Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Urban poor – united states – case studies'

The past decade has witnessed both steep reductions in federal housing assistance and an intensification of local housing problems including homelessness. In light of these trends, this study explores alternative means available to municipalities of meeting the housing needs of low-income households. The methods chosen to accomplish this were two-fold: a literature review and a case study. The literature review revealed that in response to the Reagan administration's 1981 cutbacks to housing programs a new low-income housing delivery system, based largely on public-private partnerships, has emerged from the grass roots level in communities across the United States. In the new production system efforts have focused on preservation rather than new construction, and large for-profit developers have been replaced by nonprofit community-based development corporations and local public agencies. With the assurance of federal subsidies gone, local governments and nonprofit developers have sought to increase the effectiveness of current resources, direct more general revenue to housing activities and have raised new resources. Today, financing packages for low-income projects are usually built upon customized and creative financial packages that are difficult to replicate, and as a result, no definitive solutions have yet been found. Despite the hard work and creativity that has gone into developing low-income housing in the U.S. over the past decade local programs have been able to meet only a fraction of the country's housing needs. The case study method was chosen to focus on the City of Seattle, Washington's specific housing initiatives. The City's response has closely followed the national experience. A new delivery system has emerged which depends largely on the efforts of the City's municipal government, through its Department of Community Development, and the community's growing nonprofit sector. As a matter of policy Seattle has chosen to spend most of its low-income housing dollars on preserving the downtown's remaining 7,311 low-income units. The City does not. build housing itself, but instead, acts as a "bank" loaning money generated, for the most part, by off-budget strategies to nonprofit housing developers to rehabilitate existing low-income units to meet housing code standards. Seattle's housing programs have had mixed results. Despite their efforts, due to downtown's expansion, the City has continued to lose low-income units in the downtown to demolition and rent increases, no gain has been made on the City's overall housing need, and while the City has replaced the lost federal subsidies, it has not created significant ongoing revenue streams for future housing development. Results of this study indicate that, only the long term commitment of federal funds to a national housing strategy can stem the growing tide of homelessness across the U.S. and avert, a deepening of the country's housing crisis.
Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1986.
MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH
Bibliography: leaves 199-217.
by Jonathan Michael Feldman.
M.C.P.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on urban development politics. It takes a normative ideal, democratic urban governance, out of the esoteric realm of academic debate and applies it to a critical case study which concerns the most financially consequential area of urban policy, that of urban economic development. The principal elements of democratic urban governance are described, examined, and reconstructed as a framework for evaluating the policy making potentials in the present case. Beyond its academic contribution, this dissertation provides developmental policy makers with an intellectually sound basis for considering, more candidly and more directly, issues concerning democracy and governance.
Ph. D.

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-81).
Transfer of knowledge is a complex process. While codified knowledge is easy to transfer, tacit knowledge is not. "Tacit knowledge is difficult to exchange over long distance because it is heavily imbued with meaning arising from the social and institutional context in which it is produced, and this context specific nature makes it spatially sticky" (Gertler 2003). This thesis argues that there is certain tacit knowledge that migrants often transmit over long distances after customizing the knowledge to apply in different institutional settings. This thesis takes the example of Bangladesh, a country having an unfavorable socio- economic and institutional setting for receiving new technology, and explains how, despite the unfavorable conditions, some expatriates do transfer their knowledge to Bangladesh. Based on in-depth interviews with those expatriates creating the most impact in the economy of Bangladesh, the thesis shows that highly skilled Bangladeshi immigrants in the United States transfer tacit knowledge through building partnerships with individuals and organizations in Bangladesh. The thesis also finds that these partnerships are mostly based on trust, often coming from basic commonalities: same language, common "codes" of communication, shared norms, and personal knowledge about each other.
by Moshahida Sultana.
M.C.P.

This thesis investigates if and how poor, mostly minority citizens can be mobilized by a campaign whose principal policy objective would materially enhance their lives by including them in a major public program. The question is put to the test through a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama during the 2014 election for Governor. At stake in the election was whether Alabama would expand Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act in Alabama, an issue emblematic of "submergedness" (Mettler, 2011). In order to understand the extent to which the policy was submerged - measured by knowledge and awareness of the policy, along with its key provisions - I distributed a survey to 868 Alabamians weeks before the election. The survey used the experimental design of conjoint analysis to test which aspects of the policy were most persuasive among the target population. Additionally, I performed a randomized field experiment across the four major metropolitan areas of Alabama, micro-targeting 6,021 registered voters living in the "Coverage Gap," citizens who could gain health insurance if Medicaid were expanded. The campaign yielded negligible effects on voter turnout among subjects in the Coverage Gap, even though the interventions shifted voter knowledge, 'surfacing' the policy. In addition to the survey and field experiments, this research benefits from qualitative insights gathered in 22 semi-structured interviews conducted among poor Alabamians, many of whom were uninsured. From these interviews, it became clear that the political disengagement of the poor is deeply entrenched, prohibitive of policy-based mobilization. Disengagement is driven by a complex mix of barriers to registration and perceptions of political inefficacy based on interpretations of extant policy designs. These results have important implications for our understanding of the limitations of policy-based mobilization, suggesting that more attention must be paid to how current policies shape predispositions for mobilization.

Central Business Area Revitalization Planning theory and practice has evolved from a concern with physical revitalization to an emphasis on a comprehensive approach which includes areas such as housing and recreation, which had not in most past cases been viewed as relevant to the undertaking. The current thinking views all aspects of town planning as inter-related and approaches the task in a holistic manner. The methodologies utilized in Planning for Central Business Area Revitalization have evolved as well. Detached consultant planning, which included little or no public involvement and which produced inflexible plans which outlined the way to revitalization, has evolved to a flexible, dynamic approach, which involves those responsible for implementation at all stages of planning; thereby, reflecting their beliefs, attitudes and values and having high probability of implementation. Successful efforts to revitalize the central business areas of rural towns require an informed leader who will function as an educator, and a planning and design process which leads to implementation through its participant centered, incremental, multiple objective approach.
M.L. Arch.

This study sought to explore the lived experiences of five female, first-generation, low-income students who attend a metropolitan commuter university, and investigate how a structured undergraduate research experience exerts influence on the women's academic and social involvement. A qualitative case study with a narrative and grounded theory analysis was selected as the most appropriate approach for exploring this topic and addressing the guiding research questions. Interview and journal data were collected and analyzed to identify significant themes. The importance of finding an academic home, the significance of interacting with faculty and peers, and the validation of a metropolitan commuter university education through a scholar development process emerged as significant findings. Implications and recommendations on programmatic and institutional levels are included, as well as suggestions for future research.

Many researchers argue the increasing reliance on sit/lie ordinances to regulate homeless people's use of public space is one in a suite of neoliberal policies that shape the geographies of public space in cities to serve the needs of global capital. However, these policies are developed at the local, not global, level as specific actors make claims in the public sphere that communicatively shape policy formation. Through comparative case study, this research asks, how do different actors, situated in specific local and global contexts, influence the adoption of sit/lie ordinances? I examine two cases of policymaking in Portland and San Francisco. I use discourse analytic strategies and thematic coding of newspapers, archival documents, and key informant interviews to look at policy-making processes as they occur in their political, social, and economic contexts. I focus especially on the role of language in policy-making, policy-making arenas, and actions of grassroots actors, drawing from three interdisciplinary literatures to develop an explanatory theory of policy-making. I find the four interrelated explanatory factors in policy-making were: the actors (neoliberal and right-to-the-city); the tactics they use; the policy talk they use; and the policy arenas. First, political processes provide windows of opportunity and determine arenas for political activities. The different policy arenas (citizen election, committee, council led, litigation, etc.) influence the audience that the actors care about, and thus the policy talk. Additionally, elected officials have a determining effect on which arenas they use, which in turns structures the opportunities for policy talk. Second, the arena influences the depth to which resisters can discuss the issues with the wider public and decision-makers. This may explain why the right-to-the-city frame may not have been used as much as the academic literature might suggest. Resisters find it much harder to use this framing with the general public or elected officials because it takes too much time to explain to those unfamiliar. Instead, they rely more on concepts that may be more familiar like the dependent poor and unequal impact of the law on minority groups. Third, I find local actors have different positions in the global economy, however on the local level their different avenues and strategies of involvement are due to local conditions rather than global ones. The location in the global political economy seems to be less important than local political decision making contexts and the actions of individuals who are locally powerful due to their economic status and political connections. This suggests room for resisters to use local politics to resist these ordinances, without having to take on the entire global economy. Finally, actors use different narratives to influence decision makers and each other, responding and shifting to competing frames over time. The change over time is important, as it shows how policy debates change based on influences from different actors. My findings suggest the framing of the original necessity for the policy can influence the policy trajectory, but actors can and do respond and successfully shift policy talks over time. The dissertation concludes with additional implications for grassroots practice based on these theoretical findings.

The Global Financial Crisis underscored both the complexity and brittleness of the global financial system, especially for small to medium enterprises dependent on the current banking regime for credit. More than ever, we have also begun to see the disentanglement of small businesses from traditional banks at the local and regional level in the form of CDFIs, fintech alternative lending, and now complementary currencies. Through interviews with the management and members of the BizX complementary currency this study asks what the attitudes and motivations are behind its offering and use. In addition, it inquires into the economic and psychological benefits that arise from it. Often referred to as a barter network but more accurately described as a commercial trade exchange, BizX and its member's attitudes and motivations differ significantly from other complementary currencies in its apolitical stance to trade and large national and international membership. Its value proposition, the development of hyper-local economies, is real but its aspirational attempt at creating a robust community similar to its community currency siblings is questionable. Nonetheless, its value as an economic development tool is undeniable and the research concludes its implementation within a larger structure of economic development self-reliance strategies should be given serious consideration for future planning.

Ville phare du Nord-Est des États-Unis, berceau du président John Kennedy, capitale du seul État où la loi sur le droit à un toit est en vigueur, Boston fait face à un sans-abrisme persistant depuis les années 1980. Au dernier recensement, 1545 individus dormaient dehors en 2022, dans une ville aux températures hivernales extrêmes. Dès le XIXe siècle, les églises et les organisations caritatives ont offert gîte et couvert à celles et ceux qu'elles pouvaient accueillir. La construction massive de foyers d'hébergement est venue soutenir cette assistance au début des années 1980, et temporairement protéger les plus vulnérables. Les mesures d'urgence ont ainsi longtemps prévalu, dans un territoire fait d'anciens marécages et limité par l'océan. Les besoins grandissants ont rapidement conduit à une surpopulation délétère des foyers et à la recherche institutionnelle, à l'échelle locale et étatique, de solutions pérennes. Dans les années 1980, les sans-abris croisés à Boston étaient avant tout des hommes seuls, au mode de vie nomade, libres de toute contingence, et qui souffraient souvent d'alcoolisme. La désinstitutionalisation entamée dans les années 1960 a fait grossir les rangs des personnes sans toit, congédiées des structures hospitalières. Dotée d'universités prestigieuses, de sièges sociaux de grands groupes bancaires et d'assurances, mais aussi d'hôpitaux mondialement reconnus, Boston attire, mais échoue à loger les plus modestes, dans un contexte de gentrification aiguë qui s'est accentuée depuis les années 1970, amplifiée par une ségrégation ethno raciale à l'œuvre dans l'habitat subventionné. En outre, face au délabrement des logements publics, les programmes de reconstruction à grande échelle, initiés au niveau fédéral depuis la Grande Société du président Johnson, n'ont que partiellement résolu une crise du logement ininterrompue. La rénovation a supplanté la création attendue de logements abordables, sans reloger tous les anciens locataires modestes. L'harmonisation des politiques publiques de lutte contre le sans-abrisme et le mal-logement s'illustre par un dialogue fructueux et régulier entre les autorités étatiques et locales. De Raymond Flynn à Michelle Wu, les maires de Boston ont ainsi collaboré avec les gouverneurs démocrates ou républicains, dans un état fiscalement conservateur et socialement progressiste. Toutefois, des institutions de premier plan, comme l'Autorité locale du logement ou les services étatiques du logement social et de l'urbanisme, ont échoué à élargir l'offre d'habitat accessible aux classes moyennes. L'action des travailleurs sociaux, des structures médicales et judiciaires est venue contrebalancer cet échec relatif. Les responsables de foyers se sont rassemblés dans des Continuums of Care, structures d'aide sociale qui permettent d'harmoniser les besoins de chacune, dans un partage des ressources matérielles et humaines. Des associations d'aide juridique viennent en aide aux locataires expulsés. Les personnes sans-abri sont secourues par une aide médicale gratuite depuis les années 1980. La recherche d'alternatives a permis l'émergence du logement transitoire et permanent avec assistance, et connu des succès partiels, au gré des financements fédéraux et étatiques et des impulsions politiques locales. En outre, le Grand Boston présente une géographie fragmentée de l'aide au logement, dans des banlieues aisées qui rechignent à réformer les lois du zonage, et font pression sur les autorités locales pour éviter le retour du contrôle des loyers. Aux anciens vagabonds isolés des années 1970-80 se sont substituées des familles délogées en raison du montant prohibitif des loyers, et des minorités ethno raciales vulnérables. La crise des opiacés a doté le sans-abrisme d'un nouveau visage, ainsi que les populations qui affluent de l'étranger pour fuir la misère ou la guerre. La conjugaison de ces attentes place ainsi le Grand Boston à un moment charnière de son histoire sociale et urbaine
A central city in the Northeast of the United States, the birthplace of John Kennedy and the only state capital where the right to shelter for families is legally binding, Boston has been facing a significant homelessness crisis since the 1980s. Based on most recent estimates, 1,545 individuals were sleeping outside in 2022, in a city which reaches extremely cold temperatures in the winter. Since the 19th century, churches and humanitarian organizations have offered shelter and food to those they were able to welcome. This assistance was reinforced by the construction of over one hundred shelters in Massachusetts at the beginning of the 1980s, to offer temporary support to vulnerable individuals. These transient solutions have therefore been the main source of relief for the homeless population, in a territory made up of marshes and whose urban expansion is limited by the ocean. The increase in the demand for support started outgrowing this temporary relief system, resulting in overcrowded shelters. Localities turned to institutional entities to provide substantial, long-term support. Up until the early 1980s, the majority of homeless people in Boston were men living alone as nomads, free from all contingencies and often suffering from alcoholism. The deinstitutionalization that began in the 1960s resulted in growing homelessness nationwide, as former patients were discharged from hospitals and psychiatric institutions. Boston is endowed with prestigious universities, bank and insurance companies' headquarters, and world-renowned hospitals. However, it remains unable to provide housing to its most humble population, in the context of exponential gentrification and endemic segregation in subsidized housing. The dilapidation of public lodging has incentivized large scale reconstruction programs at the federal level, which have only partially solved the ongoing homeless crisis in Boston. The renovations prevailed over the expected construction of affordable housing units, without rehousing all the previous tenants.The harmonization of public policies as an attempt to fight against homelessness and the lack of proper lodging has been illustrated by a constant and fruitful dialogue between state and local authorities. From Raymond Flynn to Michelle Wu, Boston mayors have collaborated with Democratic and Republican governors alike, in a fiscally conservative and socially progressive state. However, institutions at the forefront of these issues — the Boston Housing Authority or the State branch of HUD — have failed to expand the amount of housing options accessible to the middle and low-income households. The actions of social workers alongside medical and judiciary structures have tried to balance this flawed and unsuccessful process. Shelter directors have united in Continuums of Care, which facilitate the distribution of housing services based on people's needs, by sharing material and human resources. Legal aid services provide support in case of eviction. Besides, the homeless have had access to free medical care since the 1980s. The search for housing alternatives has resulted in the creation of transitory and permanent supportive housing, and has enjoyed partial success through the help of federal / state funding and local policies. Today, Greater Boston is plagued with fragmented geographical housing aid : wealthy suburban areas remain reluctant to modify their zoning laws and exert pressure on local authorities to avoid returning to rent control. The nomadic and isolated individuals of the 1970s-1980s have been replaced with low-income families, whose ever-increasing rents eventually lead to eviction, and vulnerable ethnic and racial minorities.The opioid crisis has recently given local homelessness a new connotation, as well as migrant populations fleeing poverty and war. The combination of these factors is now culminating in Greater Boston, rewriting its social dynamics and urban history

The environment of urban schools can be characterized by high teacher turnover; high student drop out rates; low performance by students on standardized tests; and a shifting demographic in student population. New teachers graduating from teacher education pre-service programs will almost surely teach in urban schools with students from different socio-economic, racial, and ethnic backgrounds than themselves. Students in these urban school environments often do not feel a connection to their teachers or their schools. This study shares oral narratives from teachers, students, a principal, and staff members from a high school for recent immigrants in the South Central United States which defies these odds. The interviews focus on how care is experienced by the teachers and students and sheds light on how teachers and students define the practice of care. Further the study looks at how school leadership and policies can impede and enhance the practice of care in the school setting. Among the several major findings, it was found that teachers and students both have a need, even a longing, for connection. The results provide implications for classroom practice, professional development, school leadership & decision-making practices, school culture, technology use, and overall school performance.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This study explored the lived experiences of family case managers who routinely work with families who are culturally different from themselves. The purpose was to understand and interpret the meaning of culture and cultural difference as it relates to the engagement process with families. The research also sought to understand whether cultural insensitivity or bias may contribute to the overrepresentation of children of color in the child welfare system. The author conducted 10 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with graduates of a large, research-intensive Midwestern university’s Title-IV-E Social Work Program, who also were employed as family case managers in public child welfare. Interviews were transcribed and analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis and the analytic process of the hermeneutic circle. Results suggest the concept of culture is a complex term that encompasses many characteristics and a number of dimensions. In addition, four themes were identified as underlying the engagement process with culturally different families. These themes routinely overlapped, and family case managers often had to attend to each of the thematic areas simultaneously. At nearly every step in the engagement process, family case managers modulated their interactions in order to find balance and stability in their relationship with the family. Finally, poverty was revealed to be the most salient cultural difference in working with families involved in the child welfare system. These results have important implications for social work education, child welfare practice, and research on the overrepresentation of children of color in the child welfare system.