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Academic literature on the topic 'Universalist General Reform Association'

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Published: 25 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Universalist General Reform Association"

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Castiglioni, Rossana. "The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1990." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00187.x.

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AbstractChile's military government replaced the country's universalistic social policy system with a set of market-oriented social policies. Taking evidence from three areas (pensions, education, and health care), this study seeks to explain why the military advanced a policy of deep retrenchment and why reform of health care was less thorough than it was in pensions and education. The radical transformation of policy relates to the breadth of power concentration enjoyed by General Pinochet and his economic team, the policymakers' ideological positions, and the role of veto players. The more limited reform of health care is linked to the actions of a powerful veto player, the professional association of physicians.
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Schnell, Jim. "A rhetorical analysis of the Unitarian Universalist Association Organizational Chart as operations management case study." BOHR International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (2023): 256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54646/bijsshr.2023.58.

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The purpose of this report is to interpret processes that transpired at the Unitarian Universalist 2023 General Assembly using the lens of historical polity and to do so as an operations management case study. I believe a fundamental venue for addressing such phenomena is to focus on the Unitarian Universalist Association Organizational Chart as it serves as a foundation for what transpired at the June 21–25, 2023 Unitarian Universalist Association General Assembly. The Unitarian Universalist Association Organizational Chart provides context for much of what transpired in that it frames the manner of approach that is practiced.
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Martin, Paul. "Chávez, the Organization of American States, and Democracy in International Law." Alberta Law Review 46, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 933. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr211.

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This article examines the Organization of American States (OAS) intervention in the dispute over the democratic character of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez’s political reforms as a case study of the institutionalization by international organizations of the democratic entitlement. The author first summarizes the democratic entitlement argument before moving to analyze the history of the OAS’s institutional commitment to the concept of democracy protection and promotion. The author argues that the tension between the OAS’s universalist rhetoric and the reality of American hegemony has contributed to what he calls a “post-imperial sensibility” within the organization, which manifests itself in potentially productive ways in the OAS’s operationalization of the democratic reform. The author briefly examines OAS involvement in Venezuela since 2002 as an example of this operationalization and concludes by suggesting that opposition to the democratic entitlement by critical scholars is misplaced, and that efforts to establish it as a principle of international law should be supported.
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Mathes, Valerie Sherer. "Nineteenth Century Women and Reform: The Women's National Indian Association." American Indian Quarterly 14, no. 1 (1990): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185003.

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Churnin, Ian, Joel Michalek, and Ali Seifi. "Association of Resident Duty Hour Restrictions on Mortality of Nervous System Disease and Disorder." Journal of Graduate Medical Education 8, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 576–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4300/jgme-d-15-00306.1.

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ABSTRACT Background The impact of the 2003 residency duty hour reform on patient care remains a debated issue. Objective Determine the association between duty hour limits and mortality in patients with nervous system pathology. Methods Via a retrospective cohort study using the Nationwide Inpatient Sample from 2000–2010, the authors evaluated in-hospital mortality status in those with a primary discharge level diagnosis of disease or disorder of the nervous system. Odds ratios were calculated, and Bonferroni corrected P values and confidence intervals were determined to account for multiple comparisons relating in-hospital mortality with teaching status of the hospital by year. Results The pre-reform (2000–2002) and peri-reform (2003) periods revealed no significant difference between teaching and nonteaching hospital mortality (P > .99). The post-reform period (2004–2010) was dominated by years of significantly higher mortality rates in teaching hospitals compared to nonteaching hospitals: 2004 (P < .001); 2006 (P = .043); 2007 (P = .042); and 2010 (P = .003). However, data for 2005 (P ≥ .99), 2008 (P = .80), and 2009 (P = .09) did not show a significant difference in mortality. Conclusions Teaching and nonteaching hospital mortality was similar in patients with nervous system pathology prior to the duty hour reform. While nonteaching institutions demonstrated steadily declining mortality over the decade, teaching hospital mortality spiked in 2004 and declined at a more restricted rate. The timing of these changes could suggest a negative correlation of duty hour restrictions on outcomes of patients with nervous system pathology.
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Tuttle, Georgia. "Overview of the American Medical Association Health System Reform Proposal." Endocrine Practice 14, no. 4 (May 2008): 505–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.4158/ep.14.4.505.

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Zaiets, Olena. "Decentralization reform: land law aspect." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 249–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2021.48.

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In Ukraine, the reform of decentralization of power has been going on since 2014 – the transfer of a significant part of powers,finances, other resources and responsibilities from the state power as close as possible to the people – local governments. The process of voluntary association of territorial communities and formation of capable united territorial communities belongsto the same sphere. The issue of formation of the inseparable territory of OTG (requirement of Article 4 of the Law of Ukraine “OnVoluntary Association of Territorial Communities”) in the aspect of transfer of a significant part of state-owned lands to communal onesis still relevant, insufficiently regulated by law.It is absolutely necessary to analyze modern judicial practice. in cases related to the redistribution of state and communal landsduring decentralization, as it indicates the shortcomings of current legislation in this area. One of the tasks set by the Concept ofReforming Local Self-Government and Territorial Organization of Government is to determine a reasonable territorial basis for theactivities of local self-government bodies and executive bodies capable of ensuring the availability and proper quality of public servicesprovided by such bodies.Ways of transfer of lands to communal ownership are succession, methods of acquisition provided by item 5 of Art. 83 of theLand Code, transition to communal ownership of collectively owned lands in accordance with the Law of Ukraine “On Amendmentsto Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine Concerning Resolving the Issue of Collective Land Ownership, Improving Land Use Rules inAgricultural Land, Preventing Raids and Stimulating Irrigation in Ukraine”. Today, the so-called land audit, which differs significantlyfrom the land inventory and is carried out by non-governmental organizations on a commercial or grant basis, helps territorial communitiesto collect land “in a heap”.At the same time, the main, initial basis for the transfer of land to the ownership of territorial communities should be a largescaleone-time delimitation of state-owned land on land that remains in state ownership and land that becomes communal property.This is one of the tasks of the Draft Law № 2194 “On Amendments to the Land Code of Ukraine and Other Legislative Acts toImprove the System of Management and Deregulation in the Sphere of Land Relations”.
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Tanne, J. H. "American Medical Association backs health reform despite challenges from some members." BMJ 342, jun27 2 (June 27, 2011): d4060. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.d4060.

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Chrenka, Allan. "The Michigan Association for Career Education: Catalyst for educational reform." Journal of Career Development 15, no. 4 (June 1989): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01321966.

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Chrenka, Allan. "The Michigan Association for Career Education: Catalyst for Educational Reform." Journal of Career Development 15, no. 4 (March 1989): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089484538901500405.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Universalist General Reform Association"

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Ellis, Albert Luther III. "The regressive era: Progressive Era tax reform and the National Tax Association--roots of the modern American tax structure. (Volumes I and II)." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16437.

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The National Tax Association (1907) successfully led more well-known Progressive Era reform groups (National Municipal League, Civic Federation, Bar and Economics Associations and others) in advocating twenty-eight "classified" (discriminatory) taxes--examined in statutory detail, with debate. Supplanting constitutionally mandated, uniform-rate, shared state/local general property taxation and the federal tariff, NTA Model Laws with varying bases, rates, loopholes, methods of assessment, administration, and collection for separate levels of government supervised by newly-created "independent" State Tax Commissions reflected the NTA's classified tariff model, Republican roots, and business interests of its leadership. Classification produced the distributive tax politics imbedded in today's American tax "structure"--composed entirely of NTA reforms supported by its supply-side, class-based, European-generated rationales. NTA reformers used seven "tax incentive" arguments supporting selective tax relief, reflecting their restricted membership, procedures, and funding sources. Results show intangibles investors and businesses (banking, insurance, securities) and other "regulated" concentrated industries (public service corporations) benefitting from NTA reforms reducing intangibles and selected tangible tax burdens (timber industry) via relief from personal property taxation replaced by "net" earnings taxation and one-time recording or stumpage fees--in lieu of yearly personal property taxes based on total asset value. Highly competitive industries producing tangible goods (manufacturing, mining), their employees and consumers, farmers and small-lot owners suffered under NTA reforms--through comparatively regressive real estate levies and new taxes added to the general property tax--income, sales, excises and user fees, while absorbing excused intangible tax burdens. While NTA state success positively correlated with the presence of State Tax Associations, NTA leader-lobbyists, State Tax Commissions, pre-existing state classification leeway, and economic structure, and federal success with NTA co-affiliations, alternative hypotheses suggest NTA success related positively to powerful within-state interest groups (virtually identical to NTA reformers' interests), Republican governorships, governors with intangibles business ties, and states with diversified economies. The rise of State Tax Commissions and tax classification during competitive state/local electoral times suggests an alternative interpretation of realignment, and supports critics of anti-democratic Progressive Era municipal reform. Truly general (uniform) taxation is recommended.
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Books on the topic "Universalist General Reform Association"

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General Reform Association for Ontario. Meeting (7th : 1911 : Toronto, Ont.). General Reform Association for Ontario, 1911. [Ontario?: s.n., 1995.

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Rosa, Mary. Resolutions and resources: A social responsibility handbook. Edited by Unitarian Universalist Association. Social Responsibility Section, Unitarian Universalist Association. General Assembly, and Unitarian Universalist Association. Board of Trustees. Boston, Mass.]: Unitarian Universalist Association, Social Responsibility Section, 1985.

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Rosa, Mary. Resolutions and resources: A social responsibility handbook. Edited by Unitarian Universalist Association. Department for Social Justice, Unitarian Universalist Association. General Assembly, and Unitarian Universalist Association. Board of Trustees. Boston, Mass.]: Unitarian Universalist Association, Social Responsibility Section, 1996.

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Virginia Association of Health Plans., ed. Report on the high-deductible health insurance plans and quality and educational initiatives: Report of the Virginia Association of Health Plans to the Governor and the General Assembly of Virginia. Richmond, Va: Commonwealth of Virginia, 2006.

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United States. General Accounting Office., ed. Bank and thrift failures: The government could do more to pursue fraud and wrongdoing : statement of Harold A. Valentine, Associate Director, Administration of Justice Issues, General Government Division, before the National Commission on Financial Institution Reform, Recovery and Enforcement. [Washington, D.C.]: The Office, 1993.

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Association, Addington Reform, ed. Dominion general election Addington: Mr. G.W. Dawson, M.P., having placed in my hands his resignation of the nomination given him by the Liberal Party in October, 1894, I hereby call a meeting of the Addington Reform Association ... to be held in the town hall, Harrowsmith, Friday, Mch. 27, 1896 .. [S.l: s.n., 1986.

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Ontario, Reform Association for, and H. M. (Herbert Macdonald) Mowat. General Reform Association for Ontario, 1911 [microform]. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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Tiede, Hans-Joerg. University Reform: The Founding of the American Association of University Professors. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015.

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University Reform: The Founding of the American Association of University Professors. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015.

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Scribner, Jay D., and Donald H. Layton. Study of Educational Politics: The 1994 Commemorative Yearbook of the Politics of Education Association 1969-1994. Taylor & Francis Group, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Universalist General Reform Association"

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Cordray, Richard. "Prepared Remarks Before the National Association of Attorneys General." In Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, 241–46. World Scientific, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814590044_0015.

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"Business and Industry." In Blueprints For Reform, 247–64. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195124279.003.0012.

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Abstract This Chapter Defines Ways for the business community to help implement reform in science, mathematics, and technology education. It discusses business’ current involvement in K-12 reform, and examines ways for business to become involved in the reforms and to help foster an environment in which reforms can succeed. It identifies barriers to successful business involvement in education in general and science reform in particular, and suggests ways for science education reformers to address those barriers and develop and maintain useful relationships with business. Business involvement in pre-college education in America dates to the mid-19th century, when many members of the Whig Party saw economic success and desirable socialization skills, such as punctuality and good work habits, as key goals of education. Business involvement in education reform began early in the 20th century, when the National Association of Manufacturers led a lobbying campaign that resulted in the 1917 passage of the Smith-Hughes Act- legislation that called for standardized testing, guidance counseling, and tracking in the nation’s schools. More recently, business reacted to the Soviet launch of Sputnik and to the Cold War by demanding more engineers and scientists. In the 1980s, reports like A Nation at Risk (National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983) justified for many business people the idea that education was both a root cause of many economic and social problems and the best hope to remedy these problems.
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Theodore Hoppen, K. "Reform and Electoral Politics." In The Mid-Victorian Generation, 237–72. Oxford University PressOxford, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198228349.003.0009.

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Abstract In the twenty years before 1865 the cause of franchise reform, though it generated sporadic bouts of ill-coordinated activity, came at times to resemble nothing so much as a corpse on the dissecting table. Its supporters—bereft of influence, cohesion, and staying power—remained rich only in the ability to irritate and to bore. After the collapse of Chartism as a major political phenomenon in 1848 there was no general or effective reform movement. Under Sir Joshua Walmsley, and with occasional support from Cobden and Bright, the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association organized a strikingly unsuccessful campaign between 1849 and 1852. The announcement in 1848 by Lord John Russell that he no longer thought the reforms of 1832 ‘final’ failed to arouse the nation. Only Westminster seemed at all keen. Some seventy Radical MPs doggedly supported motions brought forward by members like P. J. Locke King aimed at assimilating the county to the more generous borough franchise and introducing the secret ballot. Official bills issued forth from Russell’s Liberal administration in 1852, Aberdeen’s coalition in 1854, Derby’s Tory government in 1859, and Palmerston’s Liberal government in 1860. All sank beneath the waves. Indifference rather than opposition stood in the way. Almost no significant leader was completely opposed. Some, like Russell, were committed. Some, like Derby and Disraeli, hoped to revive party fortunes with superficially bold but practically anodyne proposals. Some, like Palmerston, were at least prepared to take up the question as a flag of truce towards more radical elements. But while a growing body of MPs wanted reform, they did not want it very much and could not agree as to the shape it should take. The nation, however, seemed apathetic. In 1856 Cobden thought one ‘might as well call out for the millennium’. Even the one substantial piece of reform legislation from these years—the Irish Franchise Act of 1850 (which greatly altered the nature of the electorate in Ireland) —was passed, not because of public pressure or official enthusiasm, but because the Great Famine had so reduced the number of voters that something simply ‘had to be done’.
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Noam, Eli. "The United Kingdom." In Telecommunications in Europe, 103–32. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195070521.003.0008.

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Abstract In the years following nationalization, the telephone system developed only very slowly. In 1912, the first public automatic exchange was opened; in 1916 amplification for long distance service was introduced; the Strowger switching system was adopted in 1922 and remained the mainstay well into the 1980s (Foreman-Peck, 1985, pp. 215-28). Demands for network investment were made in 1920 by a Parliamentary Select Committee, the Telephone Development Association (formed in 1924), and the Liberal party. But the General Post Office, the Treasury, and the Union of Postal Workers (though not the technical unions) resisted change until a 1932 Act of Parliament demanded reorganization. An opposition group, the ‘‘Memorialists,’’ was formed to press for telecommunication reform. It had the support of 320 MPs. A commission was set up (the Bridgeman Inquiry) that recommended moderate change. But the Post Office maintained its inefficient structure; even in the face of a substandard system, the postmaster general declared that he could not see how additional capital could be more usefully spent.
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Reilly, Thomas H. "The YMCA and the Gospel for the Urban Elite." In Saving the Nation, 63–105. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190929503.003.0004.

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The YMCA was one of the most influential organizations in Chinese society during the time of the republic. Its membership was recruited from the urban elite, chiefly the industrial, commercial, and professional sectors of Chinese urban society, while its Protestant leadership represented those sectors, along with the political and educational sectors, as well. The YMCA promoted a Protestant vision of modern China, and sought to realize that vision through a wide range of programs, including citizenship, literacy and hygiene campaigns, and general social service. The YMCA often partnered with the Nationalist government, and Chiang Kai-shek’s New Life Movement was one product of this relationship. The association was not, however, a strong supporter of movements for social reform, much to the disappointment of some of its national secretaries, especially one of the most prominent of those secretaries, Wu Yaozong.
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Marrison, Andrew. "The Tariff Commission at Work." In British Business and Protection 1903-1932, 117–38. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198202981.003.0005.

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Abstract An examination of some of the day-to-day aspects of the administration and operation of the Tariff Commission between 1904 and the general elections of 1910 tells us much about the methods, biases, and attitudes of its organizers which does not readily emerge from its published writings. Recent research has increased our knowledge of the ideological baggage of the Tariff Reform League, particularly in the context of Edwardian right-wing nationalism, and of the TRL’s relationship with the Conservative Party. The paucity of records, however, has meant that less is known of its internal operation and decisionmaking, and of the interaction between League headquarters and the 250 provincial branches and forty women’s association branches. Of the Birmingham Liberal Unionist Association’s Imperial Tariff Committee, or of the Free Trade League, Free Food League, and Free Trade Union, even less is known.
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Lauter, Paul. "Looking a Gift Horse in the Mouth." In Canons and Contexts. Oxford University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195055931.003.0018.

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These are times which may not yet try our souls, but surely they tempt our spirits. It was but a few years ago that the current drug czar, then chairman of the federal agency dispensing opportunity to humanists, initiated a public campaign to reestablish as the basis of humanistic study a five, or maybe a two-and-a-half foot shelf of great books. These would, presumably, teach us, or at least the youth consigned to us, the central virtues: to quote William Bennett, “not to betray your friends, your God or your country.” Across Washington, the National Institute of Education issued a report suggesting that American higher education suffered from a deep head cold that, were it not properly treated, could easily develop into pneumonia. The treatment, among other things, was an expansion of the liberal arts, and perhaps a return to old-fashioned general education and distribution requirements. Dutifully pursuing the theme, reports of prestigious private organizations like the Association of American Colleges sounded the trumpet of reform. And then, as if in answer to these calls, President Reagan appointed a humanist, an academic, the very initiator of this campaign to revive the humanities and the study of Western civilization as Secretary of Education. And not, as it became apparent, to preside over the dismemberment of that federal department, but to reestablish in education traditional American virtues. It seemed like a humanist's dream, this federally-sanctioned campaign to restore the importance of our disciplines, to “place at the heart of the college curriculum” the “study of the humanities and Western civilization,” and a colleague in high place to put money behind the mouth. And besides, for many of us the very notion of reviving general education requirements, and especially the study of Western civilization, is itself appealing, regardless of money or power. So perhaps it would seem best not to look a gift horse too closely in the mouth, even if the emerging winds bring more than a whiff of sectarian values.
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Vovk, Roman. "The Eastern Flank of Europe: Ukraine’s Place in the Collective Security System." In Eastern Partnership: The Role and Significance in the Process of Transformation of the Countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, 69–86. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381386425.05.

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The effective protection of European countries and citizens in today’s conditions requires joint and coordinated systemic actions that will address existing threats and prevent new challenges in both physical and virtual spaces. The threats from the east, caused by the aggressive policy of the Russian Federation and possible socio-political disturbances in the neighbouring countries, need special attention. The EU has implemented the European Neighbourhood Policy and initiated the Eastern Partnership programme to support stability, security and prosperity in the EU’s proximity. Many important projects were implemented in the partner countries within the cooperation under the adopted programmes; they contributed to the democratisation of the political system, the civil society and economic development – all of which had a positive impact on the security situation in the region. The article presents the main achievements of Ukraine in the process of economic reform and transformation of the socio-political system as a result of cooperation with the European Union within the Eastern Partnership programme. The positive impact of the adopted Association Agreement on the development of Ukraine-EU cooperation is being noted. An important step in maintaining regional security is the development of military and technical cooperation between Ukraine and the EU which provides access to financial resources and defence innovative technologies, contributes to the modernisation of Ukraine’s security forces and increase their defence capabilities. Ukraine successfully cooperates with European partners in cybersecurity, civil protection and integrated border management. In general, Ukraine-EU cooperation is of great benefit to both parties and helps to improve the security situation in Europe, and further integration into European structures and programmes such as PESCO will increase this effect.
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Conference papers on the topic "Universalist General Reform Association"

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Cmeciu, Camelia, Doina Cmeciu, and Monica Patrut. "CSR 2.0 - FRAMING ONLINE LEARNING ENVIRONMENTS IN CAMPAIGNS ON NON-FORMAL EDUCATION." In eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-200.

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Education is one of the most important signs of social progress and throughout the years a twofold evolution has taken place: on the one hand, the providers of knowledge have evolved from schools and universities to the business community and on the other hand, the traditional receivers of knowledge have changed into creators of knowledge. Business organizations have become aware that the corporate involvement in the community by implementing social campaigns on education may trigger a higher degree of visibility and consolidate the stakeholder relationship management. Thus the well-known corporate social responsibility (CSR) syntagm, ?doing well by doing good? (Rawlins, 2005) has turned into a pervasive element of the organizational discourse. As the report on CSR of the European Commission and the Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion (2011) highlighted, CSR should not be ?an isolated practice or teaching subject but a cross-cutting approach embedded in the wider concept of sustainable development?. The economic, legal, ethical, and philanthropic dimensions beyond every CSR activity should be integrated within the framework of campaigns which ?are often driven by reform efforts, actions that seek to make life or society or both better, as defined by emerging social values? (Dozier et. al, 2001). The final outcome of improving people?s life and/ or society involves stirring one?s awareness towards an issue. Investing into people?s education has become a pervasive issue for many organizations nowadays and non-formal education is a type of acquiring knowledge which the business community seems to prefer because it lies on social constructivism whose purposes are self-knowledge, development of identities, and belief that stakeholders can make a difference in the world (Oldfather et al., 1999). Within the age of Web 2.0 the traditional non-formal learning settings (museums, zoos, botanical gardens, planetariums and so on) have changed into online environments where features such as engaging, participating, connecting, collaborating, and sharing (Lee, Williams, Kim, 2012) prevail. Running a CSR 2.0 campaign on non-formal education implies that business organizations create these virtual environments where social media applications are used as a bidirectional information delivery system where stakeholders play an active role in the collaborative knowledge construction. As methodology, we will use the framing theory in order to provide the content analysis of the CSR 2.0 campaigns on non-formal education which were awarded at the Romanian PR Award in 2009, 2010 and 2011. Frames rely on the selection of some aspects of a perceived reality which are made more salient in a communicating (e-)text. We will provide a threefold analysis: a) a general framework of the Romanian CSR 2.0 campaigns on non-formal education taking into account R. Entman?s four frame types: problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and treatment recommendation; b) a structural analysis of non-formal education virtual environments as a hybrid genre formed of multimodal resources; c) a comparative analysis of the online environments framed as treatment recommendations which were used in the awarded Romanian CSR 2.0 campaigns on education. The research questions will focus on four aspects: the salience of business organizations as providers of non-formal education; the dominance of the awarded thematic online environments; the types of social actions framed in the different thematic e-learning environments; the types of digital identities virtually assigned to stakeholders. References Dozier, D.M., Grunig, L.A., & Grunig, J. E. (2001). Public relations as communication campaign. In R. E. Rice, & Ch. K. Atkin (Eds.), Public communication campaigns. 3rd edition (pp. 231-248). Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58. Lee, K., Williams, M.K. & Kim, K. (2012). Learning through social technologies: facilitating learning experiences with Web 2.0 social media. In P. Resta (Ed.), Proceedings of Society for Information Technology & Teacher Education International Conference 2012 (pp. 560-565). Oldfather, P., West, J., White, J., & Wilmarth, J. (1999). Learning through children?s eyes. Social constructivism and the desire to learn. Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association. Rawlins, B. L. (2005). Corporate Social Responsibility. In R.L. Heath (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Public Relations (pp. 210-214). Thousand Oaks, London, New Delphi: Sage Publications. 210-214. CSR
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Reports on the topic "Universalist General Reform Association"

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Hoddinott, John, Mesele Araya, Tassew Woldehanna, Ricardo Sabates, Dawit Tibebu Tiruneh, and Nurullah Eryilmaz. Which Aspects of Educational Reforms in Ethiopia Have Promoted Equitable Achievements in Mathematics? Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2023/138.

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This paper assesses the factors underpinning trends in mathematics learning for Grade 4 pupils in Ethiopia based on data collected in 2012-13 (the Young Lives surveys, YL) and 2018-19 (the RISE surveys). It combines comparable data on attainments on tests of students’ mathematics knowledge with information on their family background, their teachers, and the schools they attend. The period covered by the study encompasses an education reform, the General Education Quality Improvement Program – Phase II (GEQIP-II). GEQIP-II’s goals included increasing access to primary education and the quality of education that was provided. We find that mathematics teachers’ educational qualifications and teacher content knowledge in mathematics improved between 2012 and 2018. Despite this, students in 2018 have learning levels lower than students in 2012. This reflects, in part, changes in the composition of the samples, with the 2018 sample coming from poorer and rural households. However, students in 2018 show greater learning progress over the course of a school year compared to students in 2012. Using a value-added model, we show that learning outcomes in mathematics at the end of the school year are associated with teacher content knowledge, that this association has increased in magnitude over time, and that this content knowledge is especially important for weaker students. The key to reconciling these paradoxical findings is, thus, to recognize that the reforms that underpin these improvements in school quality may well be working in multiple ways, changing the composition of the student body who attend school as well as increasing the amount of learning that takes place in the classroom, particularly for weaker students. This, juxtaposed with the fact that the education reforms implemented over the last decade have sought to both include students from disadvantaged backgrounds and to improve teacher quality, is suggestive of the possibility that the GEQIP initiatives were producing positive learning results.
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