since 1950 and to the circumstances that have led to their adoption. The construction of expressways, suburban type land-use planning, and a generous provision of open space have abetted dispersion. By contrast, the construction of a subway system and measures encouraging the redevelopment of underused land have promoted growth within the concentrated portion of the agglomeration. It is noteworthy, however, that these measures have failed in their attempts to induce concentration beyond the prewar urbanized perimeter. The author examines the positive and negative aspects of the presence of these two realms within a given agglomeration and highlights the threat newly adopted policies represent for the concentrated realm.

Transportation plays a key role in urban sustainability planning and urban greenhouse gas emission reductions. Globally, cities have established sustainability agendas and policies to guide the shift from traditional private automobile dependent transportation systems towards an increased use of public transportation, cycling, and walking. While the surrounding physical urban form and governance structures condition public transportation services, there are also many other factors to consider when discussing sustainability. As such, comprehensive planning and policy-oriented assessment frameworks that are independent of local conditions are still largely missing in literature. This paper presents a Public Transportation Sustainability Indicator List (PTSIL) that provides a platform for an integrated assessment of environmental, economic, and social dimensions of sustainability through an indicator-based approach. To demonstrate its use, the PTSIL is applied to analyze the policy documents of public transportation agencies in Helsinki, Finland, and Toronto, Canada. The results show that while both cities achieve relatively high scores in all dimensions, there is still high variability among individual indicators. The PTSIL presents a missed stepping stone between descriptive definitions of transportation sustainability and case specific sustainability performance assessments, offering an opportunity within the planning and policy-making sectors to review, assess, and develop public transportation services comprehensively.

The reuse of brownfields as locations for urban intensification has become a core strategy in government sustainability efforts aimed at remediating pollution, curbing sprawl and prioritizing renewal, regeneration, and retrofitting. In Ontario, Canada’s most populous, industrialized, and brownfield-laden province, a suite of progressive policies and programs have been introduced to not only facilitate the assessment and remediation of the brownfields supply, but to also steer development demand away from peripheral greenfields and towards urban brownfields in a manner that considers a wider regional perspective. This article examines the character and extent of brownfields infill development that has taken place in three Ontario cities (Toronto, Waterloo, and Kingston) since the provincial policy shift in the early 2000s. Using property assessment data and cleanup records, the research finds that redevelopment activity has been extensive in both scale and character, particularly in Toronto where the real estate market has been strong. While the results are promising in terms of government efforts to promote smarter growth that builds “in and up” instead of out, they also reveal that government could be doing more to facilitate redevelopment and influence its sustainability character, particularly in weaker markets.

Sustainability transitions research has emerged as one of the most influential approaches to conceptualizing the potential and practice of transformative system change to avoid climate catastrophe. Evolving from work on socio-technical systems via Geels’ multi-level perspective (MLP), this conceptual framework has contributed to understanding how complex systems in the contemporary world can be transformed. This paper contributes to the sustainability transitions literature in three main ways. First, the paper develops a conceptual framework focused on the urban property systems which regulate and support urban property, infrastructure and governance that are historically produced, are densely institutionalized, and through which public norms of property and governance are deeply embedded in and continually inscribed in urban space. Second, the paper suggests that urban property systems are continually and vigorously contested and demonstrate different modes of institutional change than those recognized by the existing sustainability transitions literature. Third, the paper illustrates the approach with a case study of the contested governance of property development in Toronto, Ontario, long one of the fastest growing cities in North America. The Toronto case suggests that institutions embedded in urban property systems are consequential and deserve more attention by those concerned with low-carbon transitions.

Despite concerns about the privatization of urban planning practices, there is little known about the professional actors involved in this restructuring. Private-sector consultants, though beholden to the same professional standards as public-sector employees, face competing pressures of an entrepreneurial fee-for-service business model. This article examines the role of planning consultants in shaping public policy agendas, by analyzing the redevelopment of Downsview Park in Toronto, Ontario. Drawing from interview and archival data, I find that private-sector planning consultants had influence in prioritizing policy agendas by propagating the need for sped-up processes and allowing landowners to “pay for priority.” The fluidity of professionals between firms, sectors, and projects reinforced the perceived value and neutrality of consultant expertise. These strategies worked to erode the differences between public- and private-sector planning processes, resulting in a high degree of influence for development interests.

This thematic issue of Urban Planning includes five articles that engage critically with the debates regarding the sustainability of suburbs. Contributions include a long-term perspective of the persistence of automobile-based planning and culture in Canada; an assessment of transportation modes among high-rise condominium apartment residents in Toronto’s outer suburbs; an evaluation of policy prescribed social-mix in France’s banlieues; a study of hyper-diversity in Peel Region in the Greater Toronto Area, which positions suburbs as centers of diversity; and an analysis of how the implementation and governance of new urbanist designs in three US communities has generally failed to achieve social objectives. The articles put into question the common approach of implementing suburban sustainability policy via urbanization and social mix. Together, the contributions point to the need for more stringent restrictions on automobile use, enhanced transit service in the suburbs, emphasis on bottom-up, community-driven policy-making, recognition of multiple dimensions of diversity, and strong political leadership to drive sustainability policy forward.

We present a new urban transit investment model, integrating transport economic theory regarding optimal investment with transport modeling, planning, and network design. The model expands on the theory of optimal transit network planning and investment, accounting for the effects of the investment on accessibility, level of service, and speed. The model seeks long-term optimal transit investment and optimal road pricing simultaneously in an integrated, unified model. To illustrate the advantages of our approach, we applied our empirical model to two case studies, Tel Aviv and Toronto, integrating our theoretical contribution into practice. Our results demonstrate the model’s ability to indicate the optimal transit mode and investment on a corridor level and the total investment required for the city transit network. The model results were compared to the actual and planned transit networks of Tel Aviv and Toronto and showed the model’s capability to produce a good balance of strategic design and network details. The research concludes that applying the right toll with the applicable transit investment is crucial for obtaining an efficient network and performance. This research can direct planners and policymakers in planning urban transport and provide a comprehensive set of guidelines for optimizing the simultaneous investment in mass transit and the congestion toll toward more sustainable cities and transportation systems.

Urban intensification is believed to result in a modal shift away from automobiles to more active forms of transportation. This study extended the understanding of bicycle mode choice and the influence of built form through an analysis of dwelling type, density, and mode choice. Apartment dwelling and active transportation are related to intensification, but an understanding of the impact of increased density on bicycling is muddied by the lack of isolation of cycling from walking in many studies and by the lack of controls for the confounding effects of dwelling type. This study examined the relationship between dwelling type and mode choice in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. In this study of 223,232 trips, 25 variables were controlled for, and multinomial logistic regression analysis was used to estimate relative risk ratios. Strong evidence was found that a trip that originated from an apartment-based household was less than half as likely to be taken by bicycle as a similar trip that originated from a house-based household in Toronto in 2011. Increased population density of the household location had a positive impact on the likelihood that a trip would be taken by walking and a negligible and uncertain impact on the likelihood that it would be taken by transit. However, increased population density had a negative impact on bicycling. Further analysis found that the negative impact of density did not seem to apply to those who lived in single detached housing but rather only to the likelihood that apartment and townhouse dwellers would cycle. Further research is required to identify the exact barriers to cycling that apartment dwellers experience.

Abstract Being the economic engine of Canada and the home of 5 million people, the environmental health of the Golden Horseshoe is very important. Among various pollution sources into the lake, urban oil spills as a non-point pollution source have not caught the attention of most residents. These spills can cause terrestrial impacts by poisoning animals and plants, groundwater contamination by infiltration, and surface water pollution by algal bloom and fish kills and destruction of freshwater invertebrates and vertebrates. In order to investigate the significance of this pollution source, 10 years of spill records in the Golden Horseshoe have been compiled. On the average, about 1050 L per day of oil escaped to the land, water and air environment in this region. About one-third of these spills eventually entered Lake Ontario. Among various types of spilled oil, gasoline, diesel fuel, aviation fuel and furnace oil accounted for the highest reported volume. The former Metropolitan Toronto led the frequency and volume of spills, while Hamilton-Wentworth followed closely. Spills frequently occur on roads, at service stations and at electrical transformers, while the highest spill event volumes occur at bulk plants/terminals/depots and at refineries. The predominant causes of spills are related to leaks from containers, pipes and hoses, and cooling systems. However, the principal reasons for oil spills are human error and equipment failure. The transportation, public and petroleum sectors are responsible for 60% of the reported spill cases, while the petroleum sector alone accounts for nearly 50% of the reported spill volume. Given the significant volume of spilled oil, it is important that all levels of government and private industries increase their effort to promote pollution prevention such as preventive maintenance, improved employee training and/or retraining, and proper vigilant supervision. Additionally, control devices such as oil-water interceptors should be sized properly and implemented at strategic location across the Golden Horseshoe.

The two-echelon delivery structure is a strategy that can be implemented in urban areas to lower delivery costs by reducing the movement of heavy goods vehicles. In a two-echelon delivery structure, large trucks deliver shipments from a consolidation center to several terminals, where packages are transferred to smaller trucks for last-mile deliveries. This paper formulates a model that solves the two-echelon delivery structure by the use of approximation techniques. Several potential terminal locations and demand areas were identified, and the optimal number and locations of the terminals were examined, as the model evaluated the most cost-effective routes between the consolidation center, potential terminals, and demand areas. Downtown Toronto, Ontario, Canada, was chosen as the case study area to assess the model, and a cost analysis of the number and locations of the terminals was performed. The experiments showed that the number and the locations of the terminals were greatly influenced by the opening cost of the terminals and the transportation cost of the delivery trucks. It was also discovered that the likelihood of selection of terminals that were positioned near both the consolidation center and the center of the service area was higher than the likelihood of selection of terminals at any other location.

Urban transportation systems tend to operate most effectively when common expectations exist about all user travel behavior under various conditions. A wide range of behavior among cyclists presents a significant challenge to the achievement of safer and improved designs at intersections. In this research, cyclists were observed (i.e., through the use of video at fixed-camera locations) as they made left turns at six intersections in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. The intersections were classified into five types on the basis of their physical designs and operational characteristics. Cyclist behavior was assessed to determine the propensity to traverse the intersection legally, designated as “rule compliance.” Further, the analysis determined the likelihood that a cyclist would traverse an intersection in a path that was consistent with the design; this outcome was defined as “facility compliance.” The results revealed that the presence of bike boxes, two-phase lefts, and turning lanes with advanced green phases positively influenced cyclists by increasing the likelihood that left turns would be legal and consistent with the behavior intended through the design. The results also suggested that the highest rates of rule and facility compliance existed under the condition in which cyclists approached an intersection during a green signal. On the basis of the observations in the research, design recommendations were made to accommodate cyclists better and produce more consistent behavior and presumably to enhance safety.

The St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Project was a massive restructuring of the St. Lawrence River bordering Canada and the United States. The river had always been used for human transportation, and a shipping canal for commercial vehicles was constructed and enhanced throughout the nineteenth century. However, the river grew increasingly incapable of handling an international fleet composed of larger boats during the twentieth century. Proposals to undertake major renovations for shipping were debated at the highest levels of policy for several decades. Finally, the St. Lawrence River was substantially altered during the 1950s. These changes created a Seaway able to accommodate vessels with deeper drafts and permitted the development of hydro-electric generating facilities through the construction of dikes and dams. All of this activity involved numerous agencies in the governments of the United States, Canada, the Iroquois Confederacy, New York, Ontario, other states and provinces, as well as commercial and industrial entities in the private sector.

Abstract Introduction/Background The Canadian Paediatric Society (CPS) recently released the “Global climate change and health of Canadian Children” statement. As climate rapidly evolves from “change” to “crisis” there is an increasing pressure toward sustainable conferencing. Knowing the value of attending meetings, the growing body of literature evaluating travel-related carbon cost and convention sustainability can inform environmental harm minimization. Conferences can pressure venues to increase sustainability by choosing sites and venues wisely and communicating their requirements to rejected venues. They can also offer carbon offset purchase through credible companies (e.g. Gold Standard). Over the last 10 years the CPS has conducted its Annual General Meeting (AGM) at host cities that reflect Canada’s large geographic footprint. Venues included both hotel and standalone conference centers. There is no published evaluation of sustainable practices for CPS meetings. Objectives Evaluate the past 10 CPS Annual General Meetings (AGMs) for: Design/Methods Travel-related carbon cost was estimated with a round-trip calculator for economy seating the most direct available flights (https://co2.myclimate.org/en/offset_further_emissions). Cities of origin for attendee were the 11 CaRMS-matched pediatric residency training programs (https://www.carms.ca/match/psm/program-descriptions/). Venues were evaluated based on current publicly available self-reported information using conference sustainability criteria suggested through a literature review and public rating tools (Green Key, Quality Standards of the International Association of Convention Centres). Ground transportation from the airport was scored /3 by: public transport from airport (1), formal shared transport (1), fee deterrence for parking (1). Venue type was split by hotel-associated (H) and standalone convention centre (CC) meeting facilities. Sustainability of meeting facilities was divided into supports /2 (rentable supports, links to local vendors, catering and personnel) for exhibitors (1) and event planners (1), policies /3 by: sustainability, promotion of a green community (1), and waste management (1), and walkability from accommodation /1. Results The last 10 CPS AGMs were held in western (3; Vancouver 2010, Edmonton 2013, Vancouver 2017), eastern (1; Charlottetown 2016) and central (6; Quebec City 2011, London 2012, Montreal 2014, Toronto 2015, Quebec City 2018, Toronto 2019) provinces; in 2020 it is in Vancouver. Central Canada sites had the lowest air travel carbon cost per attendee. Average air travel-related carbon cost per attendee for different host cities ranged from 0.479 (London) to 0.919 (Vancouver) tonnes, with Ontario and Quebec sites averaging 0.518, Charlottetown 0.654 and Edmonton 0.756 tonnes. Ground transportation scores differed by city from Montreal (3/3 with public transit, formal transportation share and parking fees to dissuade driving) to London (0/3), with more favorable public transit options in larger cities. Venues differed when divided by hotel with meeting facilities (H) vs standalone conference center (CC), with CC outranking H for clearly posted sustainability plans (1.6 vs 1.2/2; 2=venue-specific, 1=company chain policy, 0=no plan), green and sustainable community building plans (1.6 vs 1.2/2; 2=greening local communities, 1=company chain policy, 0=no plan) and green waste management policies (1.2 vs 0/2; 2=venue-specific, 1=company chain policy, 0=no plan). Walkable accommodation was equal and present for all venues, with attached accommodation for all but one CC (Montreal), which had immediately adjacent hotels available. Conclusion As expected, the carbon cost of air transportation per attendee was lower in central provinces. Ground transportation from the airport was better in larger host cities. Standalone conference centres had more sustainable event support and locally focused policies regarding sustainability, environmentally friendly community building initiatives and waste management solutions, three major components of “greening” conferences. Based on the available resources across Canada, we recommend that the CPS considers these sustainability criteria in planning future events.

The author, Co-Chair, Urban Sustainability Task Force of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy, and Special Advisor to the Mayor of the City of Ottawa, is a former senior public servant and international consultant with extensive experience in public administration, policy formulation and program management relating to economic and regional growth, infrastructure development, social development as well as urban planning and conservation. With degrees in International Affairs from Carleton College in Minnesota and Political Science and Economics from Columbia University, he also holds Certificates in Russian Studies from Columbia University and in Military and Strategic Studies from the National Defense College in Kingston, Ontario. Mr Aquilina had a long career in the federal public service which included appointments to the Civil Service Commission, the Prime Minister's Office and the Privy Council Office. He served as Assistant-Deputy Minister in the Departments of Regional Economic Expansion, Secretary of State and Finance. He also occupied the positions of Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Board, General Manager of the National Capital Commission and Chair of the Task Force on Decentralization of Government Operations. As a consultant, he provided senior advice to the governmentof Lebanon on public service reform and headed a task force in Ethiopia on public finance reform. He was also a senior member of two missions from Canada to the governments of Benin and Haiti. The text that follows is an edited version of a paper presented at the international symposion on "The Natural City, " Toronto, 23-25 June, 2004, sponsored by the University of Toronto's Division of the Environment, Institute for Environmental Studies, and the World Society for Ekistics.

Although automated vehicles (AVs) are rapidly being developed, the public sector continues to learn what this technology could mean for transportation policy. As reducing auto-based commute distances is one common planning objective, understanding the conditions under which individuals may adopt AVs to commute further is important. To that end, this study uses data from a 2016 survey of residents in Southern Ontario, Canada, to estimate the characteristics and motivations of individuals indicating the most interest in commuting further using AVs. Comparing findings with existing research on commute lengths and AV adoption, this study identifies how AV adoption may shape long-distance commuting, focusing on commuters who already drive to work. Results suggest significant potential for longer commutes and that longer AV-based commutes are expected to be taken by younger, higher educated, and tech-savvy individuals who already travel by car for regular daily trips, and by older individuals residing in urban neighborhoods. Findings on longer commutes, gender, and domestic responsibilities suggest that longer commutes could reinforce existing disparities in commuting distances between men and women but may be valuable to individuals with occasional chauffeuring responsibilities—suggesting potential for broader impacts in household social roles. Those expected benefits from AVs anticipated to motivate longer commutes include multitasking, safety improvements, better reliability, improved parking, and reduced traffic—suggesting that should AV technologies deliver in these realms, select commuters may derive significant utility. Paradoxically, several of the benefits expected to deliver the most consumer value may be undermined should additional AVs increase traffic significantly.

Accessibility indicators are widely used in transportation, urban and healthcare planning, among many other applications. These measures are weighted sums of reachable opportunities from a given origin, conditional on the cost of movement, and are estimates of the potential for spatial interaction. Over time, various proposals have been forwarded to improve their interpretability: one of those methodological additions have been the introduction of competition. In this paper we focus on competition, but first demonstrate how a widely used measure of accessibility with congestion fails to properly match the opportunity-seeking population. We then propose an alternative formulation of accessibility with competition, a measure we call spatial availability. This measure relies on proportional allocation balancing factors (friction of distance and population competition) that are equivalent to imposing a single constraint on conventional gravity-based accessibility. In other words, the proportional allocation of opportunities results in a spatially available opportunities value which is assigned to each origin that, when all origin values are summed, equals the total number of opportunities in the region. We also demonstrate how Two-Stage Floating Catchment Area (2SFCA) methods are equivalent to spatial availability and can be reconceptualized as singly-constrained accessibility. To illustrate the application of spatial availability and compare it to other relevant measures, we use data from the 2016 Transportation Tomorrow Survey of the Greater Golden Horseshoe area in southern Ontario, Canada. Spatial availability is an important contribution since it clarifies the interpretation of accessibility with competition and paves the way for future applications in equity analysis (e.g., spatial mismatch, opportunity benchmarking, policy intervention scenario analysis).

Introduction: Despite the visibility of the homeless population, there is limited data on the information of this patient population. Point-in-time counts and survey data from selected samples (such as those admitted to emergency shelter) have primarily been used. This literature suggests that this hard-to-reach population has high rates of presentation at emergency departments (EDs), and as such, EDs often become their main point of contact for health and social services. Leveraging this fact and administrative data we construct a crude census of homeless persons within Ontario. We further examine demographic characteristics of patients experiencing homelessness, and compare this data to findings from previous literature. Methods: All routinely collected administrative health data from EDs located within Ontario, Canada from 2010-2017 were analyzed to examine patient characteristics. Individuals experiencing homelessness were identified by a marker that was adopted in 2009 replacing their recorded postal code with an XX designation. s. Aggregating by LHIN, date and week of year, we examine the overall number of patients experiencing homelessness and number by LHIN location and seasonality. Demographic outcomes examined include age and sex. Results: 640,897 visits to the ED over 7 years were made by 39,525 unique individuals experiencing homelessness. Number of ED visits has steadily increased over 10 years in all of Ontario, despite decline in shelter use for individuals. Presentations were concentrated in large urban centres like Toronto, Ottawa and Hamilton. Fewer presentations occur in the spring and summer months and rise in the winter. Male patients presented older and in greater numbers than female patients. The modal female age of presentation is in the 20-24 age category. The modal male age of presentation is in the 25-29 age category. Older male patients were more likely to have multiple presentations. Conclusion: The utilization of administrative health data offers a novel, cost-effective method to measure demographic characteristics of people experiencing homelessness. Identifying characteristics of homeless patients through this method allows for a more complete understanding of the characteristics of a hard-to-reach population, which will allow policy makers to develop appropriate services for this sub-group. Furthermore, through analysis of trends of demographics over time, changes in the homeless population can be tracked in real-time to allow for coordination and implementation of services in a time-sensitive manner.

The article attempts to present dilemmas related to shaping metropolitan policy in Canada, and then relate them to problems occurring in Poland. It is a part of the debate on seeking the right governance configurations and discourses in response to the communities’ needs. Particular attention is paid to the characteristics of the scales of governance and socio-spatial relations in the Toronto metropolitan area. The article has been divided into four main parts. Part one outlines the theoretical framework and the context of the conducted analyses. Part two describes the structures and processes of regional and metropolitan governance in Southern Ontario, with the earlier reference to the institutional conditions and directions of reforms characteristic of the whole of Canada. Part three of the study concerns the governance arrangements that may constitute important reference points for the scientific and political discourse taking place in Poland. Part four is an attempt to capture the similarities and universal premises that have a decisive influence on the processes of forming metropolitan structures and policies, both in Canada and in Poland. The assumption was made that, despite different historical and socio-cultural conditions, comparing Canadian and Polish experiences is justified, necessary and possible. Firstly, due to the reason that socio-spatial relations in various territorial systems are subject to the same development processes and the accompanying processes of transformation and adaptation. Secondly, residents (members of local, metropolitan, regional, national and supranational communities) have similar needs and expect a high quality of life. Decision-makers and actors of political scenes in different geographical spaces have (or may have) the same technologies, ways of information processing, access to knowledge and knowledge of socio-economic processes. They also face challenges related to the inclusion of citizens in decision-making processes. The analysis of metropolitan processes in both countries emphasizes the differences resulting from various historical and economic contexts of development and also makes it possible to identify universal mechanisms and regularities independent of these contexts. The practice of metropolitan policy proves that the process of re-territorialization of power structures and governance is shaped as a resultant of the impact of forces and interests at all levels of territorial authorities: central, regional and local. Based on the analysis of the processes of the formation of metropolitan structures in Canada and Poland, it can be stated that the rank and position of regional authorities play a key role in it. In Canada, strong regional authorities initiate actions for the shaping of metropolitan structures and formulate the scope of their competence and organization. The importance of central authorities for the dynamics of metropolitan processes is secondary in this case. The weakness of regional authorities in Poland leads to the inability to give metropolitan processes the dynamics of development and the legislative rank adequate for the role played by urban regions in the socio-economic development of the country. As evidenced by the example of Toronto, the evolution of the governance system in practice initiates the process of self-learning the system which goes from one to another phase of development, improving the quality of its operation. In Poland, however, the process of creation of governance structures adequate for realistically existing functional metropolitan areas has been stopped, notably, due to the unfavourable political decisions at the central level.

Introduction Despite the accumulating Canadian evidence regarding the relations between urban form and health behaviours, less is known about the associations between urban form and health conditions. Our study aim was to undertake a scoping review to synthesize evidence from quantitative studies that have investigated the relationship between built environment and chronic health conditions, self-reported health and qual¬ity of life, and injuries in the Canadian adult population. Methods From January to March 2017, we searched 13 databases to identify peer-reviewed quantitative studies from all years that estimated associations between the objectively-measured built environment and health conditions in Canadian adults. Studies under¬taken within urban settings only were included. Relevant studies were catalogued and synthesized in relation to their reported study and sample design, and health outcome and built environment features. Results Fifty-five articles met the inclusion criteria, 52 of which were published after 2008. Most single province studies were undertaken in Ontario (n = 22), Quebec (n = 12), and Alberta (n = 7). Associations between the built environment features and 11 broad health outcomes emerged from the review, including injury (n = 19), weight status (n = 19), cardiovascular disease (n = 5), depression/anxiety (n = 5), diabetes (n = 5), mortality (n = 4), self-rated health (n = 2), chronic conditions (n = 2), metabolic condi¬tions (n = 2), quality of life (n = 1), and cancer (n = 1). Consistent evidence for asso¬ciations between aggregate built environment indicators (e.g., walkability) and diabetes and weight and between connectivity and route features (e.g., transportation route, trails, pathways, sidewalks, street pattern, intersections, route characteristics) and injury were found. Evidence for greenspace, parks and recreation features impacting multiple health outcomes was also found. Conclusion Within the Canadian context, the built environment is associated with a range of chronic health conditions and injury in adults, but the evidence to date has limi¬tations. More research on the built environment and health incorporating rigorous study designs are needed to provide stronger causal evidence to inform policy and practice.

The research finds evidence in support of and wide recognition of the practical value of management system standards (MSS) by assisting municipalities in meeting their human health protection, environmental objectives, addressing environmental and property damage risks, and providing an additional mechanism of public accountability and transparency. Semi-structured interviews were applied to assess perceptions with practitioners and environmental non-governmental organizations on whether a similar approach to the legally required drinking water quality management standard (DWQMS) could be applied for the municipal wastewater and stormwater sectors. Twelve Ontario municipalities have adopted or are in the process of adopting an ISO 14001 environmental management system (EMS) standard for their wastewater and/or stormwater systems, which represents 66% of Ontario’s population. With the large urban centres (e.g., Toronto, York Region, Durham Region, Halton Region and Peel Region) adopting the standard, this is likely to influence small to medium-sized cities to follow a similar approach. Although, resources might be a factor preventing the cohort of smaller utilities voluntarily taking this path. Regulations governing Ontario’s municipal drinking water, wastewater and stormwater utilities were compared via gap analysis. Gaps on management of the system, performance monitoring, auditing and having minimum design criteria left the municipal wastewater and stormwater sectors behind in comparison with recently updated (2004–2008) regulatory framework for the drinking water sector. Based on the identification and review of significant gaps in wastewater and stormwater regulation (compared with the drinking water sector), environmental MSS should be incorporated to strengthen the regulatory framework of these sectors. These phenomena also depict a form of sustainable governance with the use of MSS, which are initiated, developed and regulated by non-state actors, recognizing the value of non-state rule instruments in the water, wastewater and stormwater sectors.

Objectives: Bicycling is a form of active transportation with a number of health benefits but carries a high risk of injury compared to other transportation modes. Safety intervention evaluations often produce results in the form of ratios, which can be difficult to communicate to policy-makers. The primary objective of this study was to estimate the number of bicycling injuries on an urban corridor preventable by separated bicycling infrastructure. Methods: Stakeholders identified a key corridor with multiple segments having bicycling infrastructure but most of the corridor lacking similar infrastructure. We counted bicyclist volume along this route and used secondary data to supplement counts missing due to COVID-19. We used two reference studies including local bicycling population to estimate benefit of separated bicycling infrastructure and applied this to a city-wide estimate of baseline risk of injury per kilometre bicycled, which used a combination of secondary data sources including police, health care and travel survey data. Finally, we adjusted baseline risk to account for increased bicyclist volume during and following the COVID-19 pandemic. Results: We estimated installation of fully separated cycle tracks along one Toronto corridor would prevent approximately 152.9 injuries and 0.9 fatalities over a 10-year period. Discussion: Our results underscore the benefits of separated bicycling infrastructure. We identify several caveats for our results, including the limitations of studies used to estimate relative risk of infrastructure. Our method could be adapted for use in other cities or along other corridors. Finally, we discuss the role of preventable burden estimates as a knowledge translation tool.

Abstract In recent months, more studies are emerging regarding how various nations and regions fared during the initial two years of the COVID-19 pandemic. Canada is cited as an example of a country that had performed reasonably well versus other countries with comparable infrastructures and health care systems (Razek et al., 2022). The reason is largely attributed to a combination of several public health measures coupled with widespread vaccination uptake, as a result of a country-wide vaccination campaign. This paper is based on a keynote talk given at the Autumn 2021 CJRES Annual Conference, by Dr. Isaac I. Bogoch. Dr Bogoch is an Associate Professor in the Department of Medicine at the University of Toronto, and an Infectious Diseases Consultant in the Division of Infectious Diseases at the Toronto General Hospital. Dr. Bogoch was a member of Ontario’s Vaccine Distribution Taskforce, which helped guide vaccine policy during the initial rollout of COVID-19 vaccines between December 2020 through August 2021. Dr. Bogoch explains the unique vaccine policy in the Province of Ontario and in particular the social innovation around prioritising the most vulnerable and disadvantaged neighbourhoods first, thus leading to an important intra-regional social policy view of vaccine efforts on the path beyond the ‘emergency phase’ of the COVID-19 pandemic. What is clearly obvious from his presentation is the heightened role of urban geography tools and techniques and intra-regional policy in vaccine equity efforts. Policy lessons learned in Ontario may help us sort out future urban, social, economic, epidemiologic and public health challenges and their sometimes-complex intersections in regions, economy and society. The following is an edited transcript from Dr. Bogoch’s talk.

ObjectiveIn response to the COVID-19 pandemic, Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre launched the first virtual emergency department (VED) in Toronto, Ontario. The objective of this pilot project was to leverage linked administrative data to describe the healthcare utilization of VED patients compared to matched patients who attended an ED in person. ApproachEvaluation of the VED program was supported by the ICES Applied Health Research Question Program, which is funded by the Ontario Ministry of Health to answer questions directly related to Ontario healthcare policy, planning, or practice. VED visit records from December 2020 to May 2021 were linked with Ontario administrative data. VED patients with low acuity complaints were matched 1:1 with in-person ED comparators according to visit date, presenting complaint, and a propensity score that incorporated age, sex, comorbidities, and other important potential confounders. The primary outcomes were healthcare utilization within 7 days and all-cause mortality within 30 days. ResultsOf the 609 eligible patients discharged from the VED, 600 (98.5%) were successfully matched to a comparator. Mean (SD) age was 43.0 (21.1) and 64.1% were female. In-person ED revisits and hospitalizations were similar for VED and comparator patients at 72 hours (ED: 12.1% vs. 11.3%; Δ 0.8%, 95%: -2.8, 4.5%; hospitalization: 1.2% vs. 1.5%; Δ 0.3%, 95%: -0.7, 1.4%,) and 7 days (ED: 16.1% vs. 14.4%; Δ 1.7, 95%: -2.4, 5.7%; hospitalization: 1.7% vs. 1.8%; Δ 0.2%, 95%: -0.1, 1.4%) following the index visit. The number of patients visiting a primary care provider within 7 days was also similar between groups (36.7% vs. 32.4%; Δ 4.3, 95%: -1.1, 9.8%). No patients died within 30 days. Conclusion/ImplicationsVED patients and their matched comparators had similar healthcare utilization in the 7 days following their index ED visit. Methodology from this study will inform a province-wide evaluation of VED programs across Ontario.

PurposeToronto's heritage program is reporting year over year growth in both the number of listed and designated properties and the amount of money secured for heritage projects. At the same time, it is widely recognized that heritage trade skills are in decline. The purpose of this research is to examine Toronto's heritage policy in its regulatory and economic context to understand why heritage trades are struggling while the heritage program and the market for heritage professional services flourish and to suggest solutions based on existing policy tools.Design/methodology/approachThis research looks at the policy documents at the federal, provincial and municipal level that determine the minimum standard for heritage conservation in Toronto. It refers to secondary research on the economic context for these regulations to understand how they are applied and why they tend to produce certain outcomes. It introduces the regulatory context set by Canada's Standards and Guidelines for the Conservation of Historic Places and the Ontario Heritage Act. It goes on to analyse Toronto's local policy in more detail including density bonusing programs, the Toronto Official Plan and Heritage Conservation District planning standards.FindingsToronto's heritage policy creates asymmetrical opportunities for heritage professionals and heritage specializing tradespeople. While the work that heritage professionals do is required or strongly encouraged by policy and increases reliably with the amount of funding secured for heritage projects, heritage tradespeople do not enjoy similar advantages. Their work is not required in the same way as heritage professionals' or encouraged to the same degree, and money secured for heritage projects does not necessarily go towards work that would engage the building trades necessary to maintain heritage structures.Originality/valueThe value of job creation in heritage trades is a mainstay of heritage economic advocacy, and there is growing interest in the value of these trades skills as a resource for sustainable building practices. There is relatively little research considering how heritage policy and theory affect career opportunities for workers with these trades skills, and none that addresses those systemic pressures in the context of municipal heritage programs in Canada.

This study provides a unique long-term investigation of regional travel demand that addresses several gaps in the existing longitudinal literature. Firstly, it investigates the development of travel demand in terms of both vehicle kilometres travelled (VKT) and passenger kilometres travelled (PKT), based on actual demand, congestion and equilibrium distances, using road and multi-modal transit networks in the Greater Toronto-Hamilton Area (GTHA). Secondly, it identifies influential travel demand determinants after testing an extensive set of variables including longitudinal gravity-based transport accessibility measures. Thirdly, it investigates to what extent the determinants’ influence changes over time and various locations within the study area, providing new insights into the temporal and intra-regional variations of travel demand and its determinants. The findings show that VKT and PKT have grown in absolute and per trip terms, mainly due to substantial population growth, especially in the suburban areas. Whilst average potential travel times by transit have decreased, they are substantially longer than auto travel times. Furthermore, travel demand determinants vary significantly across space by degrees of urbanity, especially for VKT. The findings call for area- and population segment-specific land use and transportation policies across the GTHA.

IntroductionThe impact of the built environment on health and chronic disease outcomes is increasingly being recognized. As Public Health develops interventions to transform the health-promoting potential of built environments, effective monitoring and evaluation will require the creation and baseline measurement of key health-promoting urban elements. Objectives and ApproachThe Healthy Development Monitoring Project aims to assess health-promoting aspects of the existing built environment across the Region of Peel, a large region of 1.382 million people in Southern Ontario comprised of three local municipalities (the Cities of Mississauga, Brampton and Town of Caledon). Project objectives include: Produce evidence-informed indicators to measure health-promoting built form elements at a neighbourhood-scale across the region Produce a GIS-based visualization that incorporates these indicators into a single model to measure their combined impact on the built form Reproduce these indicators over time to monitor for changes in Peel’s built form ResultsThe resulting Healthy Development Monitoring Map (HDMM) is an interactive online mapping tool that includes twenty built form indicators characterizing the region’s built environment, including: density, service proximity, land use mix, street connectivity, streetscape characteristics and efficient parking. These indicators were created through extensive cross-sectoral collaboration with regional and municipal staff in land-use and policy planning, transportation, internal data centers and academic institutions. This collaborative approach enabled the linking of data sets from land-use planning, urban design and transportation to allow the health-promoting potential of existing built environment conditions to be objectively described. The HDMM demonstrates considerable progress in producing precise, neighbourhood-level built environment indicators at a regional scale by integrating census and local data into a comprehensive set of empirically-derived measures. Conclusion/ImplicationsThe HDMM is a novel approach to quantifying a social determinant of health through collaborative data acquisition and analysis. The HDMM benefits public health, planning and non-governmental decision-makers by creating a holistic presentation of key infrastructure and design elements that contribute to healthier urban environments.

This paper describes and visualises the data contained within the {TTS2016R} data package created in R, the statistical computing and graphics language. {TTS2016R} contains home-to-work commute information for the Greater Golden Horseshoe area in Canada retrieved from the 2016 Transportation Tomorrow Survey (TTS). Included are all Traffic Analysis Zones (TAZ), the number of people who are employed full-time per TAZ, the number of jobs per TAZ, the count of origin destination (OD) pairs and trips by mode per origin TAZ, calculated car travel time from TAZ OD centroid pairs and associated spatial boundaries to link TAZ to the Canadian Census. To illustrate how this information can be analysed to understand patterns in commuting, we estimate a distance-decay curve (i.e. impedance function) for the region. {TTS2016R} is a growing open data product built on R infrastructure that allows for the immediate access of home-to-work commuting data alongside complimentary objects from different sources. The package will continue expanding with additions by the authors and the community at-large by requests in the future. {TTS2016R} can be freely explored and downloaded in the associated Github repository where the documentation and code involved in data creation, manipulation and all open data products are detailed.

Shared mobility has an important role in supporting existing transportation options in cities. However, when not deployed carefully, shared services may have operational inefficiencies such as low occupancies and increased deadheading. One reason is the spatio-temporal variance in the distribution of urban trip demand, which may lead to an unbalanced fleet displaced in cities thus unable to serve requested trips. Strategically siting holding areas (depots for dispatching and relocating fleets) could help improve fleet performance. Therefore, this paper considers shared autonomous vehicle (SAV) fleet operations by modeling the impacts of different holding area policies on service performance. Modeling and comparing multiple holding area policies for tactically deploying SAVs is novel, and the insights from this paper can inform service providers on how to site holding areas for improved performance. We develop a model of SAV fleet with pooling in the City of Toronto, with 27,951 total SAV trip requests across a 16-h period. We then integrate four holding area policies estimated using different spatial clustering methods, centralized positioning, and existing taxi stands. Findings indicate that using agglomerative clustering results in superior SAV fleet performances (average passenger waiting times reduced by about 20% compared with the worst performing policy), with increased served demand and reduced deadheading. A single holding area at a high trip density location yields efficient service performance at lower fleets but struggles to serve sparse demand (producing worst results); this method may suffice for operating SAV services within a small geofence with high trip densities.

The concept of the “writer flâneur”, as developed by Walter Benjamin, sought to make sense of the seemingly chaotic nineteenth century city. While the flâneur provided a way for new urban structures to be ordered, it was also a transgressive act that involved engaging with urban spaces in new ways. In the contemporary city, where spaces are now heavily controlled and ordered, some members of the city’s socio-ecological community suffer as a result of idealistic notions of who and what belongs in the city, and how we must behave as urban citizens. Many of these ideals emerge from nineteenth century conceptions of the city in contrast to the country (Williams). However, a reimagining of the flâneur can allow for new transgressions of urban space and result in new literary imaginaries that capture the complexity of urban environments, question some of the more damaging processes and systems, offer new ways of connecting with the city, and propose alternative ways of living with the non-human in such places. With reference to the work of Debra Benita Shaw, Rob Shields and Donna Haraway, I will examine how the urban walking figure might be reimagined as cyborg, complicating boundaries between the real and imagined, the organic and inorganic, and between the human and non-human (Haraway Cyborgs). I will argue that the cyborg flâneur allows for new ways of writing and reading the urban and can work to reimagine the city as posthuman multispecies community. As one example of cyborg flânerie, I look to the app Story City to show how a writer can develop new environmental imaginaries in situ as an act of resistance against the anthropocentric ordering of the city. This article intends to begin a conversation about the ethical, political and epistemological potential of cyborg flânerie and leads to several questions which will require further research.Shaping the City: Environmental ImaginariesIn a sense, the flâneur is the product of a utopian imaginary of the city. According to Shields, Walter Benjamin used the flâneur as a literary device to make sense of the changing modern city of Paris: The flâneur is a hero who excels under the stress of coming to terms with a changing ‘social spatialisation’ of everyday social and economic relations which in the nineteenth century increasingly extended the world of the average person further and further to include rival mass tourism destinations linked by railroad, news of other European powers and distant colonies. This expanding spatialization took the form of economic realities such as changing labour markets and commodity prices and social encounters with strangers and foreigners which impinged on the life world of Europeans. (Fancy Footwork 67)Through his writing, these new spaces and inhabitants were made familiar again to those that lived there. In consequence, the flâneur was seen as a heroic figure who approached the city like a wilderness to be studied and tamed:Even to early 20th-century sociologists the flâneur was a heroic everyman—masculine, controlled and as in tune with his environment as James Fenimore Cooper’s Mohican braves were in their native forests. Anticipating the hardboiled hero of the detective novel, the flâneur pursued clues to the truth of the metropolis, attempting to think through its historical specificity, to inhabit it, even as the truth of empire and commodity capitalism was hidden from him. (Shields Flanerie 210)In this way, the flâneur was a stabilising force, categorising and therefore ordering the city. However, flânerie was also a transgressive act as the walker engaged in eccentric and idle wandering against the usual purposeful walking practices of the time (Coates). Drawing on this aspect, flânerie has increasingly been employed in the humanities and social sciences as a practice of resistance as Jamie Coates has shown. This makes the flâneur, albeit in a refigured form, a useful tool for transgressing strict socio-ecological conventions that affect the contemporary city.Marginalised groups are usually the most impacted by the strict control and ordering of contemporary urban spaces in response to utopian imaginaries of who and what belong. Marginalised people are discouraged and excluded from living in particular areas of the city through urban policy and commercial practices (Shaw 7). Likewise, certain non-human others, like birds, are allowed to inhabit our cities while those that don’t fit ideal urban imaginaries, like bats or snakes, are controlled, excluded or killed (Low). Defensive architecture, CCTV, and audio deterrents are often employed in cities to control public spaces. In London, the spiked corridor of a shop entrance designed to keep homeless people from sleeping there (Andreou; Borromeo) mirrors the spiked ledges that keep pigeons from resting on buildings (observed 2012/2014). On the Gold Coast youths are deterred from loitering in public spaces with classical music (observed 2013–17), while in Brisbane predatory bird calls are played near outdoor restaurants to discourage ibis from pestering customers (Hinchliffe and Begley). In contrast, bright lights, calming music and inviting scents are used to welcome orderly consumers into shopping centres while certain kinds of plants are cultivated in urban parks and gardens to attract acceptable wildlife like butterflies and lorikeets (Wilson; Low). These ways of managing public spaces are built on utopian conceptions of the city as a “civilising” force—a place of order, consumption and safety.As environmental concerns become more urgent, it is important to re-examine these conceptions of urban environments and the assemblage of environmental imaginaries that interact and continue to shape understandings of and attitudes towards human and non-human nature. The network of goods, people and natural entities that feed into and support the city mean that imaginaries shaped in urban areas influence both urban and surrounding peoples and ecologies (Braun). Local ecologies also become threatened as urban structures and processes continue to encompass more of the world’s populations and locales, often displacing and damaging entangled natural/cultural entities in the process. Furthermore, conceptions and attitudes shaped in the city often feed into global systems and as such can have far reaching implications for the way local ecologies are governed, built, and managed. There has already been much research, including work by Lawrence Buell and Ursula Heise, on the contribution that art and literature can make to the development of environmental imaginaries, whether intentional or unintentional, and resulting in both positive and negative associations with urban inhabitants (Yusoff and Gabrys; Buell; Heise). Imaginaries might be understood as social constructs through which we make sense of the world and through which we determine cultural and personal values, attitudes and beliefs. According to Neimanis et al., environmental imaginaries help us to make sense of the way physical environments shape “one’s sense of social belonging” as well as how we “formulate—and enact—our values and attitudes towards ‘nature’” (5). These environmental imaginaries underlie urban structures and work to determine which aspects of the city are valued, who is welcomed into the city, and who is excluded from participation in urban systems and processes. The development of new narrative imaginaries can question some of the underlying assumptions about who or what belongs in the city and how we might settle conflicts in ecologically diverse communities. The reimagined flâneur then might be employed to transgress traditional notions of belonging in the city and replace this with a sense of “becoming” in relation with the myriad of others inhabiting the city (Haraway The Trouble). Like the Benjaminian flâneur, the postmodern version enacts a similar transgressive walking practice. However, the postmodern flâneur serves to resist dominant narratives, with a “greater focus on the tactile and grounded qualities of walking” than the traditional flâneur—and, as opposed to the lone detached wanderer, postmodern flâneur engage in a network of social relationships and may even wander in groups (Coates 32). By employing the notion of the postmodern flâneur, writers might find ways to address problematic urban imaginaries and question dominant narratives about who should and should not inhabit the city. Building on this and in reference to Haraway (Cyborgs), the notion of a cyborg flâneur might take this resistance one step further, not only seeking to counter the dominant social narratives that control urban spaces but also resisting anthropocentric notions of the city. Where the traditional flâneur walked a pet tortoise on a leash, the cyborg flâneur walks with a companion species (Shields Fancy Footwork; Haraway Companion Species). The distinction is subtle. The traditional flâneur walks a pet, an object of display that showcases the eccentric status of the owner. The cyborg flâneur walks in mutual enjoyment with a companion (perhaps a domestic companion, perhaps not); their path negotiated together, tracked, and mapped via GPS. The two acts may at first appear the same, but the difference is in the relationship between the human, non-human, and the multi-modal spaces they occupy. As Coates argues, not everyone who walks is a flâneur and similarly, not everyone who engages in relational walking is a cyborg flâneur. Rather a cyborg flâneur enacts a deliberate practice of walking in relation with naturecultures to transgress boundaries between human and non-human, cultural and natural, and the virtual, material and imagined spaces that make up a place.The Posthuman City: Cyborgs, Hybrids, and EntanglementsIn developing new environmental imaginaries, posthuman conceptions of the city can be drawn upon to readdress urban space as complex, questioning utopian notions of the city particularly as they relate to the exclusion of certain others, and allowing for diverse socio-ecological communities. The posthuman city might be understood in opposition to anthropocentric notions where the non-human is seen as something separate to culture and in need of management and control within the human sphere of the city. Instead, the posthuman city is a complex entanglement of hybrid non-human, cultural and technological entities (Braun; Haraway Companion Species). The flâneur who experiences the city through a posthuman lens acknowledges the human as already embodied and embedded in the non-human world. Key to re-imagining the city is recognising the myriad ways in which non-human nature also acts upon us and influences decisions on how we live in cities (Schliephake 140). This constitutes a “becoming-with each other”, in Haraway’s terms, which recognises the interdependency of urban inhabitants (The Trouble 3). In re-considering the city as a negotiated process between nature and culture rather than a colonisation of nature by culture, the agency of non-humans to contribute to the construction of cities and indeed environmental imaginaries must be acknowledged. Living in the posthuman city requires us humans to engage with the city on multiple levels as we navigate the virtual, corporeal, and imagined spaces that make up the contemporary urban experience. The virtual city is made up of narratives projected through media productions such as tourism campaigns, informational plaques, site markers, and images on Google map locations, all of which privilege certain understandings of the city. Virtual narratives serve to define the city through a network of historical and spatially determined locales. Closely bound up with the virtual is the imagined city that draws on urban ideals, potential developments, mythical or alternative versions of particular cities as well as literary interpretations of cities. These narratives are overlaid on the places that we engage with in our everyday lived experiences. Embodied encounters with the city serve to reinforce or counteract certain virtual and imagined versions while imagined and virtual narratives enhance locales by placing current experience within a temporal narrative that extends into the past as well as the future. Walking the City: The Cyber/Cyborg FlâneurThe notion of the cyber flâneur emerged in the twenty-first century from the practices of idly surfing the Internet, which in many ways has become an extension of the cityscape. In the contemporary world where we exist in both physical and digital spaces, the cyber flâneur (and indeed its cousin the virtual flâneur) have been employed to make sense of new digital sites of connection, voyeurism, and consumption. Metaphors that evoke the city have often been used to describe the experience of the digital including “chat rooms”, “cyber space”, and “home pages” while new notions of digital tourism, the rise of online shopping, and meeting apps have become substitutes for engaging with the physical sites of cities such as shopping malls, pubs, and attractions. The flâneur and cyberflâneur have helped to make sense of the complexities and chaos of urban life so that it might become more palatable to the inhabitants, reducing anxieties about safety and disorder. However, as with the concept of the flâneur, implicit in the cyberflâneur is a reinforcement of traditional urban hierarchies and social structures. This categorising has also worked to solidify notions of who belongs and who does not. Therefore, as Debra Benita Shaw argues, the cyberflâneur is not able to represent the complexities of “how we inhabit and experience the hybrid spaces of contemporary cities” (3). Here, Shaw suggests that Haraway’s cyborg might be used to interrupt settled boundaries and to reimagine the urban walking figure. In both Shaw and Shields (Flanerie), the cyborg is invoked as a solution to the problematic figure of the flâneur. While Shaw presents these figures in opposition and proposes that the flâneur be laid to rest as the cyborg takes its place, I argue that the idea of the flâneur may still have some use, particularly when applied to new multi-modal narratives. As Shields demonstrates, the cyborg operates in the virtual space of simulation rather than at the material level (217). Instead of setting up an opposition between the cyborg and flâneur, these figures might be merged to bring the cyborg into being through the material practice of flânerie, while refiguring the flâneur as posthuman. The traditional flâneur sought to define space, but the cyborg flâneur might be seen to perform space in relation to an entangled natural/cultural community. By drawing on this notion of the cyborg, it becomes possible to circumvent some of the traditional associations with the urban walking figure and imagine a new kind of flâneur, one that walks the streets as an act to complicate rather than compartmentalise urban space. As we emerge into a post-truth world where facts and fictions blur, creative practitioners can find opportunities to forge new ways of knowing, and new ways of connecting with the city through the cyborg flâneur. The development of new literary imaginaries can reconstruct natural/cultural relationships and propose alternative ways of living in a posthuman and multispecies community. The rise of smart-phone apps like Story City provides cyborg flâneurs with the ability to create digital narratives overlaid on real places and has the potential to encourage real connections with urban environments. While these apps are by no means the only activity that a cyborg flâneur might participate in, they offer the writer a platform to engage audiences in a purposeful and transgressive practice of cyborg flânerie. Such narratives produced through cyborg flânerie would conflate virtual, corporeal, and imagined experiences of the city and allow for new environmental imaginaries to be created in situ. The “readers” of these narratives can also become cyborg flâneurs as the traditional urban wanderer is combined with the virtual and imagined space of the contemporary city. As opposed to wandering the virtual city online, readers are encouraged to physically walk the city and engage with the narrative in situ. For example, in one narrative, readers are directed to walk a trail along the Brisbane river or through the CBD to chase a sea monster (Wilkins and Diskett). The reader can choose different pre-set paths which influence the outcome of each story and embed the story in a physical location. In this way, the narrative is layered onto the real streets and spaces of the cityscape. As the reader is directed to walk particular routes through the city, the narratives which unfold are also partly constructed by the natural/cultural entities which make up those locales establishing a narrative practice which engages with the urban on a posthuman level. The murky water of the Brisbane River could easily conceal monsters. Occasional sightings of crocodiles (Hall), fish that leap from the water, and shadows cast by rippling waves as the City Cat moves across the surface impact the experience of the story (observed 2016–2017). Potential exists to capitalise on this narrative form and develop new environmental imaginaries that pay attention to the city as a posthuman place. For example, a narrative might direct the reader’s attention to the networks of water that hydrate people and animals, allow transportation, and remove wastes from the city. People may also be directed to explore their senses within place, be encouraged to participate in sensory gardens, or respond to features of the city in new ways. The cyborg flâneur might be employed in much the same way as the flâneur, to help the “reader” make sense of the posthuman city, where boundaries are shifted, and increasing rates of social and ecological change are transforming contemporary urban sites and structures. Shields asks whether the cyborg might also act as “a stabilising figure amidst the collapse of dualisms, polluted categories, transgressive hybrids, and unstable fluidity” (Flanerie 211). As opposed to the traditional flâneur however, this “stabilising” figure doesn’t sort urban inhabitants into discrete categories but maps the many relations between organisms and technologies, fictions and realities, and the human and non-human. The cyborg flâneur allows for other kinds of “reading” of the city to take place—including those by women, families, and non-Western inhabitants. As opposed to the nineteenth century reader-flâneur, those who read the city through the Story City app are also participants in the making of the story, co-constructing the narrative along with the author and locale. I would argue this participation is a key feature of the cyborg flâneur narrative along with the transience of the narratives which may alter and eventually expire as urban structures and environments change. Not all those who engage with these narratives will necessarily enact a posthuman understanding and not all writers of these narratives will do so as cyborg flâneurs. Nevertheless, platforms such as Story City provide writers with an opportunity to engage participants to question dominant narratives of the city and to reimagine themselves within a multispecies community. In addition, by bringing readers into contact with the human and non-human entities that make up the city, there is potential for real relationships to be established. Through new digital platforms such as apps, writers can develop new environmental imaginaries that question urban ideals including conceptions about who belongs in the city and who does not. The notion of the cyborg is a useful concept through which to reimagine the city as a negotiated process between nature and culture, and to reimagine the flâneur as performer who becomes part of the posthuman city as they walk the streets. This article provides one example of cyborg flânerie in smart-phone apps like Story City that allow writers to construct new urban imaginaries, bring the virtual and imagined city into the physical spaces of the urban environment, and can act to re-place the reader in diverse socio-ecological communities. The reader then becomes both product and constructer of urban space, a cyborg flâneur in the cyborg city. This conversation raises further questions about the cyborg flâneur, including: how might cyborg flânerie be enacted in other spaces (rural, virtual, more-than-human)? What other platforms and narrative forms might cyborg flâneurs use to share their posthuman narratives? How might cyborg flânerie operate in other cities, other cultures and when adopted by marginalised groups? In answering these questions, the potential and limitations of the cyborg flâneur might be refined. 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Photo by Robina Weermeijer on Unsplash INTRODUCTION Geographic inequities in access to donor lungs have persisted since the first successful lung transplant in 1983.[1] With unanswered questions regarding organ preservation and transport in the early days of transplantation, the United Network of Organ Sharing (UNOS) understandably incorporated geography in the allocation algorithm. Today, geography is still the most influential criterion in the lung allocation algorithm.[2] As a result, patients in urban centers often receive transplants before patients in less-resourced rural areas. Ex vivo machine perfusion can significantly improve lung procurement and transport, offering longer preservation times before, after, or during transportation. Out-of-hospital perfusion centers, a recent addition to the healthcare field, may increase both the number of lungs available and potentially the distance they can travel. Before the adoption of machine perfusion becomes commonplace, UNOS should direct how to integrate machine perfusion into procurement networks best and shed the antiquated geographical confines that govern allocation today and compromise the ethical standards on which the field was founded. ANALYSIS l. The Past: A History of Geographic Disparities in Lung Transplantation Since the founding of UNOS in 1986, patient geography has been the first filter for all lung procurements. In the early days of the field, implementing these so-called donor service areas, while arbitrarily formed, made sense given the unknowns pertaining to lung preservation and transportation. For almost two decades, donor service areas and time on the waitlist governed lung allocation. In 1998, after physician protest and advocacy, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) delivered the Final Rule on Organ Transplantation to create a more equitable organ allocation system. Even then, it was not until 2005 that UNOS developed the lung allocation score, a quantitative metric that considered predicted waitlist survival and transplant benefit. The implementation of the lung allocation score in the U.S. and abroad by Eurotransplant was a success by multiple standards, most importantly reducing waitlist mortality to record lows.[3] However, a glaring problem remained: the donor service area criterion remained, and arbitrary geographical boundaries continued to govern the distribution of all procured lungs. Despite the improvements in waitlist mortality, regions with low rates of lung donation, primarily rural areas, have suffered disproportionately. Areas in the lowest quartile of lung availability had an 84 percent increased risk of waitlist death and a 57 percent lower transplantation rate than the top quartile.[4] In fact, simply moving to an adjacent donor service area a few miles away might double a patient’s chances of receiving a lung transplant, significantly more than that patient being bumped into a higher lung allocation score bracket.[5] That is, driving across an arbitrary border might increase one’s chances of receiving a new set of lungs. Unsurprisingly, analysis of data over the last decade shows that donor service areas are independently associated with disparities in access to lung transplants significantly more than any other factor, including gender, ethnicity, diagnosis group, or age. ll. The Future: Machine Perfusion and Equity in Organ Allocation Farther allocation distances are associated with sharper drops in waitlist mortality. A model from Stanford University demonstrates that expanding the existing 250-mile threshold to a 500-mile threshold would decrease waitlist mortality by 21.3 percent; an expansion of 1000 miles would lower it by 31.8 percent.[6] Since lungs are already more delicate than other solid organs,[7] an expansion would require better and longer preservation. The answer is already here: machine perfusion. Ex vivo machine perfusion of organs prior to transplantation has grown remarkably over the past two decades, with recent clinical trial results demonstrating the ability of machine perfusion to resuscitate and assess “marginal” organs prior to transplantation.[8] Many centers around the U.S. already apply machine perfusion to expand the donor pool, and the adoption of machine perfusion as common practice is burgeoning. While the availability of more organs will decrease waiting list mortality, it alone will not address the longstanding geographical disparities. In fact, unless there is deliberate preparation by UNOS, this new biotechnology could very easily exacerbate geographic disparities. It is currently an expensive technology that is exclusive to urban centers with an already high organ availability. Proper foresight before widespread adoption is critical. As machine perfusion will extend the preservation of all solid organs, discussions must start taking place now regarding larger allocation boundaries or even a boundless system altogether. One concern is that organs resuscitated in this manner will have lower efficacy than organs preserved on ice and rapidly transplanted. Yet, a recent retrospective study from the Toronto group showed that longer perfusion times over 12 hours do not impact patient outcomes,[9] and some groups have had success with preservation times over 20 hours.[10] In addition to longer preservation times, machine perfusion can easily be made portable. Data from a recent international pivotal trial using the Organ Care System (OCS) from the Massachusetts-based company TransMedics showed the promising ability of portable machine perfusion to preserve and resuscitate marginal lungs. Indeed, while much of the attention around machine perfusion has been about its capability to resuscitate marginal organs, its secondary ability, allowing farther transport of lungs, could end geographic disparities in organ allocation. Before it is universally adopted into clinical practice, it is imperative that UNOS acts now to direct hospitals on how to integrate machine perfusion into procurement networks. There also must be preemptive policies regarding out-of-hospital perfusion centers. The first and only example thus far is the private corporation Lung Bioengineering, located in Silver Spring, Maryland. This standalone center aims to resuscitate and analyze declined lungs via machine perfusion, shipping viable ones to nearby U.S. transplant centers. The company is currently finishing a phase 2 clinical trial assessing the safety of extending lung preservation times with it. Unless decisive action is taken now, these centers will continue to open exclusively in urban areas surrounded by high-volume centers. To engage in the UNOS organ allocation system, private corporations should be required to distribute to rural and previously under-resourced areas. This could be accomplished by setting up satellite campuses or investing in the necessary infrastructure to preserve and deliver organs far distances portably. CONCLUSION We finally have the tools to extinguish the perennial problem of geographic disparities in organ allocation. Within the next five to ten years, there will be widespread adoption of machine perfusion, both in hospitals and in out-of-hospital perfusion centers. In an already convoluted organ allocation system, it will further complicate organ allocation and will potentially worsen disparities if action is not taken upfront. Establishing regulations to ensure machine perfusion is leveraged in a way that is equitable to all who need solid organ transplants, not only those who live within 250 miles of transplant centers, is crucial. It is necessary for UNOS to be ahead of the curve, mitigate these potential consequences, and reprioritize the ethical principles on which the field was founded. This example should serve as a model for how biotechnology can ameliorate disparities – geographic or otherwise – in scarce resource allocation in healthcare. [1] Lynch, R. J., and R. E. Patzer. 2019. "Geographic inequity in transplant access." Curr Opin Organ Transplant 24 (3): 337-342. https://doi.org/10.1097/MOT.0000000000000643. [2] Goff, R. R., E. D. Lease, S. Sweet, A. Robinson, and D. Stewart. 2020. “Measuring and Monitoring Equity in Access to Deceased Donor Lung Transplants among Waitlisted Candidates.” J Hear Lung Transplant 39 (4): S216. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healun.2020.01.847. [3] Egan, T. M. 2018. "From 6 years to 5 days for organ allocation policy change." J Heart Lung Transplant 37 (5): 675-677. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healun.2017.12.010. [4] Benvenuto, L. J., D. R. Anderson, H. P. Kim, J. L. Hook, L. Shah, H. Y. Robbins, F. D'Ovidio, M. Bacchetta, J. R. Sonett, S. M. Arcasoy, and Program From the Columbia University Lung Transplant. 2018. "Geographic disparities in donor lung supply and lung transplant waitlist outcomes: A cohort study." Am J Transplant 18 (6): 1471-1480. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajt.14630. [5] Kosztowski, M., S. Zhou, E. Bush, R. S. Higgins, D. L. Segev, and S. E. Gentry. 2019. "Geographic disparities in lung transplant rates." Am J Transplant 19 (5): 1491-1497. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajt.15182. [6] Mooney, J. J., J. Bhattacharya, and G. S. Dhillon. 2019. "Effect of broader geographic sharing of donor lungs on lung transplant waitlist outcomes." J Heart Lung Transplant 38 (2): 136-144. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healun.2018.09.007. [7] Possoz, J., A. Neyrinck, and D. Van Raemdonck. 2019. "Ex vivo lung perfusion prior to transplantation: an overview of current clinical practice worldwide." J Thorac Dis 11 (4): 1635-1650. https://doi.org/10.21037/jtd.2019.04.33. [8] Noah, C. V., P. Tratnig-frankl, S. Raigani, C. Cetrulo, K. Uygun, and H. Yeh. 2020. “Moving the Margins: Updates on the Renaissance in Machine Perfusion for Organ Transplantation.” Curr Transplant Reports 7 (2): 1-10. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40472-020-00277-z. [9] Yeung, J. C., T. Krueger, K. Yasufuku, M. de Perrot, A. F. Pierre, T. K. Waddell, L. G. Singer, S. Keshavjee, and M. Cypel. 2017. "Outcomes after transplantation of lungs preserved for more than 12 h: a retrospective study." Lancet Respir Med 5 (2): 119-124. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2213-2600(16)30323-X. [10] Cypel, M., A. Neyrinck, and T. N. Machuca. 2019. "Ex vivo perfusion techniques: state of the art and potential applications." Intensive Care Med 45 (3): 354-356. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00134-019-05568-3.