Journal articles on the topic 'University slogo'

The article is devotedtothewaysinwhich Polish studentscalla Poleanda Ukrainian. The researchers (2390 surveys) wereconductedamong 1195 students from 8 Polish universities: Rzeszów University, University of Silesia, University of Wrocław, Jagiellonian University, Universityof Lodz, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń and Maria Curie- Skłodowska University in Lublin. Theresearchmaterialcovers a totalof 2946 units. Asequivalentsofthewords Pole/Ukrainian, studentsgivenamesofgeographicalcategorization–mieszkaniec Polski/ mieszkaniec Ukrainy and of politicalcategorization – obywatel Polski/obywatel Ukrainy and others. Toname a Pole, theyproposethewordsrodak, krajan, naszrealizingthe„native-foreign”opposition. There are oftenequivalentsofresearchedethnonymsintheformofdiminutives, metaphorsandanthroponyms, e.g. Polaczek, patriota, cebulak, cebula, Janusz, Grażyna, Lach. Calling a Ukrainian, such student terms dominate: sąsiad, obcokrajowiec, cudzoziemiec, rusek, ruski, Ukrainiec and others. The definition of a Ukrainian as a neighbor appears more often in the group of students from Rzeszów and Lublin and rarelyfrom Poznań, Katowice, Wrocław, Toruń, Kraków and Łódź. The spaсу location of Toruń, Łódź, Poznań and Wrocław in the West of Poland determines the perception of a Ukrainian by the students from these cities in the category East – West: ci ze wschodu, osoba ze wschodniej granicy, osoba ze Wschodu and others. Thus, the place of residenceof stereotype carriers determines the character of these latter.

Municipal Reform in Canada: Reconfiguration, Re-Empowerment, and Rebalancing, Joseph Garcea and Edward C. LeSage, Jr., eds., Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. ix, 350.This book will be an essential reference for students of local government in Canada. It deals with the most recent period of municipal reform, from 1990 onwards. There are chapters on each of the ten provinces, plus a combined chapter on the northern territories. The editors establish an analytical framework for the book in their introduction, and then try to bring things together in a long concluding chapter. The individual chapters differ somewhat in approach, but the editors were fairly successful in getting the contributors to keep to a common analytical framework. Reading the whole book straight through is a bit of a slog, because there is so much detail; on the other hand, it is handy to have all this material collected together. It will stimulate useful reflection, as much about what is not here as what is.

George Gabriel Stokes spent most of his life at the University of Cambridge, where he undertook his undergraduate degree and later became Lucasian Professor of Mathematics and Master of Pembroke College. However, he spent the first 13 years of his life in Skreen, County Sligo, Ireland, a rural area right by the coastline, overlooking the Atlantic Ocean. As this paper will discuss, the time he spent there was short but its influence on him and his research was long reaching, with his childhood activities of walking by and bathing in the sea being credited for first piquing Stokes' interest in ocean waves, which he would go on to write papers about. More generally, it marked the beginning of an interest in fluid dynamics and a curious nature regarding natural phenomena in his surroundings. Stokes held a special affinity for the ocean for the rest of his life, constantly drawing inspiration for it in his mathematical and physical studies and referencing it in his correspondences. This commentary was written to celebrate Stokes' 200th birthday as part of the theme issue of Philosophical Transactions A . This article is part of the theme issue ‘Stokes at 200 (Part 1)’.

Background: The severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic has led a variety of changes in healthcare delivery. Personal protective equipment (PPE) such as the use of face masks has become a new norm in daily life. While this has helped to reduce the transmission of SARS-CoV-2, challenges in social interaction and communication have been identified, especially in those with hearing impairment. This study aimed to identify some of the challenges faced by this COHORT and provided some practical solutions to support these patients.Methods: An observational study was conducted by inviting speech and language therapists (SALTs) to provide their observations on the implications of face masks for children with hearing impairment in Sligo university hospital, Ireland from August 2021 to September 2022. Thirty-three SALTs were invited to participate via the Irish association of speech and language therapists (IASLT) website.Results: Twenty-five responses were received. Common observations include distress amongst parents and children due to difficulties in communication, delays in accessing hearing-aid assessments and cochlear implantation referral and poor compliance with speech and language rehabilitation.Conclusions: This study identifies a number of challenges faced by children with hearing impairment during the current pandemic. A number of practical recommendations have been provided to alleviate and reduce the consequences of these.

An increasing prevalence of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) and chronic illness is putting an ever increasing burden on healthcare services and delivery worldwide. Diet contributes significantly to the development of NCDs. Nutrition should therefore be viewed as an important aspect of patient care and be addressed by all healthcare professionals (HCPs). Previous work has highlighted a lack of competency around providing nutrition advice in HCPs; however, positive attitudes towards the importance of nutrition care are well documented in this group. The aim of this study is to document and compare Irish HCPs self-perceived competency towards incorporating nutrition care into practice. The NUTCOMP questionnaire was completed by 206 HCPs in Sligo University Hospital. The findings showed positive attitudes towards the incorporation of nutrition care into HCP practice; however, confidence in knowledge and skills was low, thus missing vital opportunities to prevent and/or treat chronic diseases and improve outcomes in acute illness. Previous nutrition education was associated with greater self-perceived knowledge about and skills in providing nutrition care to patients and positively associated with attitudes towards incorporating nutrition care into practice. HCPs expressed a desire and unmet need for additional and ongoing educational intervention in the area of nutritional intervention.

Abstract1968 has become synonymous with the large-scale global protests of that year. International scholarship has increasingly sought to examine instances of these protests in global peripheries, and amongst the most studied examples is Northern Ireland. The growth of civil rights protest in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, which emerged from long-standing feelings of exclusion amongst the Catholic minority of the predominantly Protestant polity, was influenced by a broader international discourse of protest associated with the long 1968, notably the African-American civil rights movement. Simultaneously, in the west of Ireland, a number of protest groups also emerged in the late 1960s, frustrated at their communities’ perceived neglect by the government of the Republic of Ireland. This article will examine the emergence of these protest movements, discussing groups in the Galway Gaeltacht and other peripheral rural areas of Connacht, student activists in University College Galway, and campaigns challenging racism against the Travelling community. It will argue that they were influenced by the global protests associated with the long 1968, most notably by events across the border. For the purpose of the article, the ‘west of Ireland’ refers to the five Connacht counties of Galway, Roscommon, Mayo, Sligo and Leitrim.

Background: In many countries, the increased use of face masks and other face coverings has been adopted as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The world health organization has given guidance that encourages the use of face masks in public settings as well as in settings where it is not possible to observe physical distancing.Methods: This research project was carried out from August 2021 to November 2021 in the ENT Department of Sligo University Hospital. The 100 patients with hearing impairment were randomly sampled from patients seeking health care services in the ENT clinic. Patients with normal hearing were excluded from the study. Data was collected with the help of questionnaire. The collected data was pre-coded for entry in SPSS and analyzed.Results: The respondents comprised 55 females and 45 males. Majority (80%) of the respondents generally agreed that the use of face masks has a negative impact on communication and hearing, especially for patients with hearing impairment. The 60% of respondents agree that the use of clear masks may provide the option to lip-read. The 80% of respondents agree that the use of face masks has a negative impact on communication and 50% of respondents agree that poor communication is likely to result in patient dissatisfaction.Conclusions: It was evident that most hearing-impaired patients are aware of the importance of facial expression in communication and most rely heavily on lip reading in addition to other facial features.

IntroductionPrevious studies showed different classification systems lead to different case identification and rates of delirium. No one has previously investigated the influence of different classification systems on the outcomes of delirium.Aims and objectivesTo determine the influence of DSM-5 criteria vs. DSM-IV on delirium outcomes (mortality, length of stay, institutionalisation) including DSM-III and DSM-IIR criteria, using CAM and DRS-R98 as proxies.MethodologyProspective, longitudinal, observational study of elderly patients 70+ admitted to acute medical wards in Sligo University Hospital. Participants were assessed within 3 days of admission using DSM-5, and DSM-IV criteria, DRS-R98, and CAM scales.ResultsTwo hundred patients [mean age 81.1 ± 6.5; 50% female]. Rates (prevalence and incidence) of delirium for each diagnostic method were: 20.5% (n = 41) for DSM-5; 22.5% (n = 45) for DSM-IV; 18.5% (n = 37) for DRS-R98 and 22.5%, (n = 45) for CAM. The odds ratio (OR) for mortality (each diagnostic method respectively) were: 3.37, 3.11, 2.42, 2.96. Breslow-Day test on homogeneity of OR was not significant x2= 0.43, df: 3, P = 0.93. Those identified with delirium using the DSM-IV, DRS-R98 and CAM had significantly longer hospital length of stay(los) compared to those without delirium but not with those identified by DSM-5 criteria. Re-institutionalisation, those identified with delirium using DSM-5, DSM-IV and CAM did not have significant differences in discharge destination compared to those without delirium, those identified with delirium using DRS-R98 were more likely discharged to an institution (z = 2.12, P = 0.03)ConclusionAssuming a direct association between delirium and examined outcomes (mortality, los and discharge destination) different classification systems for delirium identify populations with different outcomes.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

Lärarutbildningar har ett dubbelt uppdrag. Dels ska studenterna få kunskaper i att undervisa ett specifikt ämnesinnehåll, dels ska studenterna få exempel på hur ämnesinnehållet kan undervisas om i skolan. Detta uppdrag är särskilt viktigt och på samma gång problematiskt i teknik och naturvetenskapliga ämnen, där praktiska konstruktionsövningar, laborationer och exkursioner ingår som centrala kunskapspraktiker. Då covid-19 slog till tvingades svenska lärosäten att på kort tid ställa om från campusbaserad undervisning till distansundervisning, s.k. emergency remote teaching (ERT). I den här studien undersöks hur tre universitetslärare upplever att praktiska moment som laborationer, exkursioner och konstruktionsövningar inom naturvetenskaps- och teknikundervisning på grundlärarutbildningen fungerat som ERT. Av analysen framgår att både undervisningens form och ämnesinnehåll påverkades. Studenternas möjlighet att själva tillämpa praktiska naturvetenskapliga och tekniska arbetssätt minskade. Vidare minskade lärarnas möjlighet att veta om studenterna förstått undervisningen, vilket genererade nya sätt att kommunicera och stötta studenternas lärande. ENGLISH ABSTRACT Hands on activities in emergency remote teaching – form and subject content in science and technology education in the primary teacher program during covid-19 Teacher education has a dual mission; to teach specific subject content to student teachers but also to provide them with examples of how this subject content can be taught in a school context. This dual task is particularly important and difficult in relation to technology and science education, where construction activities, laboratory work and excursions are centralpractices. As covid-19 struck, Swedish universities had to adapt to emergency remote teaching, ERT. In this study, we explore three university teachers’ experiences of adapting laboratory work, excursions, and construction tasks to ERT. The analysis shows that both form and subject content were affected by this adaptation in that students’ opportunity to practice science and technological practices and procedures decreased, as well as teachers’ possibility to gain feedback from their students. In turn, new ways of communicating and supporting students were developed.

The article deals with library space of Katerinoslav during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. The role of educational societies in the process of Ukrainization is highlighted, the influence of political events on the state of librarianship is determined. The state and activity of libraries of various departmental subordination, namely public libraries, libraries of educational institutions, societies and religious institutions are analyzed. Special attention is given to events that spread the Ukrainian idea, supported Ukrainian traditions and helped to spread the Ukrainian book. During this time, the contribution of Prosvita society was significant. The activity of this society was short, but deeply meaningful. The issues of printed Bulletin of Prosvita are a bibliographic rarity. The sources significantly help to present a complete picture of cultural and educational life of people’s libraries operating in the province and contributed to the reading of Ukrainian literature. The contribution of educational libraries of the province to the development of Ukrainian literary heritage and formation of Ukrainian-language book collections are revealed. The historical milestones in the development of book collections of Oles Honchar Dnipro National University scientific library (1918) are shown. The article provides information on the activities of Katerinoslav Theological Seminary and significant contribution of its leaders to the development of book industry of the region based on archival materials. Unresearched library reports allow to find out the reasons that impeded the process and reveal facts about support of library work in Katerinoslav. Considerable attention is paid to determining the place and role of Ukrainian publishing houses and bookstores (Slovo, Ukrainian Publishing House, Consumer, Ukraine, Kamenyar, O. Kashchenko, etc.). The newly created societies became a reliable link between the library and Katerinoslav readers. Replenishment of library collections with new prepared Ukrainian publications on history, literature studies and fiction was an urgent task in the process of gradual development of Ukrainian publishing in 1917–1920 years.

Background: High activation level has been associated with higher education background, better self-rated health status, and having adequate health literacy. However, there is a gap in the literature regarding the level of activation and the factors associated with it among patients with metabolic syndrome (MetS) in the Malaysian primary care setting. Objectives: This study aims to determine activation levels and the factors associated with high activation among individuals with MetS in primary care. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted at a university primary care clinic. Patient activation was measured using the Patient Activation Measure®–13 Malay version. Activation levels were dichotomized into “low activation” (levels 1 and 2) and “high activation” (levels 3 and 4). To determine the factors associated with high activation, simple logistic regressions (SLogR) followed by multiple logistic regressions (MLogR) were performed. Results: Of 333 participants, 280 (84.1%) were included in the final analysis. The mean activation score was 59.4 (SD ±10.20) and 61.8% had high activation level. Two variables were found to be significant on MLogR. Those who were employed have the odds of 3.135 (95% CI 1.442-6.816) of having high activation compared with those who were unemployed. Those with good self-reported health status have the odds of 6.482 (95% CI 1.243-33.792) of having high activation compared to those with poor self-reported health status. Conclusions: The majority of participants had high activation levels. Those who were employed and those who had good self-reported health status were more likely to have high activation levels. Findings of this study could be used to develop patient activation interventions to improve self-management skills among individuals with MetS in primary care. These may include problem solving support, individualized care plans, peer or family support, and skill building. Those in high activation group can be trained to become mentors to support their peers who have low activation level.

The article presents the results of the psycholinguistic experiment whose aim was to reveal universal and specific features of the verbal behaviour of respondents when studying the stimulus word “crisis” as a relevant lexeme in the linguistic consciousness of Ukrainian people, as well as to single out various sememes that were actualised in the course of the experiment. The total sample comprised 297 respondents: 170 females and 127 males of different ages (“juvenility” – 17–21, “youth” – 22–35, “maturity” – 36–60, “old age” – 61 and above). The universal features of verbal behaviour displayed both by males and females are reflected in such lexemes as “money”, “age”, “economy”, “country”, “problem”, “poverty”, “unemployment”, “war”, “depression”, “misery”. The respondents of all age groups, both males and females, show negative evaluative and emotional attitude to the stimulus word in question. The specific features of the verbal behaviour of the respondents are reflected in the following lexemes: “bankrupt”, “panic”, “ruin”, “deadlock”, “chaos”, “Ukraine”. Among other things, both males and females associate crisis with the state of mental tension, anxiety, and fear, which manifests itself in such reactions as “depression”, “panic”, “negative”, “deadlock”, “bad”, etc. Individual features of verbal behaviour are reflected in the following negative emotional reactions: “pain”, “mess”, “mayhem”, “panic”, “fear”, “alarm”, “mix-up”, etc., with an obvious prevalence of female reactions. Associative reactions to the stimulus word "crisis" yield the following sememes: “lack of money”, “unemployment”, “problem”, “age”, “depression”, “opportunity”. References Башкова И. Слово «кризис» в русской речевой культуре //Journal of Siberian FederalUniversity. Humanities & Social Science, Supplement. 2009. C. 19–29.Bashkova, I. (2009). Slovo “krizis” v russkoy rechevoy culture [The word “crisis” inRussian speech culture]. Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & SocialScience, Supplement, 19–29. Ворошилова М. «Алексей Леонидович! Нащупали дно?»: прецедентное имя вполитической карикатуре о мировом кризисе // Политическая лингвистика. 2010, №3(33). С. 61–63.Voroshilova, M. (2010). “Aleksey Leonidovich! Naschupali dno?”: pretsedentnoe imya vpoliticheskoy karikature o mirovom krizise [“Alexei Leonidovich! Have you found thebottom?”: A precedent name in the political caricature of the world crisis]. PoliticalLinguistics, 3(33), 61–63. Ворошилова М. Кризис – ключевое слово текущего периода: история изучения//Политическая лингвистика. 2012. № 3(41). С. 200–203.Voroshilova, M. (2012). Krizis – klyuchevoe slovo tekuschego perioda: istoriya izucheniya[Crisis – the key word of the current period: the history of study]. Political Linguistics,3(41), 200–203. Ворошилова М. Кризис сквозь смех: метафорический образ мирового кризиса врусской политической карикатуре. Политическая лингвистикa. 2010, №1(31). С. 90–94.Voroshilova, M. (2010). Krizis skvoz smeh: metaforicheskiy obraz mirovogo krizisa vrusskoy politicheskoy karikature [Crisis through laughter: a metaphorical image of the worldcrisis in the Russian political caricature]. Political Linguistics, 1(31), 90–94. Ворошилова М. У разбитого корыта: культурный прецедентный текст вполитической карикатуре о мировом кризисе // Политическая лингвистика. 2011,№1(35). С. 126–129.Voroshilova, M. (2011). U razbitogo koryita: kulturnyiy pretsedentnyiy tekst v politicheskoykarikature o mirovom krizise [At the broken trough: the cultural precedent text in thepolitical caricature about the world crisis]. Political Linguistics, 1(35), 126–129. Герасина Т., Погорелко А. Метафорическая модель экономического кризиса какпродукт национальной культуры// Политическая лингвистика. 2011, №4(38). С. 183–188.Gerasina, T., Pogorelko, A. (2011). Metaforicheskaya model ekonomicheskogo krizisa kakprodukt natsionalnoy kulturyi [The metaphorical model of the economic crisis as a productof national culture]. Political Linguistics, 4(38), 183–188. Немирова Н. Современный экономический кризис в зеркале прецедентности: мифыи реальность// Политическая лингвистика. 2010, №2(32). С. 132–138.Nemirova, N. (2010). Sovremennyiy ekonomicheskiy krizis v zerkale pretsedentnosti: mify irealnost [Modern economic crisis in the mirror of precedent: myths and reality]. PoliticalLinguistics, 2 (32), 132–138. Прокофьева Т. Концепт «кризис» в современном политическом дискурсе: Автореф.дис. … канд. фил. наук: 10.02.01. Санкт-Петербург, 2006.Prokofieva, T. (2006). Kontsept “Krizis” v Sovremennom Politicheskom Diskurse [TheConcept of “Crisis” in Contemporary Political Discourse]. Extended Abstract of Ph.D.dissertation. S.-Petersburg. Русский ассоциативный словарь. В 2 т. Под ред. Караулова Ю., Черкасовой Г.,Уфимцевой В., Сорокина Ю., Тарасова Е. М.: АСТ-Астрель, 2002.http://tesaurus.ru/dict/dict.phpRusskiy Assotsiativnyi Slovar [The Associative Thesaurus of the Russian Language]. In 2Volumes (2002). Karaulov, Yu., Cherkasova, G., Ufimtseva, V., Sorokin, Yu., Tarasov, E.(Eds.). Moscow: AST-Astrel. Retrieved from http://tesaurus.ru/dict/dict.php Салатова Л. Отражение образов кризиса российскими СМИ // Политическаялингвистика. 2011, № 3(37). С. 162–166.Salatova, L. (2011). Otrazhenie obrazov krizisa rossiyskimi SMI [Reflecting images of thecrisis by Russian media]. Political Linguistics, 3(37), 162–166. Слатин А. Значение концепта «кризис» в российском политическом иэкономическом дискурсах// Современные научные исследования и инновации.2016, № 6. http://web.snauka.ru/issues/2016/06/68072.Slatin, A. (2016). Znachenie kontsepta “krizis” v rossiyskom politicheskom iekonomicheskom diskursah [The meaning of the concept of “crisis” in the Russian politicaland economic discourses]. Modern Scientific Research and Innovations, 6. Retrieved fromhttp://web.snauka.ru/issues/2016/06/68072. Цонева Л. Думата криза в медийния дискурс (българско-руски паралели). ВелкоТърново: ИВИС, 2012.Tsoneva, L. (2012). Dumata Kriza v Mediyniya Diskurs (Blgarsko-Ruski Paraleli) [TheWord Crisis in the Media Discourse (the Bulgarian-Russian Parallels)]. Velko Turnovo:IVIS. Шмелева Т. Кризис как ключевое слово текущего момента// Политическаялингвистика. 2009, №2(28). С. 63–67.Shmeleva, T. (2009). Krizis kak klyuchevoe slovo tekuschego momenta [Crisis as the keyword of the present moment]. Political Linguistics, 2(28), 63–67.

The civic-political activity of Sydor Golubovych during the World War I was analyzed in the article based on the complex study of archive sources, periodicals and scientific literature. His role in the political organizations in Vienna during his emigration period in 1914-1915-s and after his return to L’viv in 1915-1918-s was determined. Namely, the prerequisites of reorganization of the Main Ukrainian Council into the Common Ukrainian Council, problem of political struggle among different party groups within the political circles in Galicia and Bukovina were highlighted. The main aspects of Golubovych’s activity in the Common Ukrainian Council (CUC) were revealed, within the council his main attention was drawn to the issues of the “Military bank” creation, issues related to the Ukrainian refugees, migrant workers, internees from Galicia and Bukovina, who according to the official data were 90 thou in different parts of Austria, Germany and Czech Republic. Moreover, it is mentioned that S. Golubovych was a participant of the political actions for autonomy of Ukrainian schooling, separate Ukrainian university opening in L’viv, transformation of the STC into the Ukrainian academy of science, etc. It was found that after his return to L’viv in August 1915, S. Golubovych as a member of the L’viv’s delegation of the CUC and member of the Regional Credit Union (RCU) was predominantly responsible for the problems of region’s restoration after the military actions. Simultaneously, the main attention was drawn to the busy social activity, namely he was included into the senior council at Stavropigijskyi institute – former Moscow-oriented institution transferred to the Ukrainians by the Austrian governor general Kollard, and was a founder and editor of the newspaper “Ukrayinsʹke slovo” that was the main media source in Galicia. Furthermore, during 1917-1918-s the politician frequently visited Ternopol’s region where he endeavored to keep close contacts with his electorate.A role of S. Golubovych was described before the November events of 1918, where he as a figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) and member of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation (UPR) participated in meetings and demonstrations’ organization devoted to the independence proclamation of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), peace treaty agreement in Brest-Lytovsk, was actively involved in implementation of so called “viche week” organized to support the autonomy demands of the Eastern Galicia as a separate Ukrainian territory within the Austrian monarchy, etc.

У статті досліджується актоіллокутивний потенціал англійського побутового дискурсу виправдання шляхом зіставлення іллокутивних характеристик частотних у дискурсі виправдання мовленнєвих актів. Спираючись на змодельовані конструкти змісту виправдання, дифенсивну інтенцію мовця визначено передумовою породження дискурсу виправдання. У результаті вивчення наявних у науковій літературі класифікацій мовленнєвих актів визначено, що домінантна іллокутивна сила дискурсу виправдання включає складові інформування та переконування, що типово представлено констативом та асертивом. Власне мовленнєвий акт виправдання визначено як кредитив з включеною перлокуцією винесення виправдального вердикту, яким регулюється міжсуб’єктна взаємодія. Література References Вендлер З. Причинные отношения // Новое в зарубежной лингвистике. – Вып. 18:Логический анализ естественного языка. – М.: Прогресс, 1986. – С. 264–277.Vendler, Z. (1986). Prichinnije otnoshenija [Causal Relations]. 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Ключові слова: освіта, вища освіта, педагогічні заклади вищої освіти, Уманський педагогічний університет. Анотація У статті висвітлено історичні та історіографічні дослідження, які стосуються розвитку та реформування вищої педагогічної освіти загалом та Уманського державного педагогічного університету зокрема. Показано узагальнювальні праці вчених з історії вищої педагогічної освіти, про особливості становлення і розвитку педагогічних інститутів та діяльність їх структурних підрозділів і науково-педагогічних кадрів в Україні, зокрема на Черкащині. Проаналізовано праці, присвячені історії Уманського державного педагогічного університету імені Павла Тичини, де розглянуто окремі періоди діяльності інституту, його підрозділів та окремих викладачів. Посилання 70 rokiv Drohobytskomu universytetu, 2010 – 70 rokiv Drohobytskomu pedahohichnomu universytetu imeni Ivana Franka. Molod i rynok [70 years of Drohobych Pedagogical University named after Ivan Franko]. 2010. № 9. S 5-7. [in Ukrainian]. 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Мета цього дослідження – проаналізувати можливість використовувати погляди Р. В. Ленекера на когнітивну семантику як семантико-текстологічну модель перекладознавчого аналізу. Матеріалом для розгляду обрано твір «Слово некоего калугера о чьтьи книг» із «Ізборника Святослава» 1076 р. та його три переклади: два переклади сучасною українською мовою (повний – В. Яременка, частковий – Є. Карпіловської й Л. Тарновецької) та один переклад англійською мовою (В. Федера). Теорія когнітивної семантики Р. Ленекера орієнтується здебільшого на граматичні проблеми й опис мови через параметри простору. Параметрам опису образности, які пропонує когнітивна семантика, бракує чіткости, які мають аналітичні методи структуралізму. Однак, вони виконують головну аналітичну функцію: вони дозволяють усвідомити наявні в перекладі порушення й відхилення від першотвору та намагатися усвідомити їхню природу й межі. Література References Бычков В. 2000 лет христианской культуры sub specie aesthetica : в 2 т. Т. 2 :Славянский мир. Древняя Русь. Россия. Москва; Санкт-Петербург : Университетскаякнига, 1999.Bychkov, V. (1999). 2000 let khrystyanskoi kultury sub specie aesthetica. T. 2: Slavianskyimyr. Drevniaia Rus. Rossyia. [2000 years of Christian culture sub specie aesthetica. Vol. Slavonic world. Old Rus. Russia]. Moscow; S.-Petersburg: Unyversytetskaya Kniga. Божилов И. Цар Симеон Велики (893–927): Златният век на СредновековнаБългария. София: На отечествения фронт, 1983.Bozhylov, Y. (1983).Tsar Symeon Velyky (893–927): Zlatnyiat vek na SrednovekovnaBalgariya. [Czar Simeon the Great (893–927): the golden epoch of the MedievalBulgaria]. Sofia: Na Otechestvenyia Front. Великий тлумачний словник сучасної української мови / уклад. і гол. ред. В. Т. Бусел.К.; Ірпінь: ВТФ «Перун», 2005.Velykyi tlumachnyi slovnyk suchasnoi ukrainskoi movy. [A great comprehensivedictionary of the contemporary Ukrainian language]. (2005). Busel, V. T. (comp.). Kyiv;Irpin: Perun. ЕСУМ: Етимологічний словник української мови. – К.: Наукова думка, 1982.Etymolohichnyi slovnyk ukrayinskoyi movy. [An etymological dictionary of the Ukrainianlanguage]. (1982). Kyiv: Naukova Doumka. Изборник 1076 года. М.: Наука, 1965.Izbornik 1076 goda. [A synaxarion of 1076]. (1965). Moscow: Nauka. Золоте слово / упорядн. : В. Яременко, О. Сліпушко. Київ: Аконіт, 2002.Zolote slovo. [Golden word] (2002). Yaremenko, V., Slipushko, O. (comp.). Kyiv: Akonit. Каждан А. П. Книга и писатель в Византии. Москва: Наука, 1973.Kazhdan, A. P. (1973). Kniga i pisatel v Vizantii. [Books and writers in Byzantium].Moscow: Nauka. Київський псалтир : Давида пророка и царя пhснь. Київ, 1397. Зберігається:Российская Национальная библиотека (Санкт-Петербург). Шифр: ОЛДП F 6.Kyivskyi psaltyr: Davyda proroka i tsaria pisn. [The psalm book of Kyiv] (1397). Kyiv.Manuscript. Stored at: Russian National Library (Saint-Petersburg). Code: OLDP F 6. 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The study of indirect translations (IT) into Ukrainian, viewed from a psycholinguistic perspective, will contribute to a better understanding of Soviet national policies and the post-Soviet linguistic and cultural condition. The paper pioneers a discussion of the strategies and types of IT via Russian in the domains of literature and religion. In many cases the corresponding Russian translation, which serves as a source text for the Ukrainian one, cannot be established with confidence, and the “sticking-out ears” of Russian mediation may only be monitored at the level of sentence structure, when Russian wording underlies the Ukrainian text and distorts its natural fluency. The discussion substantiates the strategies and singles out the types of IT, in particular, (1) Soviet lower-quality retranslations of the recent, and mostly high-quality, translations of literary classics, which deliberately imitated lexical, grammatical, and stylistic patterns of the Russian language (became massive in scope in the mid1930s); (2) the translation-from-crib type, or translations via the Russian interlinear version, which have been especially common in poetry after WWII, from the languages of the USSR nationalities and the socialist camp countries; (3) overt relayed translations, based on the published and intended for the audience Russian translations that can be clearly defined as the source texts for the IT into Ukrainian; this phenomenon may be best illustrated with Patriarch Filaret Version of the Holy Scripture, translated from the Russian Synodal Bible (the translation started in the early 1970s); and, finally, (4) later Soviet (from the mid1950s) and post-Soviet (during Independence period) hidden relayed translations of literary works, which have been declared as direct ones but in fact appeared in print shortly after the publication of the respective works in Russian translation and mirrored Russian lexical and stylistic patterns. 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Bibliia – naipershe dzherelo dlia vyvchennia svoiei literaturnoi movy [The Bible is the first source for studying our literary language]. Vira i kultura [Faith and Culture], No. 6 (66), 13–17. Ilarion, Metropolitan. 1962. Bibliia abo Knyhy Sviatoho Pusma Staroho i Novoho Zapovitu. Iz movy davnioievreiskoi i hretskoi na ukrainsku doslivno nanovo perekladena. Commissioned by United Bible Societies. Jinyu L. (2012). Habitus of Translators as Socialized Individuals: Bourdieu’s Account. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 2(6), 1168-1173. Leighton, L. (1991). Two Worlds, One Art. Literary Translation in Russia and America. DeKalb, Ill.: Northwestern Illinois UP. Lukash, M. (2009). Prohresyvna zakhidnoievropeiska literatura v perekladakh na ukraiinsku movu [Progressive West European Literature in Ukrainian]. Protei. Vol. 2. Edited by O. Kalnychenko. Kharkiv: Vydavnytstvo NUA, 560-605. Maifet, H. (1930). [Review]. Chervonyi Shliakh [Red Path], 2, 252-258. Review of the book: Boccaccio G. Decameron. Tr. by L. Pakharevskyi and P. Maiorskyi; S. Rodzevych and P. Mokhor (Eds.).; introduction by V. Derzhavyn. Kharkiv: DVU, 1929. Part 1. XXXI; Part 2. Reprint in: Kalnychenko, O. and Poliakova, Yu. (2011). In Leonid Chernovatyi and Viacheslav Karaban (Eds). Ukraiins’ka perekladoznavcha dumka 1920-kh – pochatku 1930-kh rokiv: Khrestomatiia vybranykh prats z perekladosnavstva do kursu “Istoriia perekladu” [Ukrainian translation studies of the 1920s – early 1930s: A textbook of selected works in translation studies for a course on the “History of Translation”]. (pp. 344-356). Vinnytsia: Nova Knyha. Munday, J. (2010). Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and applications. 2nd Ed. London & New York: Routledge. Pauly, M. D. (2014). Breaking the Tongue: Language, Education, and Power in Soviet Ukraine. Toronto Buffalo London: University of Toronto Press. Pieta, H. & Rosa, A. A. (2013). Panel 7: Indirect translation: exploratory panel on the state-of-the-art and future research avenues. 7th EST Congress – Germersheim, 29 August – 1 September 2013. Retrieved from http://www.fb06.uni-mainz.de/est/51.php Pliushch, B. (2016). Direct and Indirect Translations of Ukrainian Literary Prose into English, German, Spanish and Russian. PhD thesis. Manuscript copyright. Kyiv: Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Ringmar, M. (2012). Relay translation. In Yves Gambier, Luc van Doorslaer (Eds.), Handbook of Translation Studies, 4 (pp. 141-144). Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Simeoni, D. (1998). The pivotal status of the translator’s habitus. Target, 10(1), 1-39. Solodovnikova. M. I. (2017) Vidtvorennia stylistychnykh osoblyvostei romanu Marka Tvena “Pryhody Toma Soiera” v ukrainskykh perekladakh: kvantytatyvnyi aspekt. 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Проблема дослідження полягає у відсутності знань про конкретний перелік і якість психолінгвістичних інструментів інформаційно-психологічного впливу (ІПВ) у підписах під фотографіями (на прикладі фашистських газет Рейхскомісаріату «Україна»). У статті автор ставить мету ідентифікувати, описати й класифікувати психолінгвістичні інструменти ІПВ в підписах під фотографіями, які були розміщені в газетах, що виходили в період із 1 вересня 1941 до 10 листопада 1944 року на території Рейхскомісаріату «Україна» (далі – РКУ) й фінансувалися фашистським режимом. Дослідник звертається до таких методів: спостереження, класифікація, узагальнення, контент-аналіз, інтент-аналіз, кількісно-якісний метод. Упродовж дослідження автор піддає аналізу 81 підпис під 85 фотографіями, опублікованими в газетах, що виходили в період із 1 вересня 1941 до 10 листопада 1944 року на території Рейхскомісаріату «Україна» й фінансувалися фашистським режимом. За результатами дослідження були описані й класифіковані на 8 груп (та 23 підгрупи) психолінгвістичні інструменти інформаційно-психологічного впливу в згаданих газетах РКУ. Установлено, що в газетах РКУ найчастотнішими є психолінгвістичні інструменти інформаційно-психологічного впливу, які відносяться до груп «Німеччина» (9 підгруп) і «Інші» (6 підгруп). Література References Воропаев С. Энциклопедия Третьего рейха [Текст] / С. Воропаев. – М.: Локид-Миф,1996.Voropayev, S. (1996). Entsiklopediya Tret'yego Reykha [The Encyclopedia of the ThirdReich]. Moscow: Lokid–Mif, 1996. Горевалов С. І. Фотокореспонденти й документальна фотографія періоду Другоїсвітової війни (до 70-річчя Великої Перемоги) / С. І. Горевалов // Наукові запискиІнституту журналістики. – 2014. – Т. 54. – С. 192–195.Gorevalov, S. (2014). Fotokorespondenty i Dokumental'na Fotografíya Períodu DrugoyiSvítovoyi Víyny (Do 70–Ríchya Velikoyi Peremogi) [Photocorrespondents andDocumentary Photograph During World War II]. 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Épisciences - Slovo V průběhu 19. a v prvních desetiletích 20. století se čeští filologové aktivně podíleli na vytvoření kultivované varianty národního jazyka. Ve 30. letech 20. století Pražský lingvistický kroužek navrhl teorii spisovného jazyka a jazykové kultury založenou na fukčním kritériu, která se stala výchozím bodem uvažování o spisovné češtině až do dnešních dní. V 90. letech 20. století a na začátku nového tisíciletí někteří bohemisté označili takto vytvořenou spisovnou češtinu za vnucenou kodifikovanou formu, odporující každodennímu užívání jazyka, a nastínili nová řešení. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, Czech philologists actively worked on the cultivated variant of the language. In the 1930s, the Prague Linguistic Circle proposed a theory of standard language and language culture, based on the functional criterion, which has become the basis of all reflection on Czech standard language till today. In the 1990s and 2000s, some bohemists considered the standard Czech thus conceived as an imposed code, in conflict with everyday uses, and sought to propose new solutions. Au cours du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle, les philologues tchèques travaillèrent activement sur la variante cultivée de la langue. Dans les années 1930, le Cercle linguistique de Prague proposa une théorie de la langue standard et de culture de la langue, basée sur le critère fonctionnel, qui devint la base de toute réflexion sur la langue standard tchèque jusqu’à présent. Dans les années 1990 et 2000, certains bohêmistes considérèrent le tchèque standard ainsi conçu comme un code imposé, en conflit avec les usages quotidiens, et cherchèrent de nouvelles solutions.

International audience Joanna Bator is a contemporary writer, who has in recent years become increasingly popular not only among readers but also with critics. As an expert of culture and a scholarship winner of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) and the Japan Foundation, she visited Tokyo three times. Published in 2004 (reprint 2011), Japoński wachlarz [The Japanese Fan] is the result of Bator’s Asian travels. The Japanese Fan is a personal and subjective recording of the experience of cultural otherness that feels an European, Polish, writer while working as a lecturer at the University of Tokyo. In this book, Joanna Bator use an original creative technique she calls: zuihitsu, “as the brush guides.” The book constituted a sort of collection or set of travel pictures from which emerges an image of Japan. Joanna Bator est une écrivaine contemporaine, qui jouit ces dernières années d’une popularité grandissante non seulement auprès des lecteurs, mais également auprès de la critique. En tant qu’anthropologue et lauréate des bourses de la Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ( JSPS) ainsi que de la Japan Foundation, elle s’est rendue à Tokyo à trois reprises. Publié en 2004 (réédition en 2011), Japoński wachlarz [L’Éventail japonais] est le fruit de ces voyages asiatiques. L’Éventail japonais constitue la trace personnelle et subjective de l’expérience de l’altérité culturelle vécue par une Européenne, une écrivaine polonaise, pendant la durée de son lectorat à l’Université de Tokyo. Dans ce livre, Joanna Bator recourt à une technique de création originale qu’elle appelle zuihitsu, autrement dit « en suivant le pinceau ». Le livre constitue dès lors une sorte de collection ou ensemble d’images de voyage dont émerge une image du Japon.

International audience The article interprets literary history as a discourse involved in the identity policies of nations. From this point of view, the author presents the relations between national and comparative literary history in Slovenia. The paper outlines the origin and development of both disciplines, especially with regard to their implicit or explicit ideological underpinnings–cultural nationalism and cosmopolitanism. Until the end of the 20th century, national literary history as a “great genre” has interiorized the 19th century thrust of cultural nationalism, which also marked the institutionalization of literary historiography as a university discipline after 1919. Even though comparative literature has countered the apparently autarkic national conceptions of literary and cultural development, it produced another kind of “master narratives” through which it affirmed national identity–by providing records on the participation of Slovene literature in the “general European” currents and developmental stages. In this context, the article draws attention to the problem of belatedness of so‑called small literatures, especially in relation to the world literary system. In conclusion, the article addresses current dilemmas of literary historiography in Slovenia, which are partly specific (reticence to attempts to “reform” the discipline) and partly connected with the changes of literature and literary studies in the era of postmodern and globalization. Cet article interprète l’histoire littéraire comme un discours impliqué dans les politiques identitaires des nations. De ce point de vue, l’auteur présente les relations entre l’histoire littéraire nationale et l’histoire littéraire comparée en Slovénie. Sont ainsi mis en lumière l’origine et le développement de ces deux disciplines, en particulier en ce qui concerne leurs fondements idéologiques implicites ou explicites : le nationalisme culturel et le cosmopolitisme. Jusqu’à la fin du xxe siècle, l’histoire littéraire nationale en tant que « grand genre » a intériorisé l’élan du nationalisme culturel du xixe siècle, qui a également marqué l’institutionnalisation de l’historiographie littéraire comme discipline universitaire après 1919. Bien que la littérature comparée ait contré les conceptions nationales apparemment autarciques du développement littéraire et culturel, elle a produit un autre type de « récits maîtres » à travers lesquels elle a affirmé l’identité nationale – en fournissant des documents sur la participation de la littérature slovène aux courants et aux stades de développement « européens généraux ». Dans ce contexte, l’article attire l’attention sur le problème de la tardiveté de ce que l’on appelle les petites littératures, en particulier par rapport au système littéraire mondial. En conclusion, l’article aborde les dilemmes actuels de l’historiographie littéraire en Slovénie, qui sont en partie spécifiques (réticence aux tentatives de « réforme » de la discipline) et en partie liés aux changements de la littérature et des études littéraires à l’ère postmoderne et de la mondialisation. Literarna zgodovina je v tem članku obravnavana kot diskurz, vpleten v identitetne politike narodov. S tega vidika so predstavljena razmerja med nacionalno in primerjalno literarno zgodovino na Slovenskem. Orisan je nastanek in razvoj obeh disciplin, zlasti glede na njuni implicitni ali eksplicitni ideološki podlagi – kulturni nacionalizem in kozmopolitizem. Nacionalne literarne zgodovine kot »veliki žanr« so vse do konca 20. stol. ohranile izvorno podlago kulturnega nacionalizma, značilno za 19. stol. in začetno fazo univerzitetne institucionalizacije te discipline. Toda tudi primerjalna književnost, ki je vsaj od srede 30. let 20. stol. polemizirala z avtarkičnimi pojmovanji slovenskega literarnega in kulturnega razvoja, je oblikovala svoje velike pripovedi, ki pa nacionalno identiteto afirmirajo drugače – prek evidenc o udeleženosti slovenske literature v »splošnoevropskih« tokovih in razvojnih stopnjah. V tem kontekstu članek opozarja na problem zamudništva t. i. malih literatur, zlasti v razmerju do svetovnega literarnega sistema. Na koncu so nakazane aktualne dileme literarnega zgodovinopisja na Slovenskem, ki so deloma specifične (zadržanost do poskusov »reformiranja« stroke), deloma pa povezane s spremembami, ki zadevajo literaturo in vedo o njej v dobi postmoderne in globalizacije.

Sanford-Burnham and Daiichi Sankyo form alliance to study novel drug targets in cardiovascular metabolic diseases. Sigma-Aldrich® to launch Austrianova's Cell-in-a-Box® Kit for research use. ASLAN Pharmaceuticals signs agreement with CSL to develop novel therapy for asthma. Self-assembling peptides for bone regeneration and drug delivery. Verisante Technology, Inc. receives the 2014 North American Technology Innovation Leadership of the Year Award from Frost & Sullivan. Agilent Technologies partners Women in Science, Engineering and Technology in Korea. Mundipharma and Genewel sign agreement across key global markets for licensing and promotion of Medifoam®. Janssen collaborates with ViiV Healthcare to develop two-drug single tablet regimen for the maintenance treatment of people living with HIV. AbbVie opens expanded manufacturing facility in Sligo, Ireland. AMRI to Acquire Oso Biopharmaceuticals Manufacturing. Merck to collaborate with Sysmex Inostics on a blood-based RAS biomarker test. Igenbio establishes direct presence in Japan. Mesoblast accelerates plans for commercial manufacturing operations in Singapore. Celerion and Korean Drug Development Fund form collaboration to strengthen early phase clinical research in South Korea. Dr. Carolyn Mountford, University of Newcastle, Australia receives Agilent Technologies Thought Leader Award. PHARM Connect – The business summit covering a full industry. New topics for the Next Generation Sequencing & Single Cell Genomics Asia Congress confirmed. Registration opened for Oxford Global's 6th Annual Next Generation Sequencing Congress. Registration opened for Oxford Global's 4th Annual Next Generation Sequencing Asia Congress.

Abstract Background Traditional and Complementary Medicine (TCM) is widely used particularly among patients with chronic diseases in primary care. However, evidence is lacking regarding TCM use among patients with Metabolic Syndrome (MetS) and its association with patients’ experience on chronic disease conventional care that they receive. Therefore, this study aims to determine the prevalence and pattern of TCM use, compare the patients’ experience of chronic disease care using the Patient Assessment of Chronic Illness Care - Malay version (PACIC-M) questionnaire between TCM users and non-users and determine the factors associated with TCM use among patients with MetS in primary care. Methodology A cross-sectional study was conducted at a university primary care clinic. Patients aged 18 to 80 years old with MetS were recruited. Socio-demographic characteristic, clinical characteristics and information on TCM use and its pattern were recorded in a proforma. Patient’s experience of chronic disease conventional care was measured using PACIC-M questionnaire. The comparison of PACIC-M mean score between TCM users and non-users was measured using independent t-test. The factors associated with TCM use were determined by simple logistic regression (SLogR), followed by multiple logistic regression (MLogR). Results Out of 394 participants, 381 (96.7%) were included in the final analysis. Of the 381 participants, 255 (66.9%) were TCM users (95% CI 62.7, 71.7). Only 36.9% of users disclosed about TCM use to their health care providers (HCP). The overall mean PACIC-M score was 2.91 (SD ± 0.04). TCM users had significantly higher mean PACIC-M score compared to non-users (2.98 ± 0.74 vs 2.75 ± 0.72, p = 0.01). The independent factors associated with TCM use were being female (Adj. OR 2.50, 95% CI 1.55, 4.06), having high education level (Adj. OR 2.16, 95% CI 1.37, 3.41) and having high overall PACIC-M mean score (Adj. OR 1.49, 95% CI 1.10, 2.03). Conclusion TCM use was highly prevalent in this primary care clinic. However, the disclosure rate of TCM use to HCP was low. Females, those with high education and high PACIC-M mean score were more likely to use TCM. Further research should explore the reasons for their TCM use, despite having good experience in conventional chronic disease care.

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) commenced in 1996, providing high hopes to those concerned with change and redress. By many it was seen as the first stage in the reconciliation process. Former General Secretary of the South African Council of Churches, Reverend Frank Chikane, himself a victim of attempted murder when poisoned with nerve gas, likened the role of the TRC in the disclosure and forgiveness process to the confessional, and suggested that "there can be no absolution without confession." However, Methodist bishop and long-time apartheid activist Peter Storey cautioned that "One of our problems is that we’re trying to find a legal framework for what is essentially a spiritual and psychological process." "The Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, No 34 of 1995" states that "amnesty shall be granted in respect of acts, omissions and offences associated with political objectives committed in the course of the conflicts of the past", on the basis of full disclosure. The hearings are over, the committees nearing completion, and on 29 October 1998, the Final Report of the TRC was handed to President Nelson Mandela. Now we have five neatly bound volumes, but how much has changed in the lives of those who have suffered gross human rights violations at the hands of the perpetrators? Some want retribution and will not rest until those who have tortured, abducted or murdered their loved ones or themselves have been tried and convicted. Others just want to bury their loved ones, along with "this shameful chapter of our history." Decisions on who will be granted amnesty linger since the hearings closed. Gillian Slovo, daughter of the late South African Communist Party leader, Joe Slovo, and his wife Ruth First, is one of those who is unwilling to let things rest. Her mother was killed by a letter bomb allegedly intended for Joe Slovo in 1982. She comments on the amnesty hearing of her mother’s killer, former student spy Craig Williamson: "We remembered the incredulity on the faces of the members of the committee when [Williamson] told the committee how he had looked at the intercepted envelope and seen the address, the postal mark and the logo, but not the name of the addressee." The Slovo family has now filed an application in the Cape High Court to set aside the amnesty accorded Williamson, whose testimony seemed contradictory, and not to meet the requirements of full disclosure. And what of reparations to the victims of these human rights violations? An initial payment of R30 million rand (approximately $US 3, 844, 000) was made. People who were part of the ‘urgent interim reparations’ payment received in the region of R2000 rands (approximately $US 250). In the case of those who have lost a loved one, says Duma Khumalo, a founding member of the Khulumani (Speak Out!) Support Group, and himself granted a stay of execution just 15 hours before he was to be hanged for a crime he did not commit, this has the effect of "the victims selling their dead." The government now wrangles over whether further payments will be made, urging business to engage in reparations payments, with business declining to do so on the grounds that it is the role of the state. In the meantime, the suffering of victims seems to have become something of a political football. Where does this leave us on the issue of forgiveness? There are two equally important parts to the issue of ‘sorry’: ‘I am sorry’, and ‘I hear that you are sorry, and I forgive you.’ Many South Africans feel that insult has been added to injury, because an assumption seems to have been made by some perpetrators that, having apologised, they must naturally be forgiven. This is at worst arrogant, and at best naïve. As anyone who has been through any kind of act of betrayal can attest, the healing process and forgiveness, take time. As Clarissa Pinkola Estes wrote in Women Who Run With the Wolves, forgiveness is not "a singular act to be completed in one sitting", but has "many layers, many seasons." For many the concept of ‘re’-conciliation is inappropriate, as this suggests a restoration of positive relations that existed in the past. However, for all but the youngest generation of South Africans, division and/or discrimination is all that they’ve known. To some, conciliation seems more appropriate. Others see reconciliation as a personal process and journey of coming to terms with a painful history, and reconciling only within oneself. Still others have abandoned the idea of reconciliation and aim instead for resolution. As Gavin Harrison says, "Sometimes things are also resolved when a situation is clearly comprehended, when all personal work relating to the situation is done, and you realise that, for whatever reason, full reconciliation is just not possible right now." The mainstream media has become noticeably quiet in recent months on the issue of reparations. It would seem that after extensive coverage of the hearings, and then of the tensions between government and the TRC, they too have become burnt out. What has captured their attention, however, and the attention of the public at large, is the controversial Declaration of Commitment by White South Africans, initiated by apartheid activist Carl Niehaus and others. Sociology lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand, Eddie Webster observes ironically that "it seems as if the signatories are largely drawn (with the puzzling exception of the South African rugby team) from prominent anti-apartheid figures." Quite absent from the signatories is the "white leader who will say, ‘We had an evil system with awful consequences. Please forgive us’" for whom Bishop Tutu had wished in his Forward to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Final Report. The absence of such a leader, says Tutu now, remains his biggest regret. (It should also be noted that a number of black South Africans chose to sign the declaration in support of the initiative.) Possibly the best we can hope for are more people like Wilhelm Verwoerd, grandson of the architect of apartheid, Hendrik Verwoerd, whose openness about his own painful personal revolution can provide us with inspiration. Verwoerd reminds us that: "As a beneficiary [of apartheid] I thus tend to take for granted my good education, my ownership of a house in town and my access to a family holiday home near the beach, my inheritance from parents, my relatively high income and low risk of unemployment. While individual effort and skill must be acknowledged, it is important to unmask a false, overconfident sense of entitlement, to help white South Africans see how much of what we have is built on unfair, systematic privileging." Perhaps he can symbolise for us that hope lies not in the ‘New South Africa’, but in the new generation of South Africans, committed to change, and not waiting for government or big business to ‘do it for us.’ There are ever-increasing television documentaries about ordinary South Africans, black and white, "who never made a proclamation or held an office, but were handed a place [in South Africa] and are quietly making a life out of it" (Dietz). Such people seem often the strangest of bedfellows, stumbling around in the dark together and finding creative solutions to apparently insurmountable problems. Not politicians or academics, just ordinary people, with the ability to say ‘I am sorry, I will try to make amends.’ Equally important is the ability to say, ‘I recognise that you are sorry, and I will give you another chance.’ This, not the 1994 first democratic election, is the real miracle of South Africa. References Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation and Khulumani Support Group. "Submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Survivors’ Perceptions of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Suggestions for the Final Report." 1998. http://www.csvr.org.za/papers/papkhul.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Chikane, Frank. "The Role of Truth Commissions in the Process of Reconciliation in South Africa." Seminar presented at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, 1 June 1994. Cronin, Jeremy. "Sorry Can Help, But on Its Own Its Not Enough." Mail and Guardian 12 January (2001). http://www.sn.apc.org/wmail/issues/010112/OTHER50.html Downloaded 22 January 2001. Daniels, Glenda. "Superspy’s Pardon Challenged." Mail and Guardian 15 December (2000).http://www.mg.co.za/mg/za/archive/2000dec/features/15dec-craig.html Downloaded 22 January 2001. "Declaration of Commitment by White South Africans." http://www.homeforall.org.za/ENG/declarationENG.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Dietz, Steven. "Lonely Planet: Preface." Dramatist’s Play Service, 1994. http://sunsite.wits.ac.za/holistic/loneplan.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Estes, Clarissa Pinkola. Women Who Run With the Wolves. London: Rider, 1992. Friedman, Steven. "Too Afraid To Leave the Laagers." Mail and Guardian 5 January (2001). http://www.mg.co.za/mg/za/features/friedman/010105-friedman.html Downloaded 22 January 2001. Harrisson, Gavin. In the Lap of the Buddha. Boston, MA: Shambhala, 1994. Khumalo, Duma. Personal communication. 6 February 2001. "Mad Scientists": South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Projects. http://www.geocities.com/project_coast/index.html Downloaded 22 January 2001. Miller, Andie. "A Time To Remember." Odyssey 19.4 (1995). http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artrcod.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Powell, Ivor. "Where have all the apartheid bastards gone?" Mail and Guardian, 21 June (2000). http://www.mg.co.za/mg/news/2000jun2/21jun-bastards.html Downloaded 22 January 2001. Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, No. 34 of 1995. http://www.truth.org.za/legal/index.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Reparations Update, June 2000. http://www.reconciliation.org.za/cgi.pl?&page=http://www.reconciliation.org.za/repare/jun00.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Slovo, Gillian. Red Dust. London: Virago P, 2000. Storey, Peter. "Reconciliation and Civil Society." Making Ends Meet: Reconciliation and Reconstruction in South Africa (Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation conference), World Trade Centre, Johannesburg, 18 August 1994. http://www.csvr.org.za/papers/papstory.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Truth and Reconciliation Commission Final Report, 29 October 1998. http://www.struth.org.za/index.pl?&file=report/index.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Truth and Reconciliation Commission Special Hearings on Prisons: Duma Khumalo, 22 July 1997. http://www.truth.org.za/special/prison/khumalo.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Verwoerd, Wilhelm. My Winds of Change. New York: Raven Press, 1998. ---. "The TRC and Apartheid Beneficiaries in a New Dispensation." Lecture delivered at "Politics and Promises: Evaluating the Implementation of the TRC’s Recommendations" conference, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Johannesburg, 27 October 2000. http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artrcver.htm Downloaded 22 January 2001. Webster, Eddie. "It’s Too Late for Symbolic Gestures." Mail and Guardian, 12 January 2001. http://www.sn.apc.org/wmail/issues/010112/OTHER49.html Downloaded 22 January 2001.

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. New York: Routledge, 1997. 67-79.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication with master butcher Ed Hick. 15 Apr. 2002.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication concerning pig killing. 5 Sep. 2010.Jackson, K. H. Ed. Aislinge Meic Con Glinne, Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies, 1990.Joyce, James. The Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, London: Granada, 1977.Keane, John B. Strong Tea. Cork: Mercier Press, 1963.Kinsella, Thomas. The Táin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970.Lafferty, S., Commins, P. and Walsh, J. A. Irish Agriculture in Transition: A Census Atlas of Agriculture in the Republic of Ireland. Dublin: Teagasc, 1999.Mac Con Iomaire, Liam. Ireland of the Proverb. Dublin: Town House, 1988.Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín and Pádraic Óg Gallagher. "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture."Journal of Culinary Science and Technology 7.2-3 (2009): 1-16.Mahon, Bríd. Land of Milk and Honey: The Story of Traditional Irish Food and Drink. Cork:Mercier, 1998.Meindertsma, Christien. PIG 05049 2007. 10 Aug. 2010 http://www.christienmeindertsma.com.Ó Conaill, Seán. Seán Ó Conaill's Book. Bailie Átha Cliath: Bhéaloideas Éireann, 1981.Sexton, Regina. A Little History of Irish Food. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1998.Sharkey, Olive. Old Days Old Ways: An Illustrated Folk History of Ireland. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1985.S.I. 153, 1985 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatutebook.ie/1985/en/si/0153.htmlS.I. 133, 1987 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatuebook.ie/1987/en/si/0133.htmlTuite, Pat. Personal Communication with Pat Tuite, Chief Pig Advisor, Teagasc. 3 May 2002.Whittemore, Colin T. and Ilias Kyriazakis. Whitmore's Science and Practice of Pig Production 3rdEdition. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006.

Introduction Ireland did not have a tradition of printed cookbooks prior to the 20th century. As a consequence, Irish culinary manuscripts from before this period are an important primary source for historians. This paper makes the case that the manuscripts are a unique way of accessing voices that have quotidian concerns seldom heard above the dominant narratives of conquest, colonisation and famine (Higgins; Dawson). Three manuscripts are examined to see how they contribute to an understanding of Irish social and culinary history. The Irish banking crisis of 2008 is a reminder that comments such as the one in the title of this paper may be more then a casual remark, indicating rather an underlying anxiety. Equally important is the evidence in the manuscripts that Ireland had a domestic culinary tradition sited within the culinary traditions of the British Isles. The terms “vernacular”, representing localised needs and traditions, and “polite”, representing stylistic features incorporated for aesthetic reasons, are more usually applied in the architectural world. As terms, they reflect in a politically neutral way the culinary divide witnessed in the manuscripts under discussion here. Two of the three manuscripts are anonymous, but all are written from the perspective of a well-provisioned house. The class background is elite and as such these manuscripts are not representative of the vernacular, which in culinary terms is likely to be a tradition recorded orally (Gold). The first manuscript (NLI, Tervoe) and second manuscript (NLI, Limerick) show the levels of impact of French culinary influence through their recipes for “cullis”. The Limerick manuscript also opens the discussion to wider social concerns. The third manuscript (NLI, Baker) is unusual in that the author, Mrs. Baker, goes to great lengths to record the provenance of the recipes and as such the collection affords a glimpse into the private “polite” world of the landed gentry in Ireland with its multiplicity of familial and societal connections. Cookbooks and Cuisine in Ireland in the 19th Century During the course of the 18th century, there were 136 new cookery book titles and 287 reprints published in Britain (Lehmann, Housewife 383). From the start of the 18th to the end of the 19th century only three cookbooks of Irish, or Anglo-Irish, authorship have been identified. The Lady’s Companion: or Accomplish’d Director In the whole Art of Cookery was published in 1767 by John Mitchell in Skinner-Row, under the pseudonym “Ceres,” while the Countess of Caledon’s Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery: Collected for Distribution Amongst the Irish Peasantry was printed in Armagh by J. M. Watters for private circulation in 1847. The modern sounding Dinners at Home, published in London in 1878 under the pseudonym “Short”, appears to be of Irish authorship, a review in The Irish Times describing it as being written by a “Dublin lady”, the inference being that she was known to the reviewer (Farmer). English Copyright Law was extended to Ireland in July 1801 after the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 (Ferguson). Prior to this, many titles were pirated in Ireland, a cause of confusion alluded to by Lehmann when she comments regarding the Ceres book that it “does not appear to be simply a Dublin-printed edition of an English book” (Housewife 403). This attribution is based on the dedication in the preface: “To The Ladies of Dublin.” From her statement that she had a “great deal of experience in business of this kind”, one may conclude that Ceres had worked as a housekeeper or cook. Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery was the second of two books by Catherine Alexander, Countess of Caledon. While many commentators were offering advice to Irish people on how to alleviate their poverty, in Friendly Advice to Irish Mothers on Training their Children, Alexander was unusual in addressing her book specifically to its intended audience (Bourke). In this cookbook, the tone is of a practical didactic nature, the philosophy that of enablement. Given the paucity of printed material, manuscripts provide the main primary source regarding the existence of an indigenous culinary tradition. Attitudes regarding this tradition lie along the spectrum exemplified by the comments of an Irish journalist, Kevin Myers, and an eminent Irish historian, Louis Cullen. Myers describes Irish cuisine as a “travesty” and claims that the cuisine of “Old Ireland, in texture and in flavour, generally resembles the cinders after the suttee of a very large, but not very tasty widow”, Cullen makes the case that Irish cuisine is “one of the most interesting culinary traditions in Europe” (141). It is not proposed to investigate the ideological standpoints behind the various comments on Irish food. Indeed, the use of the term “Irish” in this context is fraught with difficulty and it should be noted that in the three manuscripts proposed here, the cuisine is that of the gentry class and representative of a particular stratum of society more accurately described as belonging to the Anglo-Irish tradition. It is also questionable how the authors of the three manuscripts discussed would have described themselves in terms of nationality. The anxiety surrounding this issue of identity is abating as scholarship has moved from viewing the cultural artifacts and buildings inherited from this class, not as symbols of an alien heritage, but rather as part of the narrative of a complex country (Rees). The antagonistic attitude towards this heritage could be seen as reaching its apogee in the late 1950s when the then Government minister, Kevin Boland, greeted the decision to demolish a row of Georgian houses in Dublin with jubilation, saying that they stood for everything that he despised, and describing the Georgian Society, who had campaigned for their preservation, as “the preserve of the idle rich and belted earls” (Foster 160). Mac Con Iomaire notes that there has been no comprehensive study of the history of Irish food, and the implications this has for opinions held, drawing attention to the lack of recognition that a “parallel Anglo-Irish cuisine existed among the Protestant elite” (43). To this must be added the observation that Myrtle Allen, the doyenne of the Irish culinary world, made when she observed that while we have an Irish identity in food, “we belong to a geographical and culinary group with Wales, England, and Scotland as all counties share their traditions with their next door neighbour” (1983). Three Irish Culinary Manuscripts The three manuscripts discussed here are held in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The manuscript known as Tervoe has 402 folio pages with a 22-page index. The National Library purchased the manuscript at auction in December 2011. Although unattributed, it is believed to come from Tervoe House in County Limerick (O’Daly). Built in 1776 by Colonel W.T. Monsell (b.1754), the Monsell family lived there until 1951 (see, Fig. 1). The house was demolished in 1953 (Bence-Jones). William Monsell, 1st Lord Emly (1812–94) could be described as the most distinguished of the family. Raised in an atmosphere of devotion to the Union (with Great Britain), loyalty to the Church of Ireland, and adherence to the Tory Party, he converted in 1850 to the Roman Catholic religion, under the influence of Cardinal Newman and the Oxford Movement, changing his political allegiance from Tory to Whig. It is believed that this change took place as a result of the events surrounding the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 (Potter). The Tervoe manuscript is catalogued as 18th century, and as the house was built in the last quarter of the century, it would be reasonable to surmise that its conception coincided with that period. It is a handsome volume with original green vellum binding, which has been conserved. Fig. 1. Tervoe House, home of the Monsell family. In terms of culinary prowess, the scope of the Tervoe manuscript is extensive. For the purpose of this discussion, one recipe is of particular interest. The recipe, To make a Cullis for Flesh Soups, instructs the reader to take the fat off four pounds of the best beef, roast the beef, pound it to a paste with crusts of bread and the carcasses of partridges or other fowl “that you have by you” (NLI, Tervoe). This mixture should then be moistened with best gravy, and strong broth, and seasoned with pepper, thyme, cloves, and lemon, then sieved for use with the soup. In 1747 Hannah Glasse published The Art of Cookery, Made Plain and Easy. The 1983 facsimile edition explains the term “cullis” as an Anglicisation of the French word coulis, “a preparation for thickening soups and stews” (182). The coulis was one of the essential components of the nouvelle cuisine of the 18th century. This movement sought to separate itself from “the conspicuous consumption of profusion” to one where the impression created was one of refinement and elegance (Lehmann, Housewife 210). Reactions in England to this French culinary innovation were strong, if not strident. Glasse derides French “tricks”, along with French cooks, and the coulis was singled out for particular opprobrium. In reality, Glasse bestrides both sides of the divide by giving the much-hated recipe and commenting on it. She provides another example of this in her recipe for The French Way of Dressing Partridges to which she adds the comment: “this dish I do not recommend; for I think it an odd jumble of thrash, by that time the Cullis, the Essence of Ham, and all other Ingredients are reckoned, the Partridges will come to a fine penny; but such Receipts as this, is what you have in most Books of Cookery yet printed” (53). When Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman of 1726 criticised French tradesmen for spending so much on the facades of their shops that they were unable to offer their customers a varied stock within, we can see the antipathy spilling over into other creative fields (Craske). As a critical strategy, it is not dissimilar to Glasse when she comments “now compute the expense, and see if this dish cannot be dressed full as well without this expense” at the end of a recipe for the supposedly despised Cullis for all Sorts of Ragoo (53). Food had become part of the defining image of Britain as an aggressively Protestant culture in opposition to Catholic France (Lehmann Politics 75). The author of the Tervoe manuscript makes no comment about the dish other than “A Cullis is a mixture of things, strained off.” This is in marked contrast to the second manuscript (NLI, Limerick). The author of this anonymous manuscript, from which the title of this paper is taken, is considerably perplexed by the term cullis, despite the manuscript dating 1811 (Fig. 2). Of Limerick provenance also, but considerably more modest in binding and scope, the manuscript was added to for twenty years, entries terminating around 1831. The recipe for Beef Stake (sic) Pie is an exact transcription of a recipe in John Simpson’s A Complete System of Cookery, published in 1806, and reads Cut some beef steaks thin, butter a pan (or as Lord Buckingham’s cook, from whom these rects are taken, calls it a soutis pan, ? [sic] (what does he mean, is it a saucepan) [sic] sprinkle the pan with pepper and salt, shallots thyme and parsley, put the beef steaks in and the pan on the fire for a few minutes then put them to cool, when quite cold put them in the fire, scrape all the herbs in over the fire and ornament as you please, it will take an hour and half, when done take the top off and put in some coulis (what is that?) [sic]. Fig. 2. Beef Stake Pie (NLI, Limerick). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Simpson was cook to Lord Buckingham for at least a year in 1796, and may indeed have travelled to Ireland with the Duke who had several connections there. A feature of this manuscript are the number of Cholera remedies that it contains, including the “Rect for the cholera sent by Dr Shanfer from Warsaw to the Brussels Government”. Cholera had reached Germany by 1830, and England by 1831. By March 1832, it had struck Belfast and Dublin, the following month being noted in Cork, in the south of the country. Lasting a year, the epidemic claimed 50,000 lives in Ireland (Fenning). On 29 April 1832, the diarist Amhlaoibh Ó Súilleabháin notes, “we had a meeting today to keep the cholera from Callan. May God help us” (De Bhaldraithe 132). By 18 June, the cholera is “wrecking destruction in Ennis, Limerick and Tullamore” (135) and on 26 November, “Seed being sown. The end of the month wet and windy. The cholera came to Callan at the beginning of the month. Twenty people went down with it and it left the town then” (139). This situation was obviously of great concern and this is registered in the manuscript. Another concern is that highlighted by the recommendation that “this receipt is as good as the bank. It has been obligingly given to Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper at the Bank of Ireland” (NLI, Limerick). The Bank of Ireland commenced business at St. Mary’s Abbey in Dublin in June 1783, having been established under the protection of the Irish Parliament as a chartered rather then a central bank. As such, it supplied a currency of solidity. The charter establishing the bank, however, contained a prohibitory clause preventing (until 1824 when it was repealed) more then six persons forming themselves into a company to carry on the business of banking. This led to the formation, especially outside Dublin, of many “small private banks whose failure was the cause of immense wretchedness to all classes of the population” (Gilbert 19). The collapse that caused the most distress was that of the Ffrench bank in 1814, founded eleven years previously by the family of Lord Ffrench, one of the leading Catholic peers, based in Connacht in the west of Ireland. The bank issued notes in exchange for Bank of Ireland notes. Loans from Irish banks were in the form of paper money which were essentially printed promises to pay the amount stated and these notes were used in ordinary transactions. So great was the confidence in the Ffrench bank that their notes were held by the public in preference to Bank of Ireland notes, most particularly in Connacht. On 27 June 1814, there was a run on the bank leading to collapse. The devastation spread through society, from business through tenant farmers to the great estates, and notably so in Galway. Lord Ffrench shot himself in despair (Tennison). Williams and Finn, founded in Kilkenny in 1805, entered bankruptcy proceedings in 1816, and the last private bank outside Dublin, Delacours in Mallow, failed in 1835 (Barrow). The issue of bank failure is commented on by writers of the period, notably so in Dickens, Thackery, and Gaskill, and Edgeworth in Ireland. Following on the Ffrench collapse, notes from the Bank of Ireland were accorded increased respect, reflected in the comment in this recipe. The receipt in question is one for making White Currant Wine, with the unusual addition of a slice of bacon suspended from the bunghole when the wine is turned, for the purpose of enriching it. The recipe was provided to “Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper of the bank” (NLI, Limerick). In 1812, a John Hawkesworth, agent to Lord CastleCoote, was living at Forest Lodge, Mountrath, County Laois (Ennis Chronicle). The Coote family, although settling in County Laois in the seventeenth century, had strong connections with Limerick through a descendent of the younger brother of the first Earl of Mountrath (Landed Estates). The last manuscript for discussion is the manuscript book of Mrs Abraham Whyte Baker of Ballytobin House, County Kilkenny, 1810 (NLI, Baker). Ballytobin, or more correctly Ballaghtobin, is a townland in the barony of Kells, four miles from the previously mentioned Callan. The land was confiscated from the Tobin family during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland of 1649–52, and was reputedly purchased by a Captain Baker, to establish what became the estate of Ballaghtobin (Fig. 3) To this day, it is a functioning estate, remaining in the family, twice passing down through the female line. In its heyday, there were two acres of walled gardens from which the house would have drawn for its own provisions (Ballaghtobin). Fig. 3. Ballaghtobin 2013. At the time of writing the manuscript, Mrs. Sophia Baker was widowed and living at Ballaghtobin with her son and daughter-in-law, Charity who was “no beauty, but tall, slight” (Herbert 414). On the succession of her husband to the estate, Charity became mistress of Ballaghtobin, leaving Sophia with time on what were her obviously very capable hands (Nevin). Sophia Baker was the daughter of Sir John Blunden of Castle Blunden and Lucinda Cuffe, daughter of the first Baron Desart. Sophia was also first cousin of the diarist Dorothea Herbert, whose mother was Lucinda’s sister, Martha. Sophia Baker and Dorothea Herbert have left for posterity a record of life in the landed gentry class in rural Georgian Ireland, Dorothea describing Mrs. Baker as “full of life and spirits” (Herbert 70). Their close relationship allows the two manuscripts to converse with each other in a unique way. Mrs. Baker’s detailing of the provenance of her recipes goes beyond the norm, so that what she has left us is not just a remarkable work of culinary history but also a palimpsest of her family and social circle. Among the people she references are: “my grandmother”; Dorothea Beresford, half sister to the Earl of Tyrone, who lived in the nearby Curraghmore House; Lady Tyrone; and Aunt Howth, the sister of Dorothea Beresford, married to William St Lawrence, Lord Howth, and described by Johnathan Swift as “his blue eyed nymph” (195). Other attributions include Lady Anne Fitzgerald, wife of Maurice Fitzgerald, 16th knight of Kerry, Sir William Parsons, Major Labilen, and a Mrs. Beaufort (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Mrs. Beauforts Rect. (NLI, Baker). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. That this Mrs. Beaufort was the wife of Daniel Augustus Beaufort, mother of the hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort, may be deduced from the succeeding recipe supplied by a Mrs. Waller. Mrs. Beaufort’s maiden name was Waller. Fanny Beaufort, the elder sister of Sir Francis, was Richard Edgeworth’s fourth wife and close friend and confidante of his daughter Maria, the novelist. There are also entries for “Miss Herbert” and “Aunt Herbert.” While the Baker manuscript is of interest for the fact that it intersects the worlds of the novelist Maria Edgeworth and the diarist Dorothea Herbert, and for the societal references that it documents, it is also a fine collection of recipes that date back to the mid-18th century. An example of this is a recipe for Sligo pickled salmon that Mrs. Baker, nee Blunden, refers to in an index that she gives to a second volume. Unfortunately this second volume is not known to be extant. This recipe features in a Blunden family manuscript of 1760 as referred to in Anelecta Hibernica (McLysaght). The recipe has also appeared in Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny (St. Canices’s 24). Unlike the Tervoe and Limerick manuscripts, Mrs. Baker is unconcerned with recipes for “cullis”. Conclusion The three manuscripts that have been examined here are from the period before the famine of 1845–50, known as An Gorta Mór, translated as “the big hunger”. The famine preceding this, Bliain an Áir (the year of carnage) in 1740–1 was caused by extremely cold and rainy weather that wiped out the harvest (Ó Gráda 15). This earlier famine, almost forgotten today, was more severe than the subsequent one, causing the death of an eight of the population of the island over one and a half years (McBride). These manuscripts are written in living memory of both events. Within the world that they inhabit, it may appear there is little said about hunger or social conditions beyond the walls of their estates. Subjected to closer analysis, however, it is evident that they are loquacious in their own unique way, and make an important contribution to the narrative of cookbooks. Through the three manuscripts discussed here, we find evidence of the culinary hegemony of France and how practitioners in Ireland commented on this in comparatively neutral fashion. An awareness of cholera and bank collapses have been communicated in a singular fashion, while a conversation between diarist and culinary networker has allowed a glimpse into the world of the landed gentry in Ireland during the Georgian period. References Allen, M. “Statement by Myrtle Allen at the opening of Ballymaloe Cookery School.” 14 Nov. 1983. Ballaghtobin. “The Grounds”. nd. 13 Mar. 2013. ‹http://www.ballaghtobin.com/gardens.html›. Barrow, G.L. “Some Dublin Private Banks.” Dublin Historical Record 25.2 (1972): 38–53. Bence-Jones, M. A Guide to Irish Country Houses. London: Constable, 1988. Bourke, A. Ed. Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing Vol V. Cork: Cork UP, 2002. Craske, M. “Design and the Competitive Spirit in Early and Mid 18th Century England”, Journal of Design History 12.3 (1999): 187–216. Cullen, L. The Emergence of Modern Ireland. London: Batsford, 1981. Dawson, Graham. “Trauma, Memory, Politics. The Irish Troubles.” Trauma: Life Stories of Survivors. Ed. Kim Lacy Rogers, Selma Leydesdorff and Graham Dawson. New Jersey: Transaction P, 2004. De Bhaldraithe,T. Ed. Cín Lae Amhlaoibh. Cork: Mercier P, 1979. Ennis Chronicle. 12–23 Feb 1812. 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://astheywere.blogspot.ie/2012/12/ennis-chronicle-1812-feb-23-feb-12.html› Farmar, A. E-mail correspondence between Farmar and Dr M. Mac Con Iomaire, 26 Jan. 2011. Fenning, H. “The Cholera Epidemic in Ireland 1832–3: Priests, Ministers, Doctors”. Archivium Hibernicum 57 (2003): 77–125. Ferguson, F. “The Industrialisation of Irish Book Production 1790-1900.” The Oxford History of the Irish Book, Vol. IV The Irish Book in English 1800-1891. Ed. J. Murphy. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011. 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