To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Unity Party of Nigeria.
Journal articles on the topic 'Unity Party of Nigeria'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Unity Party of Nigeria.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Udenta, Nkiruka C., and Jude Okezie Emmanuel Udenta. "Party Politics and National Integration in Nigeria: An Appraisal of All Progressive Congress 2019-2023." NEWPORT INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CURRENT RESEARCH IN HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 4, no. 2 (April 4, 2024): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.59298/nijcrhss/2024/4.2.54368.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined party politics and national integration in Nigeria: an appraisal of All Progressive Congress (APC). It conceptualized political parties and national integration. The study raised two objectives namely: Ascertain how All Progressive Congress (APC) politics has promoted national integration in Nigeria between 2015 and 2023. Determine how All Progressive Congress (APC) politics has undermined national integration in Nigeria. Systems theory was used as the theory for the study. Ex-post facto design was used. Data used for the study were derived through secondary sources. Thematic content analysis was used to analyze the data. The findings of the study show that APC has made some contributions towards national integration in Nigeria. The finding of the study also shows that these efforts have their challenges which militated against them in the realization of their objectives. While the efforts were intended to achieve national integration, solidarity and unity, it ended up creating disunity among the people, and marginalization of one section by the other thereby leading to intense struggle for power between and or among people from different ethnic groups. The study concluded that due to the nature of party politics, APC as a political party has not been able to live up to expectation as a veritable instrument for national integration. Secondly, some of the party leaders are more powerful than the political party itself and as such their selfish personal interest overrides the interest of the party and the nation as the case may be. The study recommended that political parties must run issue-based campaigns devoid of hate speech or disinformation to restore their integrity in the eyes of citizens. Once elected and/ or appointed to political office, party members must follow through on the promises made during the campaign period. Also, political parties must be held accountable for their abuses of the system and failure to represent the interests of the Nigerian people. Keywords: Political Party, Party Politics, National Integration
2
Apter, Andrew. "Things Fell Apart? Yoruba Responses to the 1983 Elections in Ondo State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1987): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00009940.
Full textAbstract:
ON 16 August 1983, towns throughout Nigeria's Ondo State erupted into violence. The ostensible cause was popular reaction against rigged gubernational elections which favoured a National Party of Nigeria (N.P.N.) candidate in an overwhelmingly Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N.) State. It is easy to dismiss the violence in Undo (and in Oyo State too) as the protest of a frustrated plebiscite – as indeed it was. But western accounts of ‘the breakdown of democracy’ in Africa, so often associated with primordialism, tribalism, and class conflict in plural societies, seldom grasp experiences of the breakdown itself.1 From the external perspectives of national integration and voting behaviour, popular violence involving mobs and crowds is characterised as affective, ‘irrational’ action, in contrast to the ‘rational’ norms of institutionalised democracy.2
3
Ogu, Esomchi Chris-Sanctus, Chijindu Onyemaobi Magnus, and Quentin Chukwu Chukwuemeka. "Party Politics, The Zoning Policy Paradox, And Consolidation of National Unity: An Assessment of the Two Major Political Parties in Nigeria." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 11, no. 2 (February 15, 2023): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol11n21734.
Full textAbstract:
The word “Zoning” has dominated the present political struggle in Nigeria. To a reasonable degree, zoning has been omnipresent in the genesis of Nigeria’s politics right from the first Republic and influences the formation of government (both military and civilian), and has been a subject of debate amongst scholars. It is right to reaffirm that the intention of those who brought the idea of the zoning policy into Nigeria’s political space was to ensure fairness in the rotation of key political offices across the country, but the politics and contentions associated with the actual practice of it is something to worry about. This is due to the fact that Nigerian politics over the years have been played on the basis of ethnicity as zoning seems to be an arrangement made to favour a particular set of people, who by reason of numbers acclaimed to be the majority, as against those who are regarded as the minority. In fact, zoning has practically turned out to represent the interest of few elites, who want to perpetually remain in power, and it is also defined by them, against what the masses may consider zoning to be in the sense of justice and fairness. With the 2023 general elections in sight, the issue of zoning is once again central and, as usual, contentious. This paper is an attempt to interrogate the extent to which the zoning of political offices during electoral contests, appointments, and the distribution of amenities will help in sustaining national unity in Nigeria and help in harmonizing and actualizing party interest(s). Scholars have written extensively on the zoning arrangements in Nigeria, some have even gone as far as tracing its origin to the second republic, but one thing which has remained a gab in their efforts is their inability to capture appropriately how zoning can help keep the country together by not just stating or making mention of zoning, but applying it in spirit and in principle. In gathering data for the study, the paper made use of the secondary method of data collection, while the generated data was analyzed using content analysis. Using John Rawl’s Theory of Justice, the paper finds and exposes the marginalization in the undue application of the zoning policy in Nigeria. This is because political actors have always placed their personal and party interests above fairness and justice. In other to ensure political justice, and consolidate National unity in the country, the paper recommends that the interest of the diverse religion, languages, and tribes that make up the country should be considered always so as to overcome the feeling of marginalization and domination of one region over the other which is about to tear the country into pieces.
4
Aderayo, Adebajo Adeola, and Kunle Olawunmi. "Ethnic politics and National Integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 25, no. 4 (December 2022): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.88.
Full textAbstract:
One of the contentious issues affecting national integration in Nigeria is ethnic politics. An ethnicity is a potent tool for mobilizing access to power and resources in Nigeria. It has not only affected nation-building but has also constituted security and governance challenges threatening national integration. Despite different measures adopted to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, primordial sentiments pervade the political system, festering like a malignant tumour with associated prognosis. The paper explored the implications of ethnic politics on national integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Data elicited from secondary sources were utilized for the study. The findings showed that the dominant ethnic groups determine party formation, voting patterns and allocation of public goods. Ethnic politics is deployed by the political class to access and maintain their grip of power while other sub-ethnic groups are sidelined. Undue ethnicization of Nigeria's politics has not only encouraged prebendalised politics but affected democratic development. Electoral malpractices, political instability and crises experienced in Nigeria have their roots in ethnic politics. The study recommended, among other things, that there is a need for reorientation of Nigerian citizens on the danger ethnicized politics portends to nation-building and national integration. Furthermore, there is the need to redefine citizenship, indigene-settler syndrome and son of the soil conundrum that has been spurring ethnic politics in Nigeria.
5
Osadola, Oluwaseun Samuel, and Serifat Bolanle Asiyanbi. "The Nigeria War of Unity 1967-1970: Strategies and Diplomacy." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 3 (September 10, 2022): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i3.740.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the aim and strategies of the Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970 and, emphasizes the diplomatic positions and war strategies adopted by the two sides (Federal Government and Biafra secessionist) involved. It agrees that series of researches have been carried out as regards the Nigerian Civil War but only a few viewed it on the ground of diplomatic maneuvering and strategy. The various literatures laid more emphasis on the causes, dimensions and effects of the war without a thorough analogy on the use of tact and strategy in the context of the war. The study also examines the use of propaganda, military tact, media, peace talks and summits in the context of the Nigerian civil war. This study is divided into two parts; the use of strategies by the Nigerian government and the Biafra people, as well as the peace talks and summits that took place during the war. Both primary and secondary sources of data are employed in this research.
6
Yakubu, Sanda Nehemiah, Natalia A. Anigbogu, and Mallo Maren Daniel. "An Assessment of Public Private Partnerships for Housing Projects in Bauchi State, North Eastern Nigeria." International Journal of Regional Development 4, no. 1 (November 21, 2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijrd.v4i1.9933.
Full textAbstract:
Public Private Partnership (PPP) has gained wide acceptance as a strategy for housing provision in many countries. However, the level of success varies from one country to the other due to economic, political and cultural variations. This study examines PPP in housing in Bauchi State in Nigeria using Unity Housing Estate as a case study with the view to examine its performance and to suggest possible measures for improving the effectiveness of the concept. Methods of data collection used were semi-structured interviews and direct observation. Interviews responses were tape-recorded in addition to note taking which were subsequently transcribed and validated. The model of PPP used in the area was the Design-Build-Finance arrangement in which the private party takes the responsibilities for the design, finance and construction of the housing units. The houses were far beyond the affordability level of the target beneficiaries. Some of the challenges depicted were lack of political will, corruption among government agents and private sector developers, insincerity of contacting parties and unavailability of development fund. The study suggests among others, attitudinal change among stakeholders to ensure the success of PPP housing, the need to establish and empower relevant institutions that will help in fighting corruption.
7
Usman, Salisu Ogbo, Enojo Kennie Enojo, John Sule Ujah, Venatus Kakwagh, Isaach Utenwojo Ocholi, and Obi Success Esomchi. "An Exposè on Encumbrance in Political Parties' Financing and Electoral Credibility in Nigeria." International Journal of Professional Business Review 8, no. 9 (September 29, 2023): e03249. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/businessreview/2023.v8i9.3249.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose: This study examines political party financing and voting behaviour in north-central Nigeria, with particular focus on the level of financing in the region, the underlining motivations for such financing, and insight into the benefits or otherwise of political party financing on governance and development in the region vis-à-vis electoral process credibility. Theoretical framework: Electoral window in Nigeria political terrain is conceived by the elite as investment venture of which profit is to be maximized by means of exchange of electorates voting power for money, entrenchment of poverty and by extension hold the electoral system to hostage via manipulation, corruption and election irregularities and weak judicial system. According to the investment and social exchange theory, the political class are to business of investment for profit and exchange of services (voting power/vote buying) transaction politics for elite interest aggregation and articulation. Design/Methodology/Approach: The study uses using survey and in-depth interview. The research work was carried out across three dominant political parties in north-central Nigeria, namely the All Progressive Congress (APC), People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and Labour Party (LP), in the north-central geopolitical zone of Nigeria. The research follows three stages of random sampling. Stage one involves the random sampling or selection of two local governments across Benue, the Plateau, and Nassarawa, totaling six units of study. Stage two involves the random selection of two council wards from each of the six (6) identified focus areas, for a total of twelve (12) council wards. Stage three involves the selection of 18 respondents from each unit sampled, making a total of 216 respondents for the study. The study made use of descriptive statistics (Graphs) to analyse the data obtained from a field survey and interview analysed thematically. However, 200 questionnaires were valid for analysis after two weeks of administering the questionnaire. Findings: Findings reveal that unregulated political party financing undermines Nigeria electoral process vis-à-vis electoral credibility. It promotes political patronage and clientele networks; thus, political or electoral funders control and select politicians, thereby sacrificing good governance and development. Excessive and unregulated financing breaks the link between the electorate and politicians, leading to unequal participation, making it difficult for new political forces to emerge. Politicians with large resources often give preferential treatment to their backers, and politicians abuse their access to state resources to maintain power which in turns undermines the electoral process due to transactional (party with big money bags wins’ election) political nature in Nigeria. Research, Practical & Social implications: This study shows that political elites has weaponized transactional politics and corruption to hold on to power and by extension undermines the electoral process which in turns gave rise to bad governance, corruption and poverty in Nigeria and Nigeria is currently suffering from institutional fragility (INEC) and if proactive measures is not taken to suppress these menace in Nigeria political landscape, the country is heading to banana republic. This study helps policymakers to be in the know of the impending disaster that awaits Nigeria in the near future if proactive measures are not taking to quell this menace of transactional politics. Originality/Value: The findings suggest several consequences for the electoral processes in Nigeria and by extension Africa on how eexcessive political party financing affects the performances of eventual winners and electoral outcomes and this transactional politics does not does not benefit the north-central zone as it concerns service delivery oriented governance and development.
8
Obasa, Desmond, and Jumoke Adebule. "The Challenges of Higher Education in Growing Dialogue Culture and Understanding Cultural Pluralism." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2017): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i3.183.
Full textAbstract:
The contemporary world is increasingly multicultural and the identity crisis resulting from this sometimes threatens sustainable human development. Nigeria is a plural society in terms of its multi-ethnic and multi-religious nature. Of all the federal democracies in the world, only India can match Nigeria’s cultural complexity. If well managed, this factor of unity in diversity would have been a major asset to the Nigerian state, but the contrary is the case. Nigeria’s cultural diversity is politicized and exploited by the elite in such a way that retards the nation’s growth and progress. This makes the promotion of understanding and dialogue to be a prime issue in the management of multiculturalism, global peace and security. This paper attempts to answer these questions by taking a critical look at the situations in Nigeria – one of the most culturally-complex countries in the world. The paper is divided into three parts. In the last part, which is actually the fulcrum of the presentation, the point is made that these challenges notwithstanding; the Nigerian universities still manage to make some outstanding contributions in the direction of promoting dialogue among the contending forces in the country. The Nigerian case study is internationally instructive.
9
Obisike, Iheanyi Osondu. "Language as a tool for unification and socio-economic development in Nigeria." Journal of Health, Applied Sciences and Management 6, no. 3 (August 27, 2023): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/johasam.v6i3.3.
Full textAbstract:
Language is of great essence to man. It is the means through which humans express their thoughts, exchange phatic communion, develop themselves and conquer their environments. Nigeria is one multilingual country in which the role of language as a unifying factor cannot be denied. Every citizen of Nigeria belongs to a particular ethno-linguistic family by means of which social relationships and affinities are shared among people of the same sociocultural and sociolinguistic lineage. The current spate of violent extremism in parts of the country has led to debates on the unity and socio-economic development of the country which cannot thrive in the face of uncertainties and violent upheavals. Thus, this paper discussed the role of language in the unification and socio-economic development in Nigeria. Ideas and opinions were obtained from secondary sources and analysed qualitatively. As a way forward, the paper recommended the adoption of the Hausa language for the purposes of unification and socio-economic development in Nigeria.
10
C.E., Peter, and Osaat S.D. "Kidnapping in Nigeria: A Social Threat to Educational Institutions, Human Existence and Unity." British Journal of Education, Learning and Development Psychology 4, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/bjeldp/tfa8oswe.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examined the problem of kidnapping and its consequences in Nigeria. Kidnapping has the potential of creating social tension, psychological trauma (mental and emotional problems), insecurity, untimely death and others in the society. It has been observed and identified that kidnapping is not a new crime in Nigeria and other countries of the world. But the apparent problem of kidnapping is the current growth rate in all parts of the country and the benefits the perpetrators are deriving from this criminal activity. In this study, some challenges were identified. They include: poverty, unemployment, politics and religion. The mode of kidnappers' operations have been identified and its prevalence, apart from the causes attributed to the laxity in the implementation process to prosecute the offenders. As a result of these findings, it is suggested that the issue of ransom payment by the families/relatives of the victims to kidnappers should be seriously condemned. Government on their part, should endeavour to create employment for the teeming population of youths as this will help to reduce the proliferation of kidnappers. Security agents should be well equipped with sophisticated guns to wage war against kidnappers. This will no doubt help to restore peace and security in the country.
11
Alabi, Abdullahi, Mubarak SulaimanJamiu, and Abdulmuthalib Akinkunmi. "Identity Politics and its Implication on the Nigerian Electoral Process." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i1.12.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses the impact of identity politics on the Nigerian electoral process, with a focus on the 2019 general elections. The emergence of identity politics, which relies on ethnicity, religion, and regionalism to shape voters' preferences, has had far-reaching consequences on political discourse and election outcomes in Nigeria and other parts of the world. The paper draws on Social Identity Theory (SIT), as theoretical frame work which posits that individuals derive a sense of identity and self-esteem from their membership in social groups, to explain how group membership shapes attitudes and behaviors in the electoral process. The paper argues that while identity-based mobilization may provide short-term electoral gains for some politicians, it undermines the principles of inclusivity and diversity that are essential for a thriving democracy. The impact of identity politics on the Nigerian electoral process is not always positive, as ethnic and religious identities have often been used to mobilize violence and undermine the democratic process. Furthermore, the use of identity politics in political discourse can lead to the exclusion of certain groups and the formation of polarized and divided communities. The study found that in the 2019 presidential election, ethnic and religious identities played a significant role in determining voting patterns. The study also found that voters were more likely to support candidates who they perceived as representing their group's interests. These findings are consistent with the predictions of SIT, which posits that group membership plays a crucial role in shaping attitudes and behaviors. The paper highlights the need for political parties and candidates to focus on critical issues such as economic development and security, rather than relying on ethnic and religious identities to mobilize voters. It is also essential to promote intergroup dialogue and cooperation to foster national unity and social cohesion. Ultimately, the study emphasizes the need for a more nuanced and inclusive approach to politics that recognizes the division and polarization of diversity of identities and interests in Nigeria. The study recommends that political leaders, civil society organizations, and the media should encourage an inclusive political discourse that emphasizes the importance of unity and cooperation over
12
Musa, Emmanuel Ubandoma, and Adebayo Ola Afolaranmi. "Denominational Loyalty on the Cooperative Programme of the Nigerian Baptist Convention Between (2013-2023)." Eximia 13 (May 9, 2024): 250–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/eximia.v13i1.470.
Full textAbstract:
The Baptist Cooperative Programme is a system in which churches, who cooperate with the Nigeria Baptist Convention (NBC), make contributions in the form of certain percentages of their tithes, offerings, and undesignated income to their associations, state conferences, and the national body. This paper explores the effects of denominational loyalty on the Cooperative Programme of the Nigerian Baptist Convention (NBC) and strategies to deepen this loyalty among church members. Social identity theory suggests that individuals define themselves based on their membership in social groups, leading to the formation of an identity that is partly derived from their group membership. The decline in the commitment of churches within this period of ten years is worrisome. The existing problem lies in the need to strengthen denominational loyalty to the Convention amidst changing societal dynamics and competing religious influences. Using secondary sources of data collection, including scholarly articles, books, and Convention reports, this study analyses the historical context and current practices of the Baptist Cooperative Programme. Preliminary findings suggest that the Cooperative Programme plays a crucial role in fostering a sense of belonging and loyalty among members, contributing to the overall growth and sustainability of the denomination. Also, while there is a strong desire for cooperation among Baptist Churches, challenges such as lack of loyalty, proper communication, and financial constraints hinder the commitment of the members. The study concludes that the Baptist Cooperative commitment has the potential to strengthen denominational loyalty among Baptist churches in Nigeria. Hence, by addressing these challenges and building on the potential successes of the Cooperative Programme, the Nigerian Baptist Convention can further enhance unity and cooperation among its member churches, ultimately strengthening the denomination as a whole.
13
Pugach, Sara. "Agents of dissent: African student organizations in the German Democratic Republic." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S90—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201800092x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAfrican students in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) often belonged to national student clubs (NHG) that were arranged for them by the East German government. Many were also members of an umbrella organization for all African students and workers in the GDR (UASA). While the GDR authorities thought that the NHG and UASA would adopt political positions that reflected those of the GDR, this article demonstrates that the students instead used them to criticize both their own governments and their host country. It shows that the students often held positions contrary to the GDR's, and were not shy about expressing them. Although they were usually unable to organize as openly as students in the West, African students in the GDR held meetings and wrote letters to protest about a variety of issues, including Sékou Touré’s repression of a teachers’ strike in Guinea, the Biafran crisis in Nigeria and ethnic separatism in Kenya. They also took the GDR to task for the racist behaviour of East German citizens. The GDR's Socialist Unity Party claimed that the country was anti-racist and anti-imperialist, and that all vestiges of Nazism had been expunged; the students, however, were able to point out multiple racist incidents, and through the UASA demanded that the GDR address its racism problem.
14
Dandago, Kabiru Isa. "Transparency and Accountability in Public Financial Management: A Stewardship Account at Kano State Ministry of Finance, Nigeria." International Journal of Financial Research 9, no. 2 (February 5, 2018): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijfr.v9n2p76.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims at accounting for the transparency and accountability demonstrated through the unity and togetherness of the functionaries of the Ministry of Finance Kano State, Nigeria as they collectively discharge the five key responsibilities of the Ministry during a period of 28 months (June 2015 to October 2017) under the humble leadership of the author. The paper is skewed towards practical (as against theoretical) dispensation of effective public finance management at the sub-national level in Nigeria, covering revenue management, expenditure management, debt management, investment management and wealth creation and management. This exposure of transparency and accountability has attracted some encouraging comments from hundreds of concerned analysists and lovers of transparency and accountability from different parts of the world, out of which a select sampled comments have been captured in the paper. The paper also attempts some responses to the seven questions raised by one of the commentators (An International Public Financial Management Expert) in respect of the earlier internet posting made on the subject matter. The paper recommends that research students, scholars and practitioners should conduct further studies on the issues raised in the paper so as to find solutions to the weak nature of the practice of prudence, transparency and accountability in the public sector of developing economies, like Nigeria.
15
Uzoh, Bonaventure Chigozie, and Iheanyi Valentine Ekechukwu. "Age – Grades and Community Development in Southeast Nigeria." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. III (2024): 2877–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.803199.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the involvement and participation of age-grades in community development in the southeastern part of Nigeria. It is a known truism that many rural communities in southeast Nigeria just like many other rural in different parts of the country suffer massive underdevelopment as a result of successive governments’ lack of interest in developing the rural areas. Even when they do, it is not usually in consultation with the local people in terms of the kind of projects and infrastructures they need most in their communities. As a result, most times you find development projects that do not have any direct impact on the lives of the people. Different communities therefore resort to self-help in bringing development to their communities and age-grades remain one of the groups that are actively involved in community development in southeast Nigeria. This study focuses on the factors that give impetus to the involvement of age-grades in community development, roles that age-grades play in community development, challenges that age-grades face as a result of their involvement in community development, and measures that can be put in place to ensure continued strong participation of age-grades in community development in southeast Nigeria. The methodology used in this work is essentially descriptive. The theoretical framework for this study is role theory (functionalist approach). The study contends that some of the factors that encourage involvement of age-grades in community development in southeast Nigeria include; sense of identity, recognition and traditional titles, political relevance, lack of development, and replication of what is in place in the cities. Some of the roles that age-grades carry out in community development include, fund raising for development projects, conception, mobilization and implementation of self-help projects, conflict resolution, assisting the less privileged, and encouraging illustrious sons and daughters to bring their investments home. Some of the challenges confronting age-grades include, religious bias, poor funding, abandoned projects, poor leadership, division and lack of unity. Based on these findings, the study recommends amongst others that government should endeavor to partner with age-grades to promote community development. Also, traditional rulers should create awareness on the positive roles of the age-grade in development.
16
Isa, Sulaiman Muhammad, and Kudu Muhammad Zayyad. "Rhetoric and Political Power: Analyzing Language and Persuasion in Political Discourse." Tasambo Journal of Language, Literature, and Culture 2, no. 02 (June 15, 2023): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2023.v02i02.004.
Full textAbstract:
This abstract presents a research paper that examines the pragmatic influence of rhetorical strategies in political speeches. The paper acknowledges that language manipulation by politicians can result in threats and hate speeches, posing a challenge to peace, unity, and progress. The theoretical framework used is Fairclough's Model and Analytical Framework, and the methodology employed is qualitative research. The data for the study were collected from print media advertisements in Nigerian newspapers during the period of political campaigning for the March 2015 general elections. The data primarily consist of campaign speeches delivered at rallies by politicians from the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC). Content analysis is used to analyze the data in line with the research framework. The study emphasizes the contextual nature of rhetoric, highlighting the importance of the speaker-audience relationship within the broader sociopolitical context. The conclusion suggests that rhetorical strategy is a significant aspect of political analysis and can contribute to understanding the operation of political power in society.
17
Akanbi, Fowotade Sulayman, Umar Abdul Adamu, Oladeji Saheed Olajide, Abdullahi Saidu Akun, and Haruna Abubakar Danyaya. "Comparative Assessment of Heavy Metals Loads in the Shoot of Selected Tree Plants and their Accumulation Potential in Kazaure, Jigawa Nigeria." International Journal of Latest Technology in Engineering, Management & Applied Science XIII, no. IV (2024): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51583/ijltemas.2024.130412.
Full textAbstract:
The environment is often beautified by the presence of tree plants which consist of the shoot and the root. These plants contain organs often referred to as above ground organs (shoot) and below ground organ (root). In this study, the plant organs of five different plants including Adansoniadigitata, Anacardiumoccidentale, Azadirachtaindica, Eucalyptus globulus, and Parkiabiglobosa were sampled to investigate the levels of cobalt (Co), chromium (Cr), copper (Cu), iron (Fe), manganese (Mn), nickel (Ni), lead (Pb) and zinc (Zn). The sampled parts were transported in polythene bags to the laboratory where they were sorted, pretreated, stored and digestedwith10 cm3 of 6M nitric acid. The digested samples were subjected to analysis using atomic absorption spectrophotometry to determine the heavy metals (HMs). The results revealed that all the above ground organs of these plants accumulated HMs at varying levels. The leaf samples of the all tree plants accumulated higher concentrations of the HMs than the bark samples except in P. big lobosa (7.07 ± 0.42 mg/Kg, Co [leaf]; 14.10 ± 0.62 mg/Kg, Co [bark]). The results revealed that the leaves portion contained more of the essential heavy metals (EHMs) than the bark samples of the tree plants. A. indica has the highest bio-indication potential while E. globulus exhibited the least potential based on the above ground organs analysis. The translocation factors of the NHMs (Cr and Pb) were below unity. The translocation factors well above unity suggest better phytoextraction capability of the tree plants. All the plants potentially accumulated the metals at varying levels irrespective of the different geographical locations, morphological and biomass variations of the tree plants.
18
Kankindi, Antoinette, and Victor Chimbwanda. "Legal Education and its Contemporary Challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa." Strathmore Law Journal 5, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 145–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v5i1.143.
Full textAbstract:
There is an increasing criticism against law schools. To some, the system does not sufficiently prepare students for the market or to meet society’s needs. Others argue that technology and current trends should inspire new business models in the legal profession. Legal education is also being accused of emphasising theoretical content rather than skills necessary for practice, with the character of African jurisprudence struggling for recognition in the contemporary curriculum. Moreover, a fragmented society under pressure from global shifting values also faces perennial legal challenges relating to issues of justice and other ethical problems trained lawyers may face. Therefore, the role of legal education ought to be re-examined to prioritise the common good without threatening individual interests, which is what the rule of law aims at achieving. This paper investigates the problem from the perspective of unity of knowledge to address the traditional theory-andpractice divide in legal education and argues that the idea of unity of knowledge provides the basis for a correct interdisciplinary approach to solving the problem, relying on systems of legal training as they have developed in some parts of Africa especially Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa. Considering such illustrations, this framework is also likely to enable a rational articulation of theory and practice in legal training that can create more space for African views of law as reflected in the current efforts to decolonise legal education in South Africa.
19
Ikhenoba, Williams, and Dr Ofonmbuk Etido Atakpa. "SERVICOM and Public Service Delivery in Nigeria: A study of Akwa Ibom State University." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. V (2023): 815–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70564.
Full textAbstract:
The quality, efficiency and impact of public service delivery remains an issue of grave concern in Nigeria as the Nation is known for its endemic poor public service delivery and productivity. To tackle this vice, its former President, Olusegun Obasanjo in March 2004, using its administrative powers ordered the establishment of SERVICOM Units in all Federal government ministries, departments and parastatals. This would later extend to the National Universities Commission and all Federal and State Universities in Nigeria. A synthesis of the SERVICOM charter shows that its central focus is on enhancing quality and measurable service delivery. The literature review and the theoretical framework grounded on Douglas McGregor’s famous Theory X and Y revealed that a third party inspector such as SERVICOM is a necessity in the public service delivery chain to ensure public services are delivered in a quantitative, qualitative, customer centric, affordable, accessible and predictable manner. Using a survey research and ANOVA, the researchers found that 93.80% of the respondents have not received the necessary awareness on the services of SERVICOM while 88.08% confirm that SERVICOM has not been monitoring their services. The study concludes that the inability to provide the needed awareness and monitoring had a significant negative effect on staff service delivery. It then made useful recommendations such as immediate commencement of a structured awareness programmes, monitoring and alignment with its sister unit in the institution towards the realization of the SERVICOM mandate.
20
Ojo, Titiloye Oyeyinka, and Yetunde Ayobolu. "Community radio stations’ programmes and the promotion of peaceful co-existence in Nigerian rural societies: assessment of Fulani herdsmen and farmers conflicts in selected parts of southwest, nigeria." Kampala International University Interdisciplinary Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (August 17, 2020): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.59568/kijhus-2020-1-2-03.
Full textAbstract:
A country with enormous dialects such as Nigeria, is likely to be confronted with diversified problems strong enough to militate against her unity and peaceful co-existence. Undoubtedly, such societies need a medium such as community radio which is capable of presenting one of the best ways of reaching the grassroots with attitude change and development messages for socialization. The study adopted survey and interview methods using questionnaire and interview guide as data collection instruments. The paper was anchored on the Development media Theory and Diffusion of Innovation Theory respectively. The paper employed simple random technique to derive the study sample size of 300 respondents from the universe population and the selected community radio stations, 250 copies of the questionnaire were returned and validated for the study final analysis. Descriptive statistics with the Statistical Products and Social Services (SPSS) version 21 were utilized for data analysis. The findings showed that the community radio stations programmes are effective in promoting peace culture between the Fulani-herdsmen and Farmers. It revealed that Oyo State is most influenced by community radio stations’ programmes among the selected states. It established that political intervention, infrastructural problems, language barrier, ownership and control are the major challenges confronted by the community radio stations. In addition, it indicated that there were collaborations though not too huge between government and the selected stations. The study concluded that community radio stations’ programmes are relevant approach for engendering peaceful co-existence among the Fulani-herdsmen and Farmers as proved by the study. It established that the programmes ensure viable community development and facilitate common understanding among participants of development initiatives. The study recommended that indigenous languages programmes should be increased tremendously to positively affect rural development programmes. Also, pluralism and diversity in the radio stations’ programmes should be re-designed to enhance cultural integration and advancement of indigenous languages. In addition, government should step up actions in assisting community radio stations’ operators by funding rural programmes through placement of advertisements. Finally, government at various levels should come up together in advocating for rural populace active participation in the rural development discourse via decision making.
21
Ogu, Chukwuma, and Musa Abraham. "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Conduct of 2023 General Elections in Nigeria: A Discourse." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i2.14.
Full textAbstract:
The study analyzes the conduct of 2023 general elections in Nigeria. The 2023 general elections were conducted by INEC on 25th February, and March, 18th 2023. INEC was constituted in 1998 by Abdulsalam Abubakar. The roles of INEC are, delimits the country into constituencies for the purpose of electing representatives into government, organizes/conducts elections into various levels of government, registers political parties wishing to contest elections, register voters, recruits, trains and deploys officials to different part of the country to assist in the conduct of elections. The perpetration of electoral violence by desperate politicians, late arrival of electoral materials and some officials of INEC to polling units, malfunctioning of electronic machines in some places and vote buying by politicians, among others were examined by this paper. This paper adopts system theory propounded by Gabriel Almonds, David Easton and Von Bentallaffy. This study uses the qualitative method of research, relying exclusively on secondary source of data such as textbooks, newspapers, journals, magazines, among others. The data gathered were summarized. The findings of the study shows that the presidential election conducted on 25th February by INEC was won by Bola Ahmed Tinubu of All progressive congress (APC).In the Governorship election held on March 18th 2023, APC won in 16 States, PDP won in 10 States, NNPP won in One State while Labour party won in Abia State. The paper recommends that; INEC, politicians and the electorates should adhere strictly to the laws, rules and regulations guiding the conduct of general elections in Nigeria. INEC should make adequate preparations before embarking on future general elections.
22
Idris Haruna Yakubu, Joseph Emmanuel, and Gambo Nura. "Radioactivity estimation of baobab (Adonsonia digitata) in katsina metropolis, katsina state Nigeria." International Journal of Science and Research Archive 11, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 2176–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/ijsra.2024.11.1.0248.
Full textAbstract:
Radioactivity estimation of baobab plants was carried out in Katsina metropolis, Katsina State, Nigeria. Samples of soil, roots, and leaves were collected, prepared and analyzed to estimate the activity concentration of the natural radionuclides of U-238, Th-232, and K-40using NaI (TI) gamma ray spectrometry detector. The results obtained showed that the activity concentration ranged from 0.1 Bq/kg to 33.26 Bq/kg, 1.98 Bq/kg to 64.98 Bq/kg and 65.89 Bq/kg to 1009.69 Bq/kg with overall mean values of 11.35, 18.87 and 545.14 in Bq/kg for U-238, Th-232 and K-40 respectively. In order to assess the radiological parameters of the natural radioactivity; the radium equivalent activity (Raeq), an absorbed dose rate and the measured annual effective dose equivalent were calculated and lies in the ranges of 18.83 to 183.22 (Bq/kg), 9.07 to 85.90 nGy/h and 0.011 to 0.105 mSv/y respectively; mean values obtained are 87.20 Bq/kg, 40.55 nGy/h and 0.050 mSv/y respectively. However, the calculated values obtained for all the radiological parameters falls below the world acceptable limits of 370 Bq/kg for Raeq; 89 nGy/h for the absorbed dose rate and 1 mSv/y annual effective dose rate for the general public; for the annual effective dose due to ingestion or inhalation of NORMS in the soil, medicinal plants and food is 0.07 mSv/y and the value is within the acceptable limit of intake; external and internal hazard index were calculated and found to have values of 0.23 Bq/kg for Hex and 0.30 Bq/kg for Hin and are lower than unity set by ICRP. Base on the radiological hazards evaluations, there is no any health risk due to radiation from the natural sources in using the roots and leaves parts of baobab plants for any purposes in the study area. Moreover, the measured soil around the study area was found to be safe and will not pose any radiation exposure to the population. Hence, the research will serve as the baseline for detection of any future released activities of related natural radionuclides especially around the consumable plants. However, effort should be made to ensure that the radiological parameters of the study area are kept as low as reasonably achievable.
23
Adelberger, Jörg. "The National Archives—Kaduna (NAK), Nigeria." History in Africa 19 (1992): 435–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172011.
Full textAbstract:
Although the archives of Nigeria have been utilized extensively, especially for historical studies, descriptive or introductory notes on them scarcely exist. With the following paper, based on a recent visit to the National Archives in Kaduna in October 1990, 1 want to contribute in filling this gap. The Nigerian Record Office (now National Archives of Nigeria) was established in 1954 on the recommendation and with the efforts of K. O. Dike, who had toured Nigeria and inspected the state of existing archives. Subsequently he became Government Supervisor of Public Records. Initially the archive was situated at the University of Ibadan, until in 1958 the first permanent block was erected.The National Archives in Kaduna is one of the three National Archives in Nigeria, the other two being in Ibadan and Enugu. There is some division of competence between the three archives: Enugu is responsible for the southern parts of Nigeria, Ibadan for the western parts, and Kaduna for the states of Northern Nigeria. The present or former names of regions on which documents are to be found in Kaduna are as follows: Adamawa, Bassa, Bauchi, Benue, Borgu, Borno, Central Province, Gongola, Ilorin, Kabba, Kano, Katsina, Kontagora, Lokoja, Munshi, Muri, Nassarawa, Niger, Nupe, Plateau, Sokoto, Yola, and Zaria. In this listing there are of course regional overlappings; for in the course of history provinces have either been carved out or amalgamated into larger units. In some cases, moreover, more or less identical regions are itemized under different names.
24
Akinrinde, Olawale Olufemi, and Michael Atoyeje. "Godfatherism and Electoral Security in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: A Human Security Approach." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 9, no. 2 (August 31, 2023): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v9i2.16969.
Full textAbstract:
<p>This study delves into the intricate relationship between godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, with a specific focus on the 2018 gubernatorial election in Osun State. Godfatherism has emerged as a prevalent phenomenon in Nigerian politics, where influential figures play significant roles in shaping political outcomes. Using a human security analytical approach, this study critically examines the link between godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria's fourth republic and its implication for human security, focusing on the micro-political analysis of the Osun state gubernatorial election in 2018. Employing a mixed-methods approach, this study draws on descriptive research methodology and the Elite theoretical framework to uncover the complexities of godfatherism and its implications for electoral politics. The findings indicate that godfatherism, despite its potential benefits for the democratic balance of power, has taken an unsettling turn in Nigeria's electoral environment, thus posing grave dangers to human security. It has evolved into a disruptive force, undermining the foundations of popular democratic governance and denying citizens the full dividends of democracy. The study highlights how godfatherism influences candidate selection, party loyalty, and electoral outcomes. Moreover, the study reveals that godfatherism perpetuates a system of political patronage, compromising the independence and accountability of elected officials. It also examines the consequences of godfatherism on the unity of political parties, electoral malpractices, and the quality of democratic representation in Osun State. In conclusion, this study underscores the need to reevaluate the role of godfatherism in Nigeria's electoral politics while advocating for reforms in the political system to promote transparency, accountability, and citizen participation.</p>
25
Rehmert, Jochen. "Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 8 (January 12, 2020): 1298–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019897700.
Full textAbstract:
Extant research suggests that candidate selection methods can be consequential for party unity in legislative voting. Yet thus far, only variations in the selectorate and the degree of centralization have been examined. This article argues that Candidacy Eligibility Criteria (CEC), too, have implications for party unity. I theorize that with stricter formal requirements, parties avoid adverse selection and ensure the nomination of committed candidates. By using roll-call vote data from 16 industrial democracies, candidate surveys and an original data set consisting of nearly 500 historical party constitutions, I show that parties demanding prior membership and nudging aspirants to maintain networks within the party tend to be more unified in parliamentary voting. Moreover, their candidates, too, express greater loyalty when compared with parties without formal CEC. Thus, this article contributes to the literatures on party unity and on candidate selection by showing how certain party rules, hitherto neglected, affect party unity.
26
Leyden, K. M., and S. A. Borrelli. "Party Contributions and Party Unity: Can Loyalty Be Bought?" Political Research Quarterly 43, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299004300209.
Full text
27
Leyden, Kevin M., and Stephen A. Borrelli. "Party Contributions and Party Unity: Can Loyalty Be Bought?" Western Political Quarterly 43, no. 2 (June 1990): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448371.
Full text
28
Gherghina, Sergiu, Caroline Close, and Petr Kopecký. "The dynamics and dimensions of intra-party conflict: Introduction to the special issue." Party Politics 25, no. 5 (March 8, 2019): 649–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068819836048.
Full textAbstract:
Existing research on intra-party unity and conflict has mostly focused on (dis)unity within the legislative branch of the party at the national level, while neglecting conflict between the different faces or at different levels of the party. Intra-party unity and conflict have also been routinely defined and operationalized through ideological homogeneity or distance, although intra-party conflicts are multidimensional and dynamic phenomena. The articles included in this special issue seek to address these shortcomings in the literature. Their contributions are threefold: (1) they theorize intra-party conflict as a dynamic and multifaceted concept; (2) they explore conflicts across and between several party faces, and among different intra-party actors; (3) they investigate the determinants and management of conflict at several party levels.
29
Winter, Michael, and Fanan Ujoh. "A Review of Institutional Frameworks & Financing Arrangements for Waste Management in Nigerian Cities." Urban Studies and Public Administration 3, no. 2 (May 18, 2020): p21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/uspa.v3n2p21.
Full textAbstract:
Nigeria is rapidly urbanizing and is forecasted to become the 3rd most urbanized nation by 2100. Expectedly, the rapid urbanization presents challenges in many areas including the management of municipal services such as solid waste. This yawning failure is reflected in the poor quality of waste services across Nigerian cities. The study reviewed municipal waste management governance and institutional frameworks, and financing arrangements in two major cities in the North-western and south-eastern parts of Nigeria—Kano and Enugu cities. Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) using a number of structured questions checklist were conducted for the Heads of Government institutions responsible for waste management, Public Appropriation/Budget and Finance Units, as well as other key stakeholders including waste generators (residents and business owners), waste pickers and informal waste recyclers, and waste service providers. Additional, existing policy frameworks and infrastructure financing were reviewed. The findings reveal institutional and policy inadequacies, financing limitations, technical incapacity, infrastructural inadequacies, and socio-economic and attitudinal barriers, that collectively impede effective and efficient waste management service delivery in both cities. The assumption is that the findings of this study reflects the status in many Nigerian cities.
30
Tavits, Margit. "Party organizational strength and party unity in post-communist Europe." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (November 16, 2011): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000257.
Full textAbstract:
The existing comparative literature focuses on political institutions to explain party unity in parliament, and largely ignores the role of party characteristics in this process. This study argues that the strength of political party organization directly and independently influences the level of party unity. Organizational strength makes the party a valuable asset to individual legislators, thus increasing their willingness to be disciplined. Therefore, parties with strong organizations are likely to be more unified in parliament than those with weak organizations. I find support for this argument with data from four post-communist democracies: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland. Narratives suggest that the proposed causal mechanism is plausible.
31
Lewis, J. P. "Party Unity and Discipline in Canadian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920001146.
Full textAbstract:
Anyone with a passing understanding of Canadian politics is aware of the stubborn presence of party discipline in the parliamentary system. It is not a phenomenon that has been left to the stuffy corners of the ivory tower. Political actors and the media have complained about party discipline for decades. Reforms have been proposed; party leaders have promised new ways forward. As a central trait of Canadian Parliament, party discipline has driven away voters—it has even inspired the development of new political parties. What role can Canadian political science play in understanding party discipline 75 years after these familiar sentiments appeared in the predecessor to this journal: “How could this control [party discipline] be destroyed, and the individual member be made an independent critic of government and of legislation, and a responsible servant of the people” (Morton, 1946: 136)? It turns out Canadian political science has much to offer. With the publication of J. F. Godbout's Lost on Division: Party Unity in the Canadian Parliament and Alex Marland's Whipped: Party Discipline in Canada, 2020 has been a monumental year for the study of Canadian Parliament and political parties.
32
Crespin, Michael H., David W. Rohde, and Ryan J. Vander Wielen. "Measuring variations in party unity voting." Party Politics 19, no. 3 (July 8, 2011): 432–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811407578.
Full text
33
ISHIMA, Hideo. "Party Unity and Intra-Party Coordination: The case of the Australian Labor Party." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 68, no. 1 (2017): 1_134–1_158. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.68.1_134.
Full text
34
Meyer, Thomas M. "Dropping the unitary actor assumption: The impact of intra-party delegation on coalition governance." Journal of Theoretical Politics 24, no. 4 (January 3, 2012): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629811429992.
Full textAbstract:
What happens to cabinet governance if parties do not act as ‘unitary actors’? In this paper, I examine the consequences of intra-party dissent for coalition governments in parliamentary systems. Drawing on the principal–agent literature, I develop a model in which party agents, namely cabinet ministers and legislators rather than parties as collective actors, decide on specific policies. The individuals’ amount of loyalty determines the degree of party unity. I use simulation techniques to analyze the power of an agenda-setting minister in a two-party coalition conditional on the level of party unity. The results suggest that the minister’s agenda-setting power diminishes if parliamentarians and cabinet members aim at implementing their personal policy preferences. However, the party not in charge of the respective portfolio may benefit from disunity within its own ranks. This counter-intuitive result raises doubts about the widespread view that internal unity strengthens the bargaining power of political parties.
35
Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.
Full textAbstract:
In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.
36
Ayoade, John A. A. "Party and Ideology in Nigeria." Journal of Black Studies 16, no. 2 (December 1985): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193478501600204.
Full text
37
Falola, Toyin. "Yoruba Writers and the Construction of Heroes." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172023.
Full textAbstract:
In 1986 the University of Ife (later renamed Obafemi Awolowo University) unveiled a wood statue of Oduduwa, the mythical founder of the Yoruba nation. Present at the occasion was Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the most famous Yoruba politician of the twentieth century. Either for political gain, or to celebrate or praise him, an Ife intellectual told Chief Awolowo that the statue looked exactly like him and that, in trying to represent the image of Oduduwa, the carver, the highly distinguished Chief Lamidi Fakeye, had simply used Awolowo as a model.Chief Awolowo was very happy with this comparison, and gladly affirmed it. The story spread like wildfire. As the statue came to be interpreted, Awolowo and Oduduwa had the same physical build, elegance, and cap which they wore in the same style! Here indeed was the modern Oduduwa. To those in search of heroes, the Yoruba now had two “national” ones—Oduduwa, the progenitor and Awolowo, the modernizer—and a host of other aspiring and local ones. If Oduduwa founded the nation, Awolowo would unite it, after a period of internal division.Both in Yoruba popular and intellectual discourse, the hero commands prominent attention. The Yoruba appear to be seeking the equivalent of a Mahdi, the reformer in Islam, a cultural, folk, and political hero. The ambition of many Yoruba elite, especially the politician, is to become a hero of the nation. Many have tried in vain—men such as Chief Adisa Akinloye, a longtime veteran politician, and the Chairman of the National Party of Nigeria during the Second Republic, and, until recently, Chief M.K.O. Abiola, the business magnate and politician who was denied the presidency of the country by the military regime in collaboration with powerful civilians.
38
Park, Je min, and Hyeonwoo Lee. "A Study on the Growth Conditions of the Green Party in South Korea: Focusing on political opportunity structures and party leadership." Korean Association of Area Studies 41, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.41.4.145.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to examine the emergence and development of green parties around the world to identify general conditions for their growth and to see if the findings can be applied to the Korean Green Party. In doing so, it explores the requirements of a political party based on the experience of the Korean Green Party.
The empirical analysis shows that in terms of political opportunity structure, green parties around the world grow into parties that influence the political system when elections are highly proportional and the proportional representation rate is above 40%. However, in the case of the Korean Green Party, the limitations of the quasi-connected proportional representation system with a ‘cap’ clause and the emergence of satellite parties in the 2020 general election resulted in lower electoral proportionality than before, and the proportional representation rate was only 15.67%, which did not have favorable conditions for growth.
Next, in terms of party leadership, global green parties have observed that green parties grow when they maintain intra-party unity and pursue coalition politics in elections. However, the Korean Green Party failed to create a growth engine during the 2020 general election, as it failed to maintain intra-party unity and pursue coalition politics.
Based on this analysis, in order for the Korean Green Party to grow in the future, the party leadership should focus its efforts on introducing a more proportional electoral system and expanding the number of seats for proportional representation, while maintaining intra-party unity and pursuing coalition politics.
39
Rahmat, Rahmat. "Diskualifikasi Pasangan Calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Bangkalan Madura Perspektif Fikih Siyâsah." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 120–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2015.5.1.120-151.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: This article discusses about the disqualification of the candidate of regent and vice regent in Bangkalan-Madura within the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective. In a decision No. 136/G/2012/PTUN.Sby, the Surabaya State Administrative Court decided that regent and vice regent in Bangkalan-Madura, which is signed by the leader of the National Unity Party (PPN), is legally flawed on the basis of article 1, paragraph 12, article 57 paragraph 3 of Regulation of KPU No. 6 year 2011. The decision is by the consideration that the National Unity Party is not a new party. It is just changing the name of the Regional Unity Party that should remain as chairman and secretary of the DPC PPN of Bangkalan-Madura. The judge of the Surabaya State Administrative Court within his legal decision No. 136/G/2012/PTUN.Sby set the proposal of the regent and vice regent in Bangkalan-Madura.Keywords: Disqualification, candidates, regent, Islamic jurisprudence.
40
Bhattacharya, Caroline. "Gatekeeping the Plenary Floor: Discourse Network Analysis as a Novel Approach to Party Control." Politics and Governance 8, no. 2 (June 2, 2020): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2611.
Full textAbstract:
In the German parliament, the Bundestag, floor time is a scarce resource and is allocated to MPs by leaders of their respective parliamentary party groups. Previous research indicates that highly salient plenary debates tend to be dominated by party leaders and other loyal frontbenchers. Plenary speeches can therefore offer only limited insights into party unity. Any MP can give a so-called ‘explanation of vote’ (EoVs) to justify their voting decision and/or express their point of view. These written statements provide a more accurate depiction of the range of viewpoints present within legislative parties. In order to assess the effect of party control on observed party unity and parliamentary contestation, discourse network analysis has been employed in this study to compare legislative speech with EoVs in debates on the Greek crisis between 2010 and 2015. Discourse network analysis combines content analysis with an actor-centred approach, and this is the first time this method has been used to study party control and (dis)unity. Bundestag debates on the Greek crisis present an interesting case study, as the issue became increasingly controversial over time, both in the public and the legislature. While this became evident in declining voting unity and individual-level mobilisation through EoVs, the extent to which gatekeeping impedes contestation on the plenary floor needs to be assessed. In terms of representation, it is important that European Union issues not only make it to the plenary agenda but that these debates also reflect the different viewpoints of MPs.
41
Fujimura, Naofumi. "Electoral incentives, party discipline, and legislative organization: manipulating legislative committees to win elections and maintain party unity." European Political Science Review 4, no. 2 (July 11, 2011): 147–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000166.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties are often faced with seemingly opposing goals when trying to secure members’ reelection and maintain party unity. On one hand, a party needs to fulfill members’ diverse electoral needs for their reelection, and on the other hand, the party must force members to vote in unison according to party lines for collective decisions. How does a party influence its members to take unified action while meeting their individual electoral needs? Through an analysis of the Japanese Diet, this study argues that parties attempt to achieve the reelection of their members and maintain party unity by manipulating legislative committee assignments and deliberations. In particular, the study demonstrates that a party shapes committees in a different way according to policy areas over which committees have jurisdiction. A party tends to accept its members’ requests for affiliation and allow their self-management in committees concerned with particularistic benefits so that they can deliver specific benefits to each electoral district. In addition, a party tends to assign members who have average policy positions in the party to committees concerned with general benefits to make policies that satisfy many constituencies.
42
Nadeau, Richard, and André Blais. "Do Canadians Distinguish Between Parties? Perceptions of Party Competence." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (June 1990): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900012270.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study examines perceptions of party competence in four issue areas: inflation, unemployment, international affairs and Canadian unity. Using Gallup poll data from a 35-year period, the study shows that in three of the four issue areas Canadians clearly distinguish between parties. These distinctions do not merely reflect party popularity and are durable rather than immutable; perceptions change slowly but do respond to government performance. Canadians see the greatest differences between parties with respect to international affairs and Canadian unity; the Liberals enjoy a substantial lead on these two questions. On inflation, perceived competence tends to reflect popularity while on unemployment, Canadians have greater confidence in the New Democratic party. On all issues, the Conservative party image has substantially improved under the Mulroney government.
43
Kurenishev, Andrey. "About Lenin, the Party and its «indestructible unity»." Rossiiskaia istoriia, no. 5 (2020): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086956870012198-8.
Full text
44
Sieberer, Ulrich. "Party unity in parliamentary democracies: A comparative analysis." Journal of Legislative Studies 12, no. 2 (June 2006): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330600739413.
Full text
45
Stecker, Christian. "How effects on party unity vary across votes." Party Politics 21, no. 5 (November 15, 2013): 791–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813509514.
Full text
46
JONES, LARRY EUGENE. "German Conservatism at the Crossroads: Count Kuno von Westarp and the Struggle for Control of the DNVP, 1928–30." Contemporary European History 18, no. 2 (May 2009): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309004913.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe years from 1928 to 1930 witnessed a bitter struggle for the control of the German National People's Party (DNVP), the bastion of German conservatism in the Weimar Republic. One of the principal protagonists in this conflict was Count Kuno von Westarp, chairman of the DNVP from 1926 to 1928 and of the DNVP delegation to the Reichstag from 1924 to 1929. Westarp struggle with great determination to preserve the unity of the party in the face of a concerted effort from the radical Pan-German nationalists around the newly elected party chairman, film and press magnate Alfred Hugenberg. But Westarp's efforts on behalf of party unity ultimately failed as the moderates who stood on the DNVP's left wing abandoned the party in two secessions, the first in December 1929 and the second in July 1930. In the second of these Westarp himself left the party. In the meantime the DNVP had been transformed from a conservative Sammelpartei into an instrument of the radical right.
47
COPPER, John F. "Taiwan’s Party Politics." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000095.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, the author assesses the current status of Taiwan’s two main political parties focusing on the Democratic Progress Party’s (DPP) current popularity and its ruling party status and the Kuomintang’s (KMT) feelings of defeatism and malaise. Lack of party unity is a big factor. So are recent laws that handicap the KMT. Thus, it appears the KMT will do poorly in the upcoming election in late 2022. However, the situation may be different in 2024. The KMT has time to fix its problems while other factors suggest certain trends may operate to its advantage.
48
George, Nyakno J., Joseph B. Emah, and Ufot N. Ekong. "Geohydrodynamic properties of hydrogeological units in parts of Niger Delta, southern Nigeria." Journal of African Earth Sciences 105 (May 2015): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jafrearsci.2015.02.009.
Full text
49
Gobo, Prisca Abiye, and David Bolaji. "Unity Schools, National Integration and Development in Nigeria: An Appraisal." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (April 6, 2023): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.6.1.1161.
Full textAbstract:
This article interrogates Unity Schools in the wider context of national integration and nation-building. In a bid to foster the bonds of unity among Nigerians, the government established many national Integration programmes and institutions including the Unity Schools. The study examines the importance of these schools to national cohesion. So as to unravel the ways in which these schools embraced Nigerian pluralism and cultural diversities in strengthening national unity. It is an important institution for discovering, exploring, and analysing the nature of cultural diversities, religious tolerance, and engendering oneness. This is imperative for Nigerian unity rather than uniformity. The methodology for this research is multidisciplinary in approach and historical in nature. Findings reveal that Unity Schools exemplify how new kinds of self-representation emerged and dissolved in these institutions and by extension, Nigeria. In doing so, this article contributes to remapping the historical significance of Unity Schools in national development. Traditionally segmented and distributed forms of knowledge were brought together in these schools to constitute more general history. Despite current challenges, the enduring legacies of Unity Schools remain sacrosanct. The experiment became an actual success story with some unexpectedly relevant benefits that were found by broadening search terms. The study concludes by acknowledging the relevance of institutional history to nation-building
50
Cantor, David M., and Paul S. Herrnson. "Party Campaign Activity and Party Unity in the U. S. House of Representatives." Legislative Studies Quarterly 22, no. 3 (August 1997): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440322.
Full text