Academic literature on the topic 'University cooperation China'

According to the university and the enterprise's own situation, put The demands of the enterprise as the guide, research on each factor research of university-industry-research cooperation mechanism based on colleges and universities. On the analysis of the obstacles of cooperative mechanism in China, at the same time, the countermeasures of each factor of the cooperation mechanism is studied. The purpose is to coordinate each factor of the university-industry-research cooperation systems, to realize the optimization target of the system, to explore and summarizes the countermeasures of sustainable development in the practice of industry-university-institute cooperation.

Industry-university-research cooperation is an important part of the national innovation system. This article introduces four typical industry-university-research cooperative innovation modes identified by the different roles of their subjects played, and analyzes their operational mechanism, structure, and function. Based on the results obtained we find the transitional rule of industry-university-research cooperative subject and the selection of industry-university-research cooperative mode. Then the article prospects the development of industry-university-research cooperative innovation modes. It concludes that to foster this cooperative innovation needs to clarify the division and contacts of parties involved, needs the government to play a more active role, but also needs to create a more mobile, flexible and efficient industry-university-research cooperative innovation mode.

The cooperation of I-U-R (Industry-University-Research) is a way that our country builds a market-oriented innovation system. Now, the base statement of China Industry-Education-Research is well, but there still has lots of influencing factor, such as power, the distribution of benefits, investment and financing, risk, policy and many other issues. The distribution of benefits is the most important problem which restricts Industry-Education-Research development. This article attempts to construct long-term stability of Cooperative mechanism in order to promote research cooperation, technological innovation and co-ordinate regional resource.

This article is dedicated to analysis of the role of the Network University of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Special attention is given to the current humanitarian cooperation between Russia and China that includes not only the traditional spheres as culture and education, but also healthcare, sport, tourism, as well as meets the demands of both states pertinent to structuring of regional subsystem of international relations. In this context, the author reviews Russian-Chinese cooperation in educational sphere in format of Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the role of University of SCO that allows successfully overcoming different barriers on the path of regional integration within SCO. The author’s special contribution into the research of Russia-China bilateral cooperation in humanitarian sphere lies in studying the evolution of their relations in educational sector with consideration of creation of the Network University of Shanghai Cooperation Organization. A conclusion is made on substantial strengthening of institutional framework of the bilateral humanitarian cooperation due to establishment of the University of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as intensification of the processes of creation of a single “educational space” of SCO that increases the level of corporate integration that caters to the national interests of Russia and China.

This paper presents an innovative international cooperation project design in advanced manufacturing technologies (AMT) between Southeast University, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province, China and Concordia University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada. The project has been developed for the Special University Linkage Consolidation Programme that was one of the new initiatives included in a letter of intent signed by the Canadian Prime Minister and the Chinese Premier in 1994. The project covers a broad spectrum of engineering and technology management issues which are targeted to be helpful in China's present transition to a market economy. AMT in this paper includes not only the substantial body of knowledge regarding the design, fabrication, and assembly of goods but also management of these technologies with particular emphases on environmental issues and the human dimension (as they relate to manufacturing). The main objective of the project is human resource development and training to address the priorities and needs of a rapidly changing industry in the People's Republic of China by means of university/industry/government collaboration involving both Canadian and Chinese partners. The project aims to advance the knowledge of new manufacturing techniques, management methods, and product advantage with increased attention paid to the environment.

On March 21st, 2017, China and Israel announced the establishment of "Innovative Comprehensive Partnership", which is a new milestone in the development of bilateral relations between the two countries since the establishment of China and Israel in 1992. In the field of scientific and technological innovation, China and Israel have complementary advantages. China's advantages mainly lie in infrastructure and creative output (such as the technology output), while Israel's advantages lie in system, human capital and research, market maturity and commercial maturity. China-Israel scientific and technological innovation cooperation is mainly reflected in two aspects: the mechanism of innovate cooperation and the level of innovation project. (1) The mechanism of innovate cooperation is led by the China-Israel Joint Committee on Innovation Cooperation, and local governments, enterprises and universities actively cooperate to build an Industry-University-Research's innovative ecologically chain; (2) Innovation projects mainly focus on the establishment of international innovation parks and private innovation and venture capital activities. In the future, the two countries should strengthen the mechanism and improve the evaluation in terms of innovation. (1) For the former, the two countries should try their best to attract larger enterprises and scientific research institutes in the province to carry out scientific and technological innovation cooperation with innovative enterprises, scientific research institutes and innovation incubators in Israel. (2) For the latter, for the innovation projects of China and Israel at the government level, an authoritative evaluation and supervision team should be set up on the basis of the China-Israel Innovation Cooperation Joint Committee to conduct a comprehensive investigation and study on the large-scale projects currently cooperating between China and Israel, so as to obtain relevant investigation reports. Although China and Israel have made achievements in the process of building a comprehensive partnership for innovation, they should also be aware of some shortcomings and challenges they are currently facing. (1) The main shortcomings include that there is no scientific and comprehensive evaluation mechanism for innovative enterprises of both sides, and high expense and high risks of the cooperation; (2) The homogenization of Israeli innovative enterprises introduced by local provinces and cities in China is serious, and there is a possibility that different provinces and cities compete for high-quality enterprises to enter the park, resulting in higher introduction costs. Local provinces and cities should be encouraged to discuss and cooperate to reduce the introduction costs; the main challenges are the cultural differences between Chinese and Israeli enterprises and the insufficient protection of intellectual property rights, which leads to the reluctance of some high-quality innovative enterprises to cooperate. Generally speaking, the establishment of an "innovative and comprehensive partnership" between China and Israel has a positive effect on the development of China-Israel relations, conforms to the common interests of both countries, and can effectively promote the exchanges among the governments, enterprises, universities and the public of the two countries, and promote the further development of bilateral relations.

Over the past three decades, China's fast economic development has induced considerable changes in China's university and research institution landscape, research financing and academic career incentives. This paper argues that these changes have affected the motivation and the ways in which Chinese scholars engage in international research cooperation. Most recently it has been observed that strong pressures on scholars and scientists – especially at leading academic institutions – to excel in international publications while simultaneously fulfilling their obligation to generate income for their institutions can lead to a dilemma with regard to international research cooperation: Those institutions and scholars most interesting for foreign scholars to cooperate with may be the ones with the least amount of both incentive and time to enter into serious cooperation. This article invites us to reflect on the implications of these changes in the incentive structure for cooperation in social science research on China.

Observations made during 3 six week periods of cooperative breeding and development research between the Department of Horticulture, Auburn University and the Hubei Academy of Agricultural Sciences indicates that different valuable germplasm of many fruits are present in China. Such cooperation provides the opportunity for the exchange of enhanced germplasm and cultivars to improve many of the horticulture crops of America and China. Resistance to diseases and insects and tolerance to drought, heat and nutrition stresses are found in the material. The crops that appear to have the most immediate potential are the citrus with cold hardiness, kiwi of many improved types, pears of many types with fire blight resistance to chestnut blight and chestnut gall wasp, plums and plumcots with resistance to borers and many other crops such as raspberry, hawthorn, thorn pear and wolfberry.

With emerging engineering education becoming a new strategic direction of the higher engineering education reform in China, it is an important issue faced by colleges and universities to comprehensively improve their abilities of training talent, conducting scientific research and serving the society. Promoting industry-university-institute cooperation is a key measure for colleges and universities to keep up with the pace of higher education and socio-economic development. Colleges and universities need to improve the industry-university-institute cooperative talent training mechanism, and establish an industry-university-institute cooperative education system based on public technology service platforms, to promote the combination of technology and production through cooperative education based on their current situation of research, push forward the supply side reform of higher education, and provide human resources, technical support and industrial services for social development against the background of emerging engineering education. While enhancing their levels of scientific research and education, colleges and universities can promote social progress and help enterprises create economic benefits, to achieve win-win cooperation with all relevant parties in the society.

This thesis explores the identity formation of three EFL pre-service teachers during their teaching practicum in a school-university partnership school in Mainland China. Drawing on the sociocultural perspective, learning-to-teach is conceptualized as student teachers participating in and becoming a member of the communities of practice (Wenger, 1998) which consist of boundary-crossing members from both activity systems of the university and the school (Engestrom, 1987, 1999, 2001). Following a poststructural perspective, the student teachers’ learning-to-teach is also conceptualized as a process of “arguing for” (MacLure, 1993) their professional identities under dominant social discourses. Foucault’s (1983, 1985) concept of ethical identity formation elaborated into a framework of four ethico-political dimensions for doing teacher identity (Clarke, 2009) is adopted to further analysethe interactions between social structure and individual identity transformation. An ethnographic qualitative case study approach was adopted. Data collection methods included ethnographic observations of classroom interactions, focus group discussions and routine school activities, semi-structured interviews of student teachers and mentors, and collectioin of documents such as university teaching practicum documents, lesson plans, reflective diaries and newsletters. Both “content analysis” and “modified analytic induction” (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007; Merriam, 1998; Patton, 2002) were adopted to conduct within-case and cross-case data analysis. The multi-method approach allowed the researcher to collect and interpret data from both holistic and in-depth research perspectives which also enabled triangulations during data analysis. The analysis indicated that historical, cultural, political and economic forces intertwined and formed general social discourses. Their influences permeated into the discourses of both the university and the school activity systems. Due to the contradictory discourses of ELT education between the two institutions, the boundary-crossing learning-to-teach activities were replete with tensions, asymmetrical power relationships, and interpersonal conflicts, which combined to become driving forces for the different transformations of the three student teachers’ identities within the school-university partnership activity system as a global community of practice (COP). Due to different individual backgrounds, inner tensions and interpersonal conflicts within the COP, the student teachers led dissimilar legitimate peripheral participation (Lave & Wenger, 1991)trajectories through identifying themselves with different local sub-cops (T-cop and S-cop) in various modes of belonging. Under the domination of contradictory institutional discourses, the student teachers exercised their creative agencies and managed to find the “spaces” for their own freedom of self-formation via four ethico-political dimensions. Through critical reflection on the relation between the care of self and the care of others, the student teachers clarified, readjusted and reinforced their telos which is part and parcel of the ongoing interactions among the four ethico-political aspects of teacher identity. Based on the contradictions identified in this research, a critical and ethical pedagogy framework for EFL teacher education was conceptualized for ELT and teacher education programmes. This thesis also serves as an attempt to address teacher identity issues from the integrated perspectives of both sociocultural and poststructural approaches (Morgan, 2007) and to introduce the concept of ethico-politics of teacher identity to EFL teacher education.
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Education
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

The aim of this study is to problematise the social practice of school-university collaboration in the context of assessment reform in Hong Kong English Language teaching. Hong Kong’s education system has been undergoing major reforms since 1997 and collaboration between tertiary institutions and schools has been negotiated in education policy discourse as a way to improve teaching and learning. In the key policy documents shaping professional development practices for Hong Kong teachers, school-university collaboration is neatly packaged as achievable and unproblematic. In reality, however, school-university collaboration is frequently characterised by tensions and complexities. The objective of this research is to critically examine how particular worldviews about school-university collaboration and partnership are negotiated, reproduced and/or contested in one particular sociocultural context, that of secondary English language teaching in Hong Kong. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault and the concepts of discourse propounded by Norman Fairclough, a theoretical framework was constructed to examine how collaborative practices in this case study were constituted through discourse. Textual data were collected from the case study. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) was used to examine how teacher-researchers and university facilitators co-constructed and negotiated systems of beliefs and knowledge, interpersonal relations and intrapersonal subjectivity whilst engaged in collaborative action research (CAR). The analysis of the textual data (emails, interviews, transcripts of face-to-face meetings) revealed collaborative practices were mediated through language (verbal and non-verbal). The study also indicates that the collaboration enacted in this case study was highly complex and ambiguous because the practice was predominantly shaped by social, political, ideological and pragmatic factors in the wider sociocultural context, including changes in the assessment of speaking skills of senior secondary students in the English language education curriculum. The discourse of collaboration was thus problematised to identify how all these factors shaped the construction of beliefs, interpersonal relations and identity in the practice of collaborative action research. The study concludes with an examination of the contribution that critical discourse analysis research can make in problematising the practice of school-university collaboration, and how this knowledge may be able to improve the planning and facilitation of future practices. While the existing literature about collaborative action research provides educators with information on how it is implemented in a Western sociocultural context, there are fewer studies which examine the notion of school-university collaboration in a more critical light, for example, by exploring how systemic and contextual factors in society play a significant role in shaping and constraining what people do through collaboration. This case study offers an insight into the complexities of constructing collaboration between two different institutional cultures in a non-Western sociocultural setting. The implications for policy, professional development and research in teacher education are also highlighted. The analysis of the textual data (emails, interviews, transcripts of face-to-face meetings)
published_or_final_version
Education
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

The monograph written by the authors of the Financial University under the government of the Russian Federation. Researched forms of development of sub-regional integration unions with the participation of Asia-Pacific, identify priority areas of the strategic partnership between Russia and China. Formulated conceptual approaches to the definition of the economic interests of Russia in development of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific. A special place in the monograph is a proposal for the realization of economic interests of Russia in the framework of bilateral and multilateral economic cooperation with leading countries of the Asia-Pacific region, including China. Of interest to a wide circle of specialists in the field of international economic relations, scientific staff and graduate and undergraduate students enrolled in the direction "Economy".

This book presents the outcomes of the research project on “The New Silk Road: Implications for higher education and research cooperation between China and Europe.” It addresses questions regarding how academic mobility and cooperation is taking shape along the New Silk Road and what difference it will make in the global higher education landscape. It presents a rich collection of contributions by scholars from Europe, China, the USA, Russia, and Australia, combining perspectives from anthropology, computer sciences, economics, education, history, law, political science, philosophy, science and technology studies, sinology, and sociology. Introductory chapters present the global context for the NSR, the development of Chinese universities along international models, and the history and outcomes of EU–China cooperation. The flows and patterns in academic cooperation along the New Silk Road as they shape and have been shaped by China’s universities are explored in more detail in the following chapters. The conditions for Sino-foreign cooperation are discussed next, with an analysis of regulatory frameworks for cooperation, recognition, data, and privacy. Comparative work follows on the cultural traditions and academic values, similarities and differences between Sinic and Anglo-American political and educational cultures, and their implications for the governance and mission of higher education, the role of critical scholarship, and the state and standing of the humanities in China. The book concludes with contributions focusing on the “Idea of a University”; the values underpinning its mission, shape, and purpose, reflecting on the implications of China’s rapid higher education development for the geo-politics of higher education itself.

Confucius Institute at the University of Latvia (CIUL), officially inaugurated in 2011, celebrates ten years since its establishment. With the guidance and care of Hanban/Confucius Institute Headquarters, University of Latvia and South China Normal University, CIUL has seen vigorous development and brought about notable achievements.To date, CIUL has opened Chinese Programme at CIUL Headquarters (University of Latvia Academic Library), Confucius Classroom at Riga Culture Secondary School, Confucius Classroom at Daugavpils University, Confucius Classroom at Rezekne Academy of Technologies, Confucius Classroom at Riga Secondary School No. 34, Confucius Classroom at Riga Technical University, Chinese Programme at Transport and Telecommunication Institute, Chinese Programme at Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, Chinese Programme at Jelgava Spīdola Gymnasium, Chinese Programme at Latvian Academy of Culture, Chinese Programme at Montessori School “Pētnieki”, Chinese Programme at Ventspils University of Applied Sciences, Chinese Programme at Liepaja University, Chinese Programme at Krāslava State Gymnasium, Chinese Programme at Jēkabpils State Gymnasium, Chinese Programme at Jaunmārupe Primary School, Chinese Programme at Riga Daugavgrīva Secondary School, Chinese Programme at Riga Secondary School No. 64. In addition, CIUL cooperates with Chinese Programme of Department of Asian Studies at the University of Latvia Faculty of Humanities by providing Chinese teachers and organising various activities. CIUL collaborates with the Embassy of China in supporting Chinese teachers and Chinese Programme activities at Vidzeme University of Applied Sciences, Smiltene Secondary School and Latvian Sports Wushu Federation (Riga Wushu Kungfu Sports School). This volume introduces and illustrates the overall cooperation and the major events at each teaching venue, reviewing the achievements to date and serving as a departure point for future aspirations.

Since the beginnings of civilization, the religious has posed a central problem to the normative order of the political. The present volume illuminates this crucial relation in 21 chapters from different disciplinary perspectives including philosophy, theology, constitutional theory and law. Leading scholars are addressing conceptual questions as well as country-specific problems with regards to countries such as Croatia, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, Switzerland, the US, Mexico, China, India, Japan, Singapore, and Taiwan. One of the central themes in this volume are the ways by which the secular state envisions its relation to the religious between distance and entanglement, cooperation, independence, and conflict. With contributions by Rodrigo Vitorino Souza Alves (Federal University of Uberlandia), Slavica Banić (Novi Informator), Wojciech Brzozowski (University of Warsaw), Otto Depenheuer (University of Cologne), Dirk Ehlers (University of Münster), Robert Esser (University of Passau), Alessandro Ferrari (University of Usurbia), Silvio Ferrari (University of Milan), Karsten Fischer (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich), Andreas Follesdal (University of Oslo), Henning Glaser (Thammasat University), María Concepción Medina González (National Autonomous University of Mexico), Cheng-Tian Kuo (National Chengchi University), Bart Labuschagne (Leiden University), Andre Laliberte (University of Ottowa), René Pahud de Mortanges (University of Fribourg), Ronojoy Sen (National University of Singapore), Li-ann Thio (National University of Singapore), Javier Martínez-Torrón (Complutense University of Madrid), Johannes Zachhuber (University of Oxford) and Yijiang Zhong (University of Tokyo).

Modern Buddhist education in Asia is an organic part of the project of Buddhist modernization pursued by a number of Buddhist reformers, often as a response to the challenges of imperialism, capitalism, and Christian proselytism. While in some cases (notably in colonial Burma) the resistance to colonialism could translate into the resistance of the monastery schools to the introduction of “modern” subjects, in most cases Buddhist educational systems attempted to reinvent themselves, using modern techniques of teaching and evaluation as well as modern institutional forms—for example, that of a sectarian Buddhist university. Such a reinvention brought considerable successes in many places, notably Japan and South Korea, but modernization success is rife with inherent pitfalls. Once integrated into standardized modern educational marketplace, Buddhist educational institutions risk quickly losing their specifically religious character, with religion remaining as simply one compartmentalized and professionalized subject. In the countries where modernization has been state-driven (typically, People’s Republic of China), Buddhist educational modernization often implies close cooperation with—and ultimately co-optation by—the state institutions.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

AbstractThe 70th year of the IAU has been marked not only by the Covid-19 pandemic but by the geopolitical tension between the United States and China. After almost four decades of cooperation, which began in shared opposition to Soviet Russia and a shared interest in China’s modernisation, the leaders of each country have become strident critics of the other. The escalating war of words has led to disruptions in trade, communications and visas and now threatens the vast and fruitful cooperation between universities and researchers. Much is at stake. Many US universities are in China, such as Stanford with its state-of-the-art centre at Peking University and NYU with a branch campus in Shanghai. Chinese universities benefit from visits in both directions, from bench-marking using American partner templates and from the return of US-trained doctoral graduates. US-China links in science are focused on crucial areas like biomedicine and epidemiology, planetary science and ecology, engineering, materials, energy, cybernetics.

The Introduction presents the conceptual framework of the research project: “The New Silk Road: Implications for higher education and research cooperation between China and Europe.” The areas of inquiry focused on are: the academic flows and activities emerging along the NSR; university responses and their rationales; the conditions under which activities are taking place; defined by whom, and the values underpinning the mission of the university in society. It places the NSR in global context: how China’s rise in science and higher education results in shifting global flows, impact, and rising tensions. It explores the evolving China–European relationship and concludes that while the idea or model of the university may travel along the NSR, it does not necessarily change because of it. Despite the current unknowns, in the long run, Chinese–European cooperation on or beyond the New Silk Road offers a new landscape for higher education on both ends of Eurasia.

International collaborations among higher education institutions have existed along the Silk Road for a long time. With the initiative of the Belt and Road, it is believed that cooperation among universities and colleges may be influenced in various respects. In this study, seventeen university consortia that have been formed in the last thirty years along the Silk Road were investigated, including the membership structure, their starting point, goals and developments of these consortia, and the roles of world-class universities. The findings showed: 1) these consortia share the similar goals of multinational collaboration to foster solutions to new global challenges; 2) the thirty-year development of these consortia was divided into three phases, and most of the member universities are from the EU, China, and the US; 3) world-class universities were, are and will be playing the leading roles in these consortia continuously.

In recent years, professional mobility opportunities for university staff and students enshrined within various initiatives have been an effective tool in increasing the international visibility of universities. Activities such as participation in EU sponsored programs (mainly Erasmus-MUNDUS followed by ERASMUS+) as well as opportunities provided by national agencies like the China Scholarship Council, Polish National Academic Exchange Agency, and relevant schemes in other EU member states are perceived as perfect tools for turning ideas into reality. Aside from the scientific profits collected by the beneficiaries, opportunities for academic mobility serve as eye-openers, triggering new ideas and solutions based on good practices and experience. The purpose of this chapter is to study the background, practices, and effects of cooperation between China and the EU. It argues that the process of accelerating mobility cooperation between universities in China and Europe should not only start from people mobility but also from project mobility and policy mobility.

The work of documentation of part of fortified architecture in rammed earth and wood, typical of Fujian region in south-eastern China, represents the start of a research and cooperation project between DiCEM Department at Università degli Studi della Basilicata and Fuzhou University, determined by a MAECI co-funding project named “Youth Exchanges”, for the cultural mobility of Italian and Chinese students1. Generally, three types of fortified vernacular architecture can be found in Fujian region, China: Tulou, Tubao (soil castle), and Zhuangzhai. Even though they are all residential buildings built in rammed earth, they are different historically, geographically, functionally and typologically.

This Annual Report of the Portuguese Polar Program, PROPOLAR reports the main activities conducted between August 2018 and December 2019 The PROPOLAR is led by the CEG/IGOT University of Lisbon, under a Coordinating Committee that includes members of other 4 Portuguese research institutions CCMAR University of the Algarve, MARE University of Coimbra, CQE University of Lisbon, and CIIMAR University of Oporto The Program is funded by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia MCTES FCT) as a development of its former Polar Office The activities herein disclosed reflect a very busy and inspiring year The PROPOLAR supported fifteen projects that were successfully carried out in the Arctic and Antarctica Logistics continued to be based on international cooperation and on a Portuguese funded Antarctic flight open to partner programs Logistical support in Antarctica was mainly provided by Spain, Chile and the Republic of Korea, also with strong cooperation in research and facilities with Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Peru, Turkey, United States of America and Uruguay Participation in international meetings and workshops, as well as the organisation of a symposium and an international meeting, and the support provided to the Portuguese Conference on Polar Science, fulfilled and enriched this very active period, also helping to reinforce the credibility and relevance of the program in the international polar arena B ringing together all these efforts and resources will surely attract and mobilise more young researchers into a Polar scientific career, thus ensuring the future of the Portuguese Polar science, and that the program will continue to blossom We are confident that the successes that PROPOLAR has had in 2019 will serve as an impetus for our very dynamic and committed community of polar researchers to move forward in in vesting in the future of the Portuguese P olar science and preparing to seize new opportunities

Higher education related to water is a critical component of capacity development necessary to support countries’ progress towards Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) overall, and towards the SDG6 water and sanitation goal in particular. Although the precise number is unknown, there are at least 28,000 higher education institutions in the world. The actual number is likely higher and constantly changing. Water education programmes are very diverse and complex and can include components of engineering, biology, chemistry, physics, hydrology, hydrogeology, ecology, geography, earth sciences, public health, sociology, law, and political sciences, to mention a few areas. In addition, various levels of qualifications are offered, ranging from certificate, diploma, baccalaureate, to the master’s and doctorate (or equivalent) levels. The percentage of universities offering programmes in ‘water’ ranges from 40% in the USA and Europe to 1% in subSaharan Africa. There are no specific data sets available for the extent or quality of teaching ‘water’ in universities. Consequently, insights on this have to be drawn or inferred from data sources on overall research and teaching excellence such as Scopus, the Shanghai Academic Ranking of World Universities, the Times Higher Education, the Ranking Web of Universities, the Our World in Data website and the UN Statistics Division data. Using a combination of measures of research excellence in water resources and related topics, and overall rankings of university teaching excellence, universities with representation in both categories were identified. Very few universities are represented in both categories. Countries that have at least three universities in the list of the top 50 include USA, Australia, China, UK, Netherlands and Canada. There are universities that have excellent reputations for both teaching excellence and for excellent and diverse research activities in water-related topics. They are mainly in the USA, Europe, Australia and China. Other universities scored well on research in water resources but did not in teaching excellence. The approach proposed in this report has potential to guide the development of comprehensive programmes in water. No specific comparative data on the quality of teaching in water-related topics has been identified. This report further shows the variety of pathways which most water education programmes are associated with or built in – through science, technology and engineering post-secondary and professional education systems. The multitude of possible institutions and pathways to acquire a qualification in water means that a better ‘roadmap’ is needed to chart the programmes. A global database with details on programme curricula, qualifications offered, duration, prerequisites, cost, transfer opportunities and other programme parameters would be ideal for this purpose, showing country-level, regional and global search capabilities. Cooperation between institutions in preparing or presenting water programmes is currently rather limited. Regional consortia of institutions may facilitate cooperation. A similar process could be used for technical and vocational education and training, although a more local approach would be better since conditions, regulations and technologies vary between relatively small areas. Finally, this report examines various factors affecting the future availability of water professionals. This includes the availability of suitable education and training programmes, choices that students make to pursue different areas of study, employment prospects, increasing gender equity, costs of education, and students’ and graduates’ mobility, especially between developing and developed countries. This report aims to inform and open a conversation with educators and administrators in higher education especially those engaged in water education or preparing to enter that field. It will also benefit students intending to enter the water resources field, professionals seeking an overview of educational activities for continuing education on water and government officials and politicians responsible for educational activities