Journal articles on the topic 'United States (U.S.)-China rivalry'

The arrest of Meng Wanzhou and the Huawei prosecution have revealed a mounting battle for high-tech supremacy between the United States and China. The ongoing technology war and the trade war are merely one dimension of a far-reaching and accelerating imperialist rivalry. The changing reality on the world stage has urged a reconsideration of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) thesis and the theory of globalization in general. By reviewing the historical debate between the globalist and critical realist schools, I argue that William Carroll's theoretical frame of global capitalism grounded in corporate network research through emphasizing a dialectical process of the “making” of the TCC is better equipped to explain the unfolding Sino–U. S. conflict. Corporate network research has unveiled a highly regionalized and uneven TCC network: the transnational interlocks of both Chinese and Western corporate directorates are relatively sparse while regional and national ties dominate. It affirms the fragility of the TCC, its internal friction and potential decomposition. It also provides the material ground for analyzing the Sino–U. S. imperialist rivalry as a structural development out of global capitalism and its class relations.

Confrontation between the two most economically developed countries and the advent of coarse trade wars has disturbed the international arena in 2017. One of the causes for such contradictory relations is presidency and election campaign of Donald Trump, who actively advocated the need to change the structure of relations between the United States and China. This article is an attempt to get a grasp on the origins of contradictions, trace the chronology of the development of trade wars, and carry out a comprehensive analysis of the methods and instruments used by the governments of both countries to resolve the conflict. The key goal of this research is to determine the main causes underlying the trade-economic rivalry between China and the United States, as well as the prerequisites for the emergence of trade wars between the countries. Special attention is given to the U. S. – China contradictions during the presidency of D. Trump. Methodological framework is comprised of theoretical methods of analysis, synthesis, and comparison, as well as systematic approach for examining the key challenges emerging in the trade relations between China and the United States, and mechanisms for overcoming them. In the studying the in-depth motives of the modern conflict, the authors referred to the power transition theory, which clarifies the origins of contradictions between the countries. The novelty of this work consist is consideration of the current stage of U. S.  – China trade war, which continues despite the outbreak of the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic. The conclusion is made that the contradictions between PRC and the United States are of compound, and thus, not limited by contradictions in the trade-economic sphere, which conditions for long-run conflict.

The author uses Mahan?s sea power concept in order to determine its contemporary geopolitical significance compared to land power. The main thesis of the paper is that international relations - after a century long dominance of land power - are entering a new era of primary significance of sea power, due a rivalry of China and the United States, which is predestined to be mostly maritime. This is the consequence of contemporary globalization, which made biggest world economies dependent on uninterrupted sea commerce, as well as of the unique geopolitical position of China, which neither faces important land challenges, nor can pose them. Arms race and changes in maritime strategies show that the competition at sea between the U.S. and China has already started. Which direction and tempo it shall take depends on whether the U.S. abandons its hegemonic policy in favour of a defensive one, and adequately uses sea power in service of the latter.

This article examines the main factors of the emergence of Indo-Pacific Strategy, the balance of powers between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific Region, and their investment policy into contiguous countries of the region. Special attention is paid to contradictions between China and the United States in the region, as well as the impact of D. Trump’s Indo-Pacific Strategy upon U. S. relations with China. The article explores the main integration structures of Indo-Pacific Region, goals and tasks set before them. The novelty of this research is defined by fact that in incipient competition between the two countries for the leading positions in Indo-Pacific Region is traced in the advanced by China concept “One Belt, One Road” and U. S. strategy of “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”. The author comes to the conclusion that currently there is no unified integrated interregional authority that is capable of solving the entire range of problems faced by the countries of Indo-Pacific Region. However, the United States gradually lose its leading position in the region, yielding to PRC. China’s domestic reforms, aimed at improvement of interregional financial and economic ties, contribute to creation of a positive image of the country and strengthening of PRC’s position in the Indo-Pacific Region.

The US change in the White House in 2021 has led to a new foreign policy doctrine, which significantly influenced trends in international relations. The Biden administration's stated struggle between democracy and autocracy characterized the West's geopolitical rivalry with Russia and China, which has taken the form of a developing confrontation around the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. In practice, the United States is now unable to defeat its opponents, the sanctions imposed by them and their allies do not allow them to fulfill the task of embodying a democratic world order. Due to the interconnectedness of economics in the era of globalization, the main European partners of the United States are struggling with the energy crisis, which makes it impossible to concentrate on solving transnational problems, also stated in the doctrine. At this stage, the United States is not able to translate its rhetoric into real political decisions and achieve its goals.

The safety of navigation remains an issue in the sense that navigation through the South China Sea is essential for world seaborne trade and communications, and the lingering territorial and maritime disputes would constitute a threat to the safety of navigation there. In recent years, the term ‘freedom of navigation’ has become a pivotal expression in the rivalry between China and the United States in the South China Sea. This paper starts with addressing the international legal framework concerning navigation, followed by state practice in the South China Sea, including domestic legislation and safety measures. It then discusses the issue of military activities in the exclusive economic zone and their implications for the freedom of navigation. The paper identifies several issues connected to navigation, such as the U-shaped line, law enforcement patrols, and the recent South China Sea Arbitration. A brief conclusion is provided at the end.

Abstract: In this paper we use comparative method to analyze the evolution law and development trend of aluminum resources supply and demand in China and the United States, the purpose is to predict the future China aluminum supply and demand trend. This paper analyses the primary aluminum production, secondary aluminum production, import and export volume, consumption of aluminum and other data in China from 1956 to 2013, and in the United States from 1900 to 2013. The results show that: (1) the aluminum resources supply and demand trend of the United States are in line with "S" shape, while the primary aluminum development show a trend of inverted "U" curve; (2) China primary aluminum production and consumption trend both appears inverted "U" curve; (3) China begin to reduce the external dependency of secondary aluminum with its self-sufficiency ability raise; (4) China secondary aluminum production ratio will be more than primary aluminum ratio.

The article analyzes the approaches of the United States and Japan to the international political problems in the Indo-Pacific region at the beginning of the administration of the 46th President of the United States Joe Biden in 2021. It also aims to evaluate the perspectives of US-Japan cooperation in key areas. The article analyses the policies of the United States and Japan towards China. Japan supported J. Biden's approach to confront China on a wide range of issues. By actively involving in the US-China confrontation government in Tokyo aims to strengthen its position in rivalry with China. However, it will not be easy for Japan to preserve the achievements of the "warm" period in Japan-China relations in 2018-2020 in the economic and humanitarian spheres. The article also analyses the approaches of the US and Japan to the situation on the Korean Peninsula, including the prospects for cooperation between Tokyo, Washington and Seoul towards DPRK. Difficult-to-resolve contradictions between Tokyo and Seoul in a short-term perspective will hinder large-scale cooperation of the parties with Washington. The article also analyses the perspectives of the concept of "Free and open Indo-Pacific region". Tokyo which sees the concept of "Free and open Indo-Pacific region" as a response to the expansion of Beijing's influence in the region, is interested in developing economic cooperation with partners aimed at weakening dependence on China. The article also notes the increased importance of Japan in the United States’ Indo-Pacific strategy in the eyes of a number of American politicians and experts.

Copper is one of the most valuable metals in the daily production activities of human beings. Its consumption can indicate the changes in economic structure. The regularity of copper development in the U.S. has a very far-reaching significance as well as reference value to China. This paper is based on date of copper production and consumption in China and U.S. contrasted and analyzed the development trend. The results show that the curve presented by the consumption of copper in the U.S. doesn’t totally comply with the “S” shaped rules which put forward by above-mentioned scholars, but presents the typical “M” shaped rules. The increase of China’s demand for copper, while since 1998, hasn’t presented t the “S” shaped rules, which is common among other industrialized countries, but presented the typical inverted “U” shaped rules.

Abstract Earthquakes in eastern China and the eastern United States occur far away from known plate boundaries. M ≥ 8 and 6 < M < 8 events occurred in both areas throughout known history, but the frequency of occurrence of earthquakes was apparently higher in eastern China than in the eastern U.S. Eastern China is composed of many geologically different blocks, which are often bounded by active faults. In comparison the eastern U.S. geology is less heterogeneous. Whereas seismicity in eastern China is frequently, although not always, dearly related to neotectonic activities along the boundaries of “rigid block”, most of the seismogenic structures associated with eastern U.S. events are often overlain by thick recent sediments or have not yet been clearly deciphered; two “rigid blocks” in the eastern U.S. with recognizable seismogenic structures on all sides are tentatively identified. Judging from the episodicity of earthquake occurrence in eastern China in the last 2000 years, we do not yet have enough time to assess the true recurrence rate of earthquakes in the eastern U.S (with a historical record spanning only 400 years). If some eastern U.S. earthquakes occur along boundaries of blocks as they do in eastern China, areas next to the historically active areas in the eastern U.S. may also be sites of significant future seismicity.

Abstract In the 1980s exports of peanuts (Arachis hypogaea L.) from the United States ranged from 228,000 mt to 473,000 mt making up nearly 20% of the total U.S. production. The European Community was the largest importer of U. S. peanuts with Argentina and China the major U. S. competitors for peanut imports. Edible peanut prices quoted in Rotterdam are recognized as world reference prices in the peanut trade. From 1978 to 1990 monthly prices of U. S. 40/50 shelled peanuts in Rotterdam ranged from $600/mt to $2,100/mt. A change of $100/mt in the Rotterdam price results in an estimated change in the value of U. S. farmers' stock peanuts of $66/mt. Rotterdam prices are sensitive to monthly estimates of peanut production in the southeastern U. S. There is a critical southeast production threshold of about 1.0 mil mt, below which Rotterdam prices increase $125/mt for a decrease of 50,000 mt in production. Above the level of production, the price changed $51/mt for each 50,000 mt change in production. The Rotterdam price is an important barometer for domestic prices for additional peanuts produced by U. S. peanut farmers.

This study posits that the ineffective and futile efforts of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to contain North Korean nuclear ambition are a result of the United States (U.S.) consistently and strategically developing its sanctions regimes, rather than the limited implementation of the UNSC’s measures or by the non-compliance of China and Russia, the two North Korean-leaning permanent UNSC members. The U.S/ has endeavoured to maximise its strategic leverage against North Korea by consolidating bilateral channels to increase its foreign policy capacity and flexibility, instead of reinforcing multilateral pressures through the UNSC. Although both the U.S. and the UNSC share the goal of nuclear non-proliferation in Northeast Asia, the former deliberately exploited the deficient decision making process of the latter to maximise its foreign policy flexibility. Consequently, the U.S. has flexibly pursued both engagement and containment of North Korea while maintaining its hard-line stance against it at the UNSC, whereas the UNSC’s sanctions on North Korea have gradually become rigid and inflexible, without achieving tangible outcomes. We argue that the U.S.’s unilateral use of sanctions against North Korea is building on its instrumental use of the UNSC’s multilateral framework, which has significantly lost its legitimacy and effectiveness amid the looming U.S.-China rivalry over hegemony in Asia.

The international system, like any other, needs to be regulated. Obviously, a purposeful and thoughtful direction of the international development dynamics is preferable to a spontaneous and fragmented alignment in the spirit of the Hobbesian idea of «a war of all against all». In this context, the idea of global governance proves viable, despite the declining recognition and relative marginalization of the concept, on par with the number of mentions. International life in the 21st century did not turn out to be as well-adjusted as it was seen by the proponents of liberal globalization and neoliberal ideology immediately after the end of the Cold War. Not surprisingly, that today pessimism about the possibilities for real action in global governance far exceeds the optimism of the first post-bipolar decade. In addition to different interpretations and theoretical basis of global governance, the article reveals the role of the leading world powers - Russia, China and the United States in the multilevel GG architecture through great-power triangular interaction. The author proves that not a single leading world power or group of states can maintain order-forming processes alone. The U.S., China and Russia, in one way or another, pin their hopes on preserving and/or restoring and/or acquiring global leadership. Each of the powers pursues its own strategy of global governance against the backdrop of promoting its own ideas about the world order.

Lockdowns and border closures to manage the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have caused the greatest global economic shock since the Great Depression. Does this also signal the end of economic globalization, the most significant trend of the past forty years? And if so, what kind of global political economy is emerging from the wreckage? In this article, I argue that COVID-19 is mainly intensifying pre-existing trends, set in motion by the global financial crisis of 2008 and the People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s economic rise. The disruptions to global supply chains wrought by COVID-19 have combined with rising United States–PRC rivalry, growing disaffection with the distributional impacts of global value chains, and automation to catalyze the turn away from globalized production. Meanwhile, amid the economic doom and gloom, financial markets are booming, high on the central banks’ liquidity injections to which they have been addicted since the 2008 crisis. As in the decade since the 2008 crisis, booming markets will likely deepen inequality and resentment, fuelling economic nationalism and eroding support for globalization even more. The governments of relatively small and open economies, such as Australia and Canada, will need to guide their economies more purposefully or find themselves at the mercy of the increasingly confrontational, yet domestically fragile, United States and the PRC.

The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one in relation to polycentric and the U. S. - centered world orders. The most important element of the American scenario in relation to Beijing is Japan. This country is central to Washington's policy to contain China. Tokyo is headed for the rapid rejection of pacifist principles of its foreign policy. Russian scenario for the international system is in an active course to establishing a polycentric world order. United States' scenario against Russia in this regard is a containment strategy of Moscow. The central component of this strategy, as it can be assumed, is a violation of the strategic balance in US - Russian relations. However, Ukraine has become a major springboard to contain Russia. Instead of establishing equal Russian - American relations United States and their allies (under American pression) have chosen a policy of isolating Moscow, but such actions are blocking the Russian - Japanese rapprochement beneficial both for Tokyo and Kremlin, which is interested in deepening its ties with Japan in order to diversify its relations with Asia-Pacific area. The author concludes that the long-term interests of Russia and Japan dictate both sides to move closer, but the policy of the U.S. administration towards Russia on the Ukranian question blocks this possibility.

The authors present complex analysis of US–Russia relations under the Biden Administration. W. Mead’s methodology (typology of foreign policy ideology) and S. Gunnitsky and A. Tsygankov’s theoretical framework (Wilsonian approach) are used. The article examines the motives of Russian and American foreign policies towards each other, as well as the outcomes for the Russia factor in US domestic politics and its impact on the bilateral relations. The authors identify the nature of ideological and political confrontation of the two nations which stems from their mutual perceptions and interpretations of the world order. It is revealed that the strengthening of ideological motivation of US foreign policy under the Biden Administration is aimed to rally Western countries behind the rivalry with illiberal regimes (Russia and China). At the same time, Russia perceives the current confrontation with the United States as an existential threat since it challenges its geopolitical power and national identity. The research looks into such aspects of US–Russia relations as sanctions against Russia, climate change interaction, global security and arms control. The authors conclude that US–Russia ideological confrontation is systematic; steps towards cooperation are aimed at preventing possible escalation. In the near future, US–Russia relations can be considered as a combination (i.e. sanctions, supporting Russian opposition, countering Russia in the post-Soviet region) and selective dialogue and cooperation on such issues as strategic stability, arms control, cybersecurity and climate change. US–Russia relations are not likely to undergo fundamental changes until at least 2024, when new electoral cycles start both in Russia and in the United States. Under current conditions, the management of the US–Russia confrontation remains the major goal for the sides.

The advancement and promoting by the United States of its concept of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) has shaped many of political discussions in Asian countries in recent years. The Republic of Korea is no exception. From this perspective, the article reviews the basic aspects of the evolution of South Korea’s foreign policy course as well as new priorities in that area which have been forged with the advent of President Moon Jae-in administration. The paper shows that the complex fluctuations of the South Korea’s external policy have been defined by the need to maintain the focus on the United States, on one side, and desire to nurture strategic partnership with China, on the other side. However, finding the right balance in that political equation has been significantly complicated due to the growing confrontation between the two global powers. Special attention is given to the role and place of South Korea in the U. S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. The article examines the main directions, some of the outcomes and the prospects of cooperation between Washington and Seoul aimed at harmonizing their regional strategies in view of the factors facilitating those interactions as well as those hampering them. President Trump highlighted that the United States – the Republic of Korea alliance remains a linchpin for security, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. However, the dialogue between the two partners has not revealed the willingness of South Korea to collaborate with the United States on that theme beyond a narrow framework of purely economic coordination. Particularly, South Korea has consistently rejected the attempts of its ally to involve the country into the activities of Quad for fear of a possible adverse effect for the Korea–China relationships. All of those questions are examined in the article in linkage with a number of bilateral problems prevailing in the ROK–USA alliance which have complicated the collaboration between the two countries on regional issues in recent times.

The main tendency of the postwar world order was the absence of direct military conflicts between major powers and the division of the world into two military-political blocs.These entities brought together countries that differed in ideology and socio-economic structure. In the context of this conflicting confrontation, third world countries have become the arena of mediated rivalry. The confrontation took place in order to increase the area of influence in developing countries by engaging them in some form of socio-economic and political system. The most striking similarity can be seen in the development of the divided nations of Korea, China, Vietnam, in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. In the event of such contradictions, it is possible not to claim the conflict between superpowers and third world countries, but about the involvement or intervention of major powers in internal or interstate conflicts. During the second half of the 1940s – early 1960s, the main task of US administrations was to create a «power ring» around the Soviet control area, to maintain its functioning and further strengthening it. Initially, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later expanded to the Middle East, with adequate security in the form of US military bases and military-political blocs. By pursuing a policy of containment and extending its line throughout the periphery of Eurasia, the United States was increasingly confronted with the effects of the collapse of the colonial empires and forced, in one form or another, to fill the vacuum of emerging power. At the same time, geopolitical considerations played a major role in this process. The first attempt at an integrated response to the needs of underdeveloped countries was President G. Truman’s Point Four programm, which provided them with technical assistance. In the 1950s, US geostrategic priorities changed: Europe retained its importance, but more attention was paid to Southeast Asia and the Middle East. During this period, the strengthening of US positions in the Gulf region – the most important strategic point in terms of both oil resources and geographical location – began.

Abstract The United States has witnessed waves of immigration throughout its history, with the current immigration policies regulated by the reforms enacted under President Lyndon Johnson in 1965. Immigrants now come from all over the world, with China and India supplying the largest numbers in science and engineering (S&E) fields. Although the US is seen as coping rather successfully with immigration from Europe, that is not the case with Asian immigration. Assimilation theorists have long argued that Asian immigrants face problems in adapting to the American culture and lifestyles; in contrast, multicultural theorists have hailed cultural diversity brought by Asian immigrants. Ethnic organizations can play an integral role in Asian immigrants’ adaptation and integration in the United States. Utilizing 40 in-depth interviews of Indian immigrant engineers working in the US technology companies, the present study examines if they belong to ethnic associations. If yes, why do they feel a need to belong to these associations? If no, why not? It further sheds light on their need to belong to such associations. The findings show that the need to belong to Indian associations varied with the stage of their lives, which can be depicted as a U-shaped curve.

The COVID pandemic has devastated the world economy, which has also caused serious slumps in Western developed countries. Although they have adopted "ultra-easy" monetary policy, the real economy did not emerge from recessions because of it and a global "liquidity bubble" was caused instead. The economic recession caused by the pandemic in developed countries may last for years. The governments of some countries in the United States and Europe have adopted strong state intervention methods to control the investment and trade behaviors of enterprises, then force them to "decouple" from China. Based on an objective analysis of the current international situation, China has actively taken countermeasures: on the one hand, it emphasizes mainly relying on the "domestic economic cycle" to maintain growth momentum. And on the other hand, it develops an "international economic cycle" that focus on China`s economy. Establishing a "dual circulation" new development pattern, in which domestic economic cycle plays a leading role while international economic cycle remains its extension and supplement, is a major strategic choice for achieving high-quality economic development.

In recent years, the U.S. has vigorously pursued the policy of “using Taiwan to contain mainland China” to thwart China's rise and maintain its hegemonic position. This policy has further exacerbated the China U.S. rivalry in the Taiwan Strait. The audacious visit to Taiwan by Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, in August 2022 triggered a systematic countermeasure from China and dramatically exacerbated tensions in the Taiwan Strait. This article first analyzes the purpose of Pelosi's visit to Taiwan, then reviews China&#8223;s countermeasures against the visit. The author argues that the tensions in the Taiwan Strait have not escalated into the so-called “Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis” because the policies of the mainland China, the United States, and Taiwan are still self-restrained. However, these tensions have negatively affected China U.S. relations and Cross-Strait relations. &#22312;&#21361;&#26426;&#30340; &#36793;&#32536; &#20329;&#27931;&#35199; &#35775; &#21488;&#21450;&#20854; &#23545; &#20013;&#32654;&#21338;&#24328;&#30340;&#20914; &#20987; &#36817;&#24180;&#26469;&#65292;&#20026;&#20102;&#38459;&#28382;&#20013;&#22269;&#30340;&#25345;&#32493;&#23835;&#36215;&#20197;&#32500;&#25252;&#20854;&#38712;&#26435;&#22320;&#20301;&#65292;&#32654;&#22269;&#31215;&#26497;&#25512;&#34892;“&#20197;&#21488;&#21046;&#21326;”&#30340;&#25919;&#31574;&#65292;&#36827;&#32780;&#25552;&#21319;&#20102;&#20013;&#32654;&#21488;&#28023;&#21338;&#24328;&#30340;&#28872;&#24230;&#12290;2022&#24180;8&#26376;&#65292;&#32654;&#22269;&#22269;&#20250;&#20247;&#35758;&#38498;&#35758;&#38271;&#20329;&#27931;&#35199;&#35775;&#38382;&#21488;&#28286;&#20043;&#34892;&#24341;&#21457;&#20102;&#20013;&#26041;&#30340;&#31995;&#32479;&#24615;&#21453;&#21046;&#65292;&#26174;&#33879;&#21152;&#21095;&#20102;&#21488;&#28023;&#30340;&#32039;&#24352;&#24418;&#21183;&#12290;&#26412;&#25991;&#39318;&#20808;&#23545;&#20329;&#27931;&#35199;&#35775;&#21488;&#20107;&#20214;&#21450;&#20854;&#21160;&#22240;&#36827;&#34892;&#20102;&#20998;&#26512;&#65292;&#20854;&#27425;&#26803;&#29702;&#20102;&#20013;&#26041;&#38024;&#23545;&#20329;&#27931;&#35199;&#35775;&#21488;&#30340;&#20840;&#38754;&#21453;&#21046;&#20030;&#25514;&#65292;&#22312;&#27492;&#22522;&#30784;&#19978;&#25351;&#20986;&#30001;&#20110;&#20013;&#22269;&#22823;&#38470;&#12289;&#32654;&#22269;&#19982;&#21488;&#28286;&#22320;&#21306;&#22343;&#37319;&#21462;&#20102;&#36739;&#20026;&#20811;&#21046;&#30340;&#24212;&#23545;&#20030;&#25514;&#65292;&#20351;&#24471;&#27492;&#27425;&#21488;&#28023;&#32039;&#24352;&#24418;&#21183;&#26410;&#21319;&#32423;&#20026;“&#31532;&#22235;&#27425;&#21488;&#28023;&#21361;&#26426;”&#65292;&#20294;&#20173;&#23545;&#20013;&#32654;&#20851;&#31995;&#21644;&#20004;&#23736;&#20851;&#31995;&#36896;&#25104;&#20102;&#24694;&#21155;&#30340;&#24433;&#21709;&#12290;

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji spillover effect indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina terhadap indeks saham syariah ASEAN dengan menggunakan metode Nonlinier Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) untuk menemukan spillover effect yang bersifat asimetris selama pandemi Covid-19. Data yang diamati dimulai pada 1 Januari 2020 sampai dengan 30 September 2021 dengan total observasi sebanyak 336 data untuk masing-masing indeks saham. Penelitian ini mendapatkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina memiliki pengaruh asimetris jangka pendek terhadap indeks saham syariah Indonesia, Malaysia dan Thailand selama pandemi Covid-19. Kedua, indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina hanya memiliki pengaruh asimetris jangka panjang terhadap indeks saham syariah Malaysia selama pandemi Covid-19. Ketiga, efek ketika terjadi penurunan indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina lebih besar dibandingkan pada saat terjadi kenaikan terhadap indeks saham syariah Malaysia selama pandemi Covid-19. Salah satu penyebab hubungan tersebut adalah karena adanya hubungan dagang yang sangat erat antara Amerika Serikat dan Cina terhadap Malaysia. Adapun implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah investor internasional dapat menjadikan hasil penelitian ini sebagai bahan pengambilan keputusan apabila terjadi kontraksi akibat krisis seperti pada saat pandemi Covid-19 terhadap indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina untuk mempertahankan maupun menjual portofolio investasi mereka. Kata Kunci: Spillover, Indeks Syariah, Asimetris, Covid-19. ABSTRACT This study aims to examine the spillover effect of Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China on the ASEAN Islamic stock index using the Nonlinear Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) method to find asymmetric spillover effects during the Covid-19 pandemic. The observed data starts on January 1, 2020, until September 30, 2021, with a total of 336 observations for each stock index. This study found some findings. First, the Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China have a short-term asymmetric influence on the Islamic stock indices of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand during the Covid-19 pandemic. Second, the Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China have only a long-term asymmetric influence on Malaysia's sharia stock indexes during the Covid-19 pandemic. Third, the effect when there is a decline in Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China is greater than when there is an increase in the Malaysian sharia stock index during the Covid-19 pandemic. One of the reasons for this relationship is the very close trade relationship between the United States and China with Malaysia. The research implication of this study is that international investors can use the results of this research as a decision-making material in the event of a contraction due to the crisis (one of which is the Covid-19 pandemic) in the United States and China Islamic stock indexes to maintain or sell their investment portfolios. Keywords: Spillover, Islamic Index, Asymmetric, Covid-19. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Abdullahi, S. I. (2021). Islamic equities and covid-19 pandemic: Measuring Islamic stock indices correlation and volatility in period of crisis. Islamic Economic Studies, 29(1), 50-66. https://doi.org/10.1108/IES-09-2020-0037 Aslam, F., Mohmand, Y. T., Ferreira, P., Memon, B. A., Khan, M., & Khan, M. (2020). Network analysis of global stock markets at the beginning of the coronavirus disease (covid-19) outbreak. Borsa Istanbul Review, 20, 49–61. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bir.2020.09.003 Azhar, J. A., Wulandari, R., & Kalijaga, U. I. N. S. (2021). Stock performance based on sharia stock screening: Comparasion between syariah stock indices of Indonesia and Malaysia. 1(1), 14–26. https://doi.org/10.20885/AMBR.vol1.iss1.art2 Baek, S., Mohanty, S. K., & Glambosky, M. (2020). Covid-19 and stock market volatility: An industry level analysis. Finance Research Letters, 37(January), 1-10. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.frl.2020.101748 Dizioli, A., Guajardo, J., Klyuev, VladimirMano, R., & Raissi, M. (2016). Spillovers from China’s growth slowdown and rebalancing to the ASEAN-5 economies. IMF Working Papers, 16(170), 1. https://doi.org/10.5089/9781475524260.001 Forbes, K. J., & Rigobon, R. (2002). No contagion, only interdependence: Measuring stock market comovements. Journal of Finance, 57(5), 2223–2261. https://doi.org/10.1111/0022-1082.00494 Hasan, M. B., Mahi, M., Sarker, T., & Amin, M. R. (2021). Spillovers of the covid-19 pandemic: Impact on global economic activity, the stock market, and the energy sector. Journal of Risk and Financial Management, 14(5), 200. https://doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14050200 He, Q., Liu, J., Wang, S., & Yu, J. (2020). The impact of covid-19 on stock markets. Economic and Political Studies, 0(0), 275–288. https://doi.org/10.1080/20954816.2020.1757570 Hung, N. T. (2019). Return and volatility spillover across equity markets between China and Southeast Asian countries. Journal of Economics, Finance and Administrative Science, 24(47), 66–81. https://doi.org/10.1108/JEFAS-10-2018-0106 International Monetary Fund. (2021). Fault lines widen in the global recovery. World Economic Outlook Update, July 2021, 1–21. 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The spillover effects of chinese economy on Southeast Asia and Oceania. NBP Working Paper Issue 315. Retrieved from https://www.nbp.pl/publikacje/materialy_i_studia/315_en.pdf Thai Hung, N. (2019). Equity market integration of China and Southeast Asian Countries: Further Evidence from MGARCH-ADCC and wavelet coherence analysis. Quantitative Finance and Economics, 3(2), 201–220. https://doi.org/10.3934/qfe.2019.2.201 Thomson Reuters Practical Law. (2021). International trade in goods and services in Malaysia: Overview. Retrieved from https://uk.practicallaw.thomsonreuters.com/w-017-9602?transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&firstPage=true Trade between Malaysia and China reached new high in 2020 despite Covid. (2021). Retrieved from https://www.freshplaza.com/article/9293748/trade-between-malaysia-and-china-reached-new-high-in-2020-despite-covid/ United States Census Bureau. (2021). Trade in goods with Malaysia. 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Physalis alkekengi var. franchetii (Mast.) Makino, known as Chinese lantern, belonging to Solanaceae, is cultivated for its fruits of medicinal value in East Asia (4). Since July 2010, a powdery mildew has been continuously observed on this plant in Shenyang City in northeastern China. More than 90% of the plants in a garden were affected. Symptoms first appeared as circular to irregular white patches, which progressed to abundant mycelial growth on both sides of leaves and young stems. In the middle of August, chasmothecia were formed abundantly, especially on the lower leaf surface. Voucher specimens were deposited in the herbarium of Qingdao Agricultural University (HMQAU10014, 12047, and 12144). Conidiophores produced 2 to 5 conidia in chains with a sinuate outline, followed by 2 to 3 cells. Foot-cells of conidiophores were straight and 46 to 65 × 9 to 11 μm. Conidia were ellipsoid to barrel-shaped, 26 to 32 × 13 to 15.5 μm, lacked distinct fibrosin bodies, and produced germ tubes on the subterminal position. Chasmothecia were amphigenous, also cauligenous, 100 to 140 μm across, and contained 10 to 25 asci. Appendages were mycelioid, 0.5 to 4 times as long as the chasmothecial diameter, and 1- to 3-septate. Asci were short-stalked, 45 to 64 × 26 to 34 μm, and contained two ascospores of 18 to 25 × 12.5 to 15 μm. The internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of rDNA was amplified (3) and sequenced. The resulting 600-bp sequence was deposited in GenBank (Accession No. KC488260). A GenBank BLAST search of complete ITS sequence showed 100% identity with that of Golovinomyces orontii on P. alkekengi var. franchetii (AB077647 ex Japan) and >99% similarity with those of G. magnicellulatus on Phlox paniculata (AB077621 ex Japan, AF011303 ex the United States, and GU945756 and GU945757 ex Korea). G. orontii is currently confined to the Golovinomyces isolates on Cichorioideae (1). On the basis of the morphological characteristics and ITS sequence data, the fungus was identified as G. magnicellulatus var. magnicellulatus (U. Braun) V.P. Heluta (1). It was already noted that Golovinomyces isolates on Physalis and Phlox are phylogenetically close each other (3). A pathogenicity test was conducted by gently pressing a diseased leaf onto leaves of five healthy Chinese lanterns. Five non-inoculated plants served as controls. Inoculated plants developed symptoms after 8 days, whereas the control plants remained symptomless. The fungus present on the inoculated plants was morphologically identical to that originally observed on diseased plants, fulfilling Koch's postulates. Powdery mildews of Chinese lantern associated with Golovinomyces species have been known in Korea and Japan (2). A Korean material of Golovinomyces sp. on P. alkekengi var. franchetii was identified as G. magnicellulatus var. magnicellulatus based on morphological characteristics and 100% ITS sequence identity with a Chinese isolate (Shin, unpublished data). To our knowledge, this is the first report of powdery mildew caused by G. magnicellulatus var. magnicellulatus on Chinese lantern in China. References: (1) U. Braun and R. T. A. Cook. Taxonomic Manual of the Erysiphales (Powdery Mildews), CBS Biodiversity Series No.11. CBS, Utrecht, 2012. (2) D. F. Farr and A. Y. Rossman. Fungal Databases. Syst. Mycol. Microbiol. Lab., Online publication, ARS, USDA, retrieved March 22, 2013. (3) S. Matsuda and S. Takamatsu. Mol. Phylogen. Evol. 27:314, 2003. (4) Y. Zheng et al. Phytochem. Anal. 23:337, 2012.

This paper intends to describe and discuss major transformations in the U.S.-Thai military and political treaty alliance of 1954 and 1962 durіng the post-Cold War period. The author seeks to reveal milestones in the U.S.-Thai political relations, and the most important factors that affected their defense and security cooperation. Methodology. These transformations are studied at the background of shifts in the international environment and the U. S. foreign policy, Thai domestic developments, and regional processes in Asia Pacific. In this empirical qualitative research, the methods of critical analysis of primary and secondary sources, chronological and comparative approaches are applied. Conclusions. The research has revealed that in the new international environment of 1990s, the tasks of the U.S.-Thai treaty alliance were changed. It was reoriented towards transnational security threats, mostly drugs traffic and terrorism, humanitarian assistance in the case of natural disasters, preparations for peacekeeping operations, et cetera. 2001–2004, when Thai government supported the U.S.-led war on terror, was the most fruitful period of the U.S.-Thai cooperation during the post-Cold war period. Simultaneously, from the very end of Indochina wars Thailand attempted to evade overdependence on the United States in the security area, and sought to balance American influence. Development of close Thailand-China ties served the purpose. The special relations, established between Thailand and China, hindered the achievement of the full potential of the U.S.-Thai alliance. Besides, the U.S. and Thai governments had different perceptions on some important political issues such as human rights, the role of military in society and the governance, policy towards Myanmar, and the security issues in the South China Sea. Since 2006, the U.S.–Thai defense and security cooperation was negatively affected by political instability in Thailand and military coup of 2006. As a result, during the rebalance to East Asia since 2011, the U.S. could not rely on effective cooperation with Thailand, its treaty ally. The military coup of 2014 caused the worst crisis in the U.S.-Thai relations. Though during D. Trump administration they were improved and the new vision of the alliance was agreed upon, this crisis actualized an issue of credibility of Thailand as an ally.

Aims: There are relatively few documented teen tobacco use cessation efforts outside the United States (U. S.). Project EX is an evidence-based program that consists of eight sessions, as a school-based clinic tobacco cessation-only version and a classroom-based prevention and cessation version. This paper provides a ‘snapshot’ of progress on international translation of Project EX pilot study work in eight countries that have been approached thus far. The program was implemented in Wuhan, China; Israel and partners; Bashkortostan, Russia; and Elche, Spain. Implementation is planned for Vienna, Austria; Mumbai, India; and Bangkok, Thailand. This work will lead eventually to a greater understanding regarding preference for type of programming (e. g., clinic versus classroom modality), challenges in recruitment and retention, program receptivity, and short-term (approximately 3-month post-program) quit rates. Protocol and Interim Results of International Translation of Project EX: Convenience samples are being recruited based on previous contacts with each location. A protocol was sent to each location, proposing a controlled design, in which subjects enter cessation groups or become a wait-list control, with an immediate pretest, posttest, and 3-month follow-up. Language translation of program materials was completed in seven of the eight locations. Several variations in design and implementation were demanded though. For example, youth fear of reporting tobacco publicly mandated to researchers that the prevention/cessation classroom version be implemented in some locations (Israel and partners, and India). Program effects are suggested across countries. Conclusions: Ongoing partnerships with parties actively involved in tobacco control facilitate pilot testing of teen tobacco use cessation programming. The Project EX curriculum appears quite translatable, though having flexibility in implementation modality eased being able to pilot test the program. Research on this cognitive-behavioral, motivation enhancement approach continues.

The goal of this research report is to look into the impact of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) on the stock markets of China and the United States, focusing on the major stock indices in both countries' stock markets while also looking at the performance of companies in various industries during the epidemic. Also, the impact of the epidemic on the IPOs status of firms in various industries, in order to determine which industries and companies are worth paying attention to during the epidemic. Methodology: Based on the S&P Global 100 closing price, a comparison and event study of index closing prices for the aforementioned countries during the COVID-19 pandemic and pre-pandemic. To that purpose, we utilised cross-sectional Mest and non-parametric Mann-Whitney U-tests to look at changes in major stock indexes during the pandemic, cross-sectional t-tests for sample analysis, and OLS (ordinary least the squares) market model to combine the market and industries to make conclusions. Data visualisation, financial indicator calculations, and a clear display of analysis results are required for the success of IPOs efforts. Findings: The study discovered that different industries reacted to the stock market in different ways. There was a positive link between the number of listed firms and their industry stock performance as the market size of the industry grew. Furthermore, different industries have varied reactions to the stock market, and the IPOs activities of companies in different industries will influence the stock market's future development path.Implication: COVID-19 has supported another set of tech industries, although first affecting a portion of traditional industries.Originality: During COVID-19, no research has been done to determine the impact of the stock market on IPOs activities in various industries.

During the last three years, the prospects of engaging China in the process of nuclear disarmament has moved to the forefront of the arms control agenda. In 2019–2020, it was made the top issue by the Donald Trump’s administration when it withdrew from the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (INF Treaty) and refused to prolong the Treaty on Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (the New START). As for Beijing, it flatly rejected US demands to join arms control and this position was endorsed by Moscow. Thanks to the Joseph Biden’s administration coming to power in January 2021, the New START was extended by five years in February of the same year. In June, the summit of the presidents of Russia and the United States was held in Geneva, and in July, the official dialogue on strategic stability was launched. However, during the same summer, an unexpected event happened. Independent U. S. experts published information from commercial satellites, which revealed an ongoing construction of three large military bases in central areas of China with hundreds of new silo launchers for intercontinental missiles. Afterwards, the Pentagon confirmed this information and predicted that Chinese missiles buildup may reach the level of about 1000 or more nuclear warheads by the year 2030. This news was neither confirmed nor denied by the official Beijing. However, together with continuing Chinese deployment of strategic ballistic missile nuclear submarines, forthcoming introduction of heavy bombers, expanding early warning satellites and tests of antisatellite systems – these developments imply the fundamental shift in the global and regional strategic balances with profound political consequences. American response to China’s strategic buildup and Russian reaction to the U.S. military innovations may entail a next massive cycle of arms race and would cause a new stagnation at the negotiations of the two nuclear superpowers – all highly detrimental to international security. Nonetheless, there is still a chance of reinvigorated diplomatic effort at the U.S. – Russian and U.S. – Chinese tracks, which might lay the foundation of the future multilateral framework of strategic stability.

Topic. The active transnationalisation of the U.S. business after the end of the Second World War became possible thanks to the creation of the American-centric framework of the world monetary and financial system. The U. S. and the United Kingdom have become leaders in financial globalisation by monopolising global financial intermediation and creating institutional barriers to other countries’ access to international liquidity. With formal non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states, they made the latter dependent on the activities of informal institutions (American rating agencies, Anglo-Saxon offshore centres, Anglo-American law, etc.) that determine the rules of access of sovereign countries to world financial resources. Such a state of affairs is a significant obstacle to the establishment of a multipolar monetary and financial system.Purpose. The purpose of author’s research was the identification of the institutional features of the centralisation of global capital at the present stage of development of financial globalisation processes and identification of China’s potential, as a leader of the global economy, in creating a systemic counterweight to Anglo-Saxon domination in the global monetary and financial system.Methodology. The author based his study on a dialectical approach, the systemic, institutional approaches, and the method of comparative analysis.Results. The active inclusion of China in the global value chain has led to a complex change in the global balance of power mirrored by weakening US international influence. However, the increasing influence of China in the global economy has not yet been adequately reflected in the system of international economic and financial institutions, in which the dominant positions continue to belong to Western countries.Conclusion. The institutional reforms undertaken by the G‑20’ aimed at bringing the world economy back to the path of healthy, sustainable, balanced and inclusive growth are not quite adequate since they practically do not take into account the increased economic and financial role of the most dynamically developing countries. Such disregard for the interests and importance of developing countries (BRICS, EAEU) requires the elaboration of alternative approaches to regulating the global monetary and financial system at the regional and interregional levels.

Tall fescue (Festuca arundinacea Schreb), a predominant cool-season perennial grass, is widely used as forage and turf grasses in China. In July 2013, powdery mildew was observed on 10 F. arundinacea lawns (about 0.5 ha in total) in Urumchi, Xinjiang Province, China, with 20 to 30% of the area being infected. Signs of the disease initially appeared as irregular white mycelial colonies on the adaxial surface of infected leaves. As the disease progressed, the colonies covered the whole adaxial surface and white patches appeared on the abaxial surface of infected leaves. Conidiophores were unbranched and cylindrical with swollen bases, measuring 13.3 to 15 × 16.7 to 20 μm, and borne vertically on hyphae. Each conidiophore produced 10 to 18 conidia in a chain. The conidia were oval, one-celled, and colorless, measuring 8.1 to 9.8 × 26 to 29.7 μm. Cleistothecia were black, spherical, and 164.3 to 207.3 μm in diameter, each of which contained 9 to 26 asci. Asci were oblong or ovate, measuring 32.1 to 40 × 85.7 to 96.4 μm. Asci were petiolate, containing eight ascospores. Ascospores were round to oval, colorless, one-celled, measuring 19.1 to 22.5 × 11.7 to 13.6 μm. Based on morphological characteristics of the anamorph and the teleomorph, the fungus was identified as Blumeria graminis (DC.) Speer. Additionally, the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) of 563 bp was amplified from DNA of conidia using ITS1 and ITS4 primers (4). The ITS sequence was deposited in GenBank (Accession No. KF545644). The ITS sequence showed 100% homogeneity with those of B. graminis on Poa pratensis in Swizerland (AB273540) and on P. bulbosa in Iran (AB273551) (1), which further confirmed the identification. Ten 3-week-old healthy plants were inoculated by spraying a spore suspension (1 × 105 conidia ml−1) made from conidia brushed from infected plants, and 10 plants sprayed with sterile distilled water were served as controls. All the plants were placed in the same growth chamber at 20°C, 80% humidity, and 16-h photoperiod. Twenty days after inoculation, typical signs and symptoms of powdery mildew were observed on all the inoculated plants, whereas no symptoms were observed on the controls. Microscopic and ITS analysis showed that the fungus on the inoculated plants is identical to that on diseased field plants. B. graminis on F. arundinacea has been observed in a few European countries (1), Israel (3), and the United States (2). To our knowledge, this is the first report of powdery mildew caused by B. graminis on F. arundinacea in China, which will increase the difficulty to prevent powdery mildew on grasses including cereals. References: (1) U. Braun. The Powdery Mildews (Erysiphales) of Europe. Gustav Fischer Verlag, Jena-Stuttgart-New York, 1995. (2) F. M. Dugan and G. Newcombe. Pacific Northwest Fungi. 2:1-5, 2007. (3) S. O. Voytyuk et al. Biodiversity of the Powdery Mildew Fungi (Erysiphales, Ascomycota) of Israel Vol. 7. Biodiversity of Cyanoprocaryotes, Algae and Fungi of Israel. Koeltz Scientific Books, 2009. (4) T. J. White et al. Page 315 in: PCR Protocols: A Guide to Methods and Applications. M. A. Innis et al., eds. Academic Press, San Diego, 1990.

Viburnum sargentii Koehne belongs to the family Caprifoliaceae. It is a deciduous shrub that grows in wet mountainous area in Korea, Japan, and China. On July 2011, rust symptoms were observed on V. sargentii Koehne in Balwang mountain, Gangwon Province, Korea, at an altitude of 1,450 meters. The specimen was coded as DUCC506 and used to study in detail. Rust symptoms were present on leaves, floral axes, and petioles. The infected lesions slightly swelled and leaflets and leaves were distorted. These caused sharp bends in the petioles and wart-like galls on twigs. Defoliation and deflowering could result when infection was severe. The first symptom was small and pale yellow spots on the upper surfaces of the leaves. As the spots increased in size, they turned brown and tanned. Bright orange or yellow powdery masses of spores were produced in tiny cup-like structures that appeared on the undersurfaces of leaves and the surface of floral axes and petioles. Aecia were gregarious, cupulate, yellowish, and erumpent with a peridium having a lacerate, somewhat recurved margin. Peridial cells were hyaline to whitish, rhomboidal, 18 to 25 (avg. 21.5) × 15 to 20 (avg. 18) μm, smooth to finely verrucose, and not observed in aecial stage on floral axes and petioles. Aeciospores were globose to ellipsoid, 14 to 16 (avg. 15.4) × 15 to 16.5 (avg. 16) μm, hyaline to yellowish, with many verrucose surface and hyaline walls. These morphological properties correspond to the aecial stage of Uromyces acuminatus (1,4). From extracted genomic DNA, the D1 and D2 region of 28S ribosomal DNA was amplified with LROR (5′- ACCCGCTGAACTTAAGC-3′) and LR4 (5′-ACCAGAGTTTCCTCTGG- 3′) primer set. The 28S rDNA sequence of DUCC506 was deposited in GenBank DNA database under accession number KC570451. A nucleotide sequence similarity search through BLAST in the GenBank database revealed that the DUCC506's 28S rDNA shared 98% (607/622) similarity with that of U. acuminatus LD1005 (GU058004). Aecidium magnatum Arthur is the anamorph of U. acuminatus (2). Aecial and telial hosts of U. acuminatus belong to several families of Angiosperms and Spartina spp., respectively. No telial host was found near the infected aecial host V. sargentii. These morphological and molecular results support the morphological data to identify DUCC506 specimen is A. magnatum. To our knowledge, this is the first report of rust caused by A. magnatum on V. sargentii in Korea or elsewhere in the world. Rust caused by A. viburni was reported on V. sargentii in Korea without any morphological description (3). Peoples in Asia are interested in this host plant as it is used for ornamental and medicinal purpose. Therefore, our report would be useful information for the management of V. sargentii. References: (1) G. B. Cummins. The Rust Fungi of Cereals, Grasses and Bamboos. Springer-Verlag, New York, 1971. (2) D. F. Farr et al. Fungi on Plants and Plant Products in the United States. Page 1009. American Phytopathological Society Press, St. Paul, MN, 1989. (3) C. J. Kim. Kor. J. Micorbiol. 1:51, 1963. (4) H. Y. Yun et al. Plant Dis. 94:279, 2010.

Platanus occidentalis L., called American sycamore or American plane, is native to North America. The trees are commonly planted throughout the world on the sides of roads and in parks. In June 2012, diseased leaves exhibiting signs of powdery mildew from a park in Daegu City of Korea were sent to Plant Clinic of Seoul National University for diagnosis. Our observations in Daegu City during September and October 2012 showed that nearly 99% of the approximately 1,000 trees surveyed were infected with a powdery mildew. Voucher specimens (n = 6) were deposited at the Korea University Herbarium (KUS). Symptoms were characterized by chlorosis, distortion, or cupping of young leaves. White superficial colonies developed amphigenously on leaves. Hyphae were flexuous to straight, branched, septate, 4 to 7 μm wide, and had lobed appressoria. Conidiophores were 120 to 350 × 5 to 7.5 μm and produced conidia singly. Foot-cells of conidiophores were straight, cylindric, and 115 to 200 μm long. Conidia were hyaline, ellipsoid-ovoid, measured 33 to 47.5 × 17.5 to 29 μm with a length/width ratio of 1.5 to 2.0, lacked distinct fibrosin bodies, and showed reticulate wrinkling of the outer walls. Germ tubes were produced on the subterminal position of conidia. No chasmothecia were observed. The structures and measurements were compatible with those of the anamorphic state of Erysiphe platani (Howe) U. Braun & S. Takam. (1). To confirm the identification, the complete internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of the rDNA from isolate KUS-F26959 was amplified with nested PCR and sequenced. The resulting sequence of 625 bp was deposited in GenBank (Accession No. JX997805). A GenBank BLAST search of this sequence showed only one base substitution with the four sequences (JQ365940 to JQ365943) of E. platani on Platanus spp. Pathogenicity was confirmed through inoculation tests by gently pressing diseased leaves onto young leaves of three 2-year-old disease-free seedlings. Three non-inoculated plants were used as control. Plants were maintained in a greenhouse at 24 to 30°C. Inoculated leaves developed symptoms after 7 days, whereas the control plants remained symptomless. The fungus present on the inoculated leaves was morphologically identical to that observed on the original diseased leaves, fulfilling Koch's postulates. Since E. platani first was recorded in the United States in 1874, it has been regarded as endemic in North America. From the second half of the 20th century, introduction and expansion of the range of this fungus to South America, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Europe, and Asia have been reported (1,2). To our knowledge, this is the first report of E. platani infections of P. occidentalis in Korea. This species was recorded on P.× hispanica from Japan in 1999 (4) and on P. orientalis from China in 2006 (3), suggesting invasive spread of the sycamore powdery mildew in East Asia. Since American sycamores are widely planted in Korea, control measures should be made to prevent further spread of the disease. References: (1) U. Braun and R. T. A. Cook. Taxonomic Manual of the Erysiphales (Powdery Mildews), CBS Biodiversity Series No.11. CBS, Utrecht, 2012. (2) D. F. Farr and A. Y. Rossman. Fungal Databases. Syst. Mycol. Microbiol. Lab., Online publication, ARS, USDA, Retrieved October 22, 2012. (3) C. Liang et al. Plant Pathol. 57:375, 2008. (4) S, Tanda. J. Agric. Sci., Tokyo Univ. Agric. 43:253, 1999.

ABSTRAK Riset ini bertujuan untuk mendapatkan fakta empiris pengaruh penggunaan m- payment, literasi keuangan syariah, locus of control terhadap perilaku keuangan mahasiswa muslim Surabaya sepanjang pandemi Covid- 19. Riset ini ialah riset kuantitatif. Metode pengambilan sampel dilakukan dengan purposive sampling, kepada 119 mahasiswa muslim Surabaya yang memakai mobile payment. Metode analisis yang digunakan merupakan Structural Equation Modelling-Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS). Hasil riset ini menampilkan bahwa penggunaan m-payment mempengaruhi positif serta signifikan terhadap perilaku keuangan, literasi keuangan syariah mempengaruhi positif serta signifikan terhadap perilaku keuangan, serta economic locus of control mempengaruhi positif serta signifikan terhadap perilaku keuangan. Riset ini mempunyai implikasi bahwa literasi keuangan syariah merupakan aspek yang sangat mempengaruhi dalam menunjang perilaku keuangan seorang, dimana dengan literasi keuangan syariah yang baik diiringi keahlian dalam mengambil keputusan keuangan dapat menghasilkan industri keuangan yang sehat. Walaupun tingkat literasi keuangan syariah mahasiswa muslim Surabaya terletak pada tingkat yang baik, diharapkan pelaku industri keuangan senantiasa mengedukasi warga khususnya mahasiswa dan menyadari bahwa perilaku keuangan sangatlah penting. Riset ini terbatas pada penyebaran sampel yang tidak menyeluruh serta tidak mempertimbangkan bagaimana perilaku keuangan responden saat sebelum pandemi Covid-19 terjadi. Kata Kunci: Mobile payment, Literasi Keuangan Syariah, Locus of control, Perilaku Keuangan. ABSTRACT This research aims to obtain empirical facts about the effect of using m-payments, Islamic financial literacy, locus of control on the financial behavior of Surabaya Muslim students during the Covid-19 pandemic. This research is quantitative research. The sampling method was carried out by purposive sampling, to 119 Muslim students in Surabaya who used mobile payments. The analytical method used is Structural Equation Modeling-Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS). The results of this study show that the use of m-payment has a positive and significant effect on financial behavior, Islamic financial literacy which has a positive and significant influence on financial behavior, and economic locus of control which has a positive and significant influence on financial behavior. This research shows that Islamic financial literacy is a very influential aspect in supporting the behavior of an employee, where good Islamic financial literacy is accompanied by financial decision results that can produce a healthy financial industry. Although the level of Islamic financial literacy of Surabaya Muslim students is at a good level (well literate), it is hoped that the financial industry players will educate citizens, especially students, and realize that financial behavior is important. This research is limited to a sample distribution that is not comprehensive and does not take into account the financial behavior of respondents before the Covid-19 pandemic occurred. Keywords: Mobile payment, Islamic Financial Literacy, Locus of control, Financial behavior. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Dew, J., & Xiao, J. (2011). The financial management behavior scale: Development and validation. Journal of Financial Counseling and Planning, 22(1), 43-59. Grable, J., Joo-yung P., & So-Hyun J. (2009). Explaining financial management behavior for Koreans living in the United States. The Journal of Consumer Affairs, 43(1), 80-107. Ida, I., & Dwinta, C. Y. (2010). Pengaruh locus of control, financial knowledge, income terhadap financial management behavior. Jurnal Bisnis dan Akuntansi, 12(3), 131-144. https://doi.org/10.34208/jba.v12i3.202 Kholilah, N. A., & Iramani. (2013). Studi financial management behavior pada masyarakat Surabaya. Journal of Business and Banking, 3(1), 69-80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14414/jbb.v3i1.255 Liu, T., Pan, B., & Yin, Z. (2020). Pandemic, mobile payment, and household consumption: Micro-evidence from China. Emerging Markets Finance and Trade, 56(10), 2378-2389. https://doi.org/10.1080/1540496X.2020.1788539 Patil, P., Tamilmani, K., Rana, N. P., & Raghavan, V. (2020). Understanding consumer adoption of mobile payment in India: extending meta-utaut model with personal innovativeness, anxiety, trust, and grievance redressal. International Journal of Information Management, 54, 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijinfomgt.2020.102144 Perry, V. G., & Morris, M. D. (2005). Who is in control? The role of self-perception, knowledge, and income in explaining consumer financial behavior. The Journal of Consumer Affairs, 39(2), 299-313. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1111/j.1745-6606.2005.00016.x Rahim, S. H. A., Rashid, R. A., & Hamed, A. B. (2016). Islamic financial literacy and its determinants among university students: An exploratory factor analysis. International Journal of Economic and Financial Issues, 6(S7), 32-35. Salamanca, N., de Grip, A., Fouarge, D., & Montizaan, R. (2020). Locus of control and investment in risky assets. Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, 177, 548-568. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2020.06.032 Sapir, A. S. M., & Ahmad, W. M. W. (2019). Financial literacy among Malaysian muslim undergraduates. 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The Covid-19 pandemic had a dangerous impact on early-childhood education, lost learning in almost all aspects of child development. The house-to-house learning, with the name Moving Home Learning Program (MHLP), is an attractive offer as an emergency remote teaching solution. This study aims to describe the application of MHLP designed by early-childhood education institutions during the learning process at home. This study used a qualitative approach with data collection using interviews, observation, and documentation. The respondents involved in the interview were a kindergarten principal and four teachers. The research data were analyzed using the data content analysis. The Findings show that the MHLP has proven to be sufficiently in line with the learning needs of early childhood during the Covid-19 pandemic. Although, the application of the MHLP learning model has limitations such as the distance from the house that is far away, the number of meetings that are only once a week, the number of food and toy sellers passing by, disturbing children's concentration, and the risk of damage to goods at home. The implication of this research can be the basis for evaluating MHLP as an adaptive strategy that requires the attention of related parties, including policy makers, school principals, and teachers for the development of new, more effective online learning models. Keywords: Moving Home Learning Program (MHLP), Children Remote Teaching References:Abdollahi, E., Haworth-Brockman, M., Keynan, Y., Langley, M. J., & Oghadas, S. M. (2020). Simulating the effect of school closure during COVID-19 outbreaks in Ontario , Canada. BMC Medicine, 1–8. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1186/s12916-020-01705-8 Arends, R. I., & Kilcher, A. (2010). 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Physical activity is very important for early childhood, especially outdoor activities that add a lot of new experiences. This study aims to check the relationship of children's outdoor activities and parenting styles and children's social skills. The participants are 125 parents of early childhood who attend kindergarten. The research method is a descriptive study using the relational screening model. The results showed that there was a relationship between outside play and parenting style on the social skills of children in their childhood. Democratic parenting styles are found to promote children's social skills, while authoritative parenting styles have a negative correlation with interpersonal skills, the ability to express verbally, self-control, listening skills, emotional management and adaptation to change. In the sub-dimensions of anger management and adaptation to changing skills is a significant difference between authoritative parenting styles and not permissive parenting with children's social skills. Keywords: Early Childhood Social skills, Outdoor Activities, Parenting Styles Reference: Azlina, W., & S., Z. A. (2012). A Pilot Study: The Impact of Outdoor Play Spaces on Kindergarten Children. Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 38(December 2010), 275–283. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.03.349 Bento, G., & Dias, G. (2017). The importance of outdoor play for young childrenʼs healthy development. Porto Biomedical Journal, 2(5), 157–160. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pbj.2017.03.003 Beyer, K., Bizub, J., Szabo, A., Heller, B., Kistner, A., Shawgo, E., & Zetts, C. (2015). Development and validation of the attitudes toward outdoor play scales for children. Social Science and Medicine, 133, 253–260. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.10.033 Boxberger, K., & Reimers, A. K. 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Covid-19 has changed the learning process from class attendance to distance learning using the Internet. Early childhood education is threatened to enter into the lost generation, due to distance learning, which causes confusion for teachers and parents to be able to provide the best stimulation for them. Therefore, the Indonesian government made a new policy on online learning. The objectives of this research are to find how effective at online learning policy formulation, how productive it is in policy implementation, and what are the obstacles of the implementation at Early-Childhood Education (ECE). This qualitative research uses a mixed method approach with an iterative analysis design, conducted in Central Java Province in 35 districts / cities with 1,899 respondents. Data collection techniques with open-closed questionnaires, study from 15 documentation, and in-depth interviews. Data analysis uses quantitative-qualitative software Nvivo12+, with Miles and Huberman models. The results showed the policy formulation of online learning at ECE has been effective. However, the implementation of online learning policy at ECE still takes a lot of effort to become more powerful in preventing a decline in learning. There are five obstacles in in applying this in the field, namely the ability of teachers, the ability of parents, economic capability, facility constraints, and pedagogical constraints. Keywords: Online Learning Policy; Children Engagement; Learning Management System References Allen, I. E., Seaman, J. (2013). Changing course: Ten years of tracking online education in the United States. ERIC, ISBN 0984028838. Asilestari, P. (2016). Komputer Interaktif sebagai Media Pengajaran Bahasa Inggris pada Anak Usia Dini. Jurnal Obsesi: Jurnal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini, 2, n. 1, p. 55-62. Association, I. I. S. P. (2018). Penetrasi & Profil Perialku Pengguna Internet Indonesia. Coates, H. (2006). 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Based on the data of daily maximum temperature in 26 meteorological stations in the North Center Region, Vietnam over the period of 1980 to 2013, the authors conducted the research on the spatial distribution of the number of hot days. The initial result shows that in general, in the north of the study area, the large number of hot days occurred in the plain, and tended to decrease westward and eastward. In the south, this number tends to increase from the west to the east. Especially, the largest number occurred in two areas: The Ma and Ca River's valleys (Thanh Hoa and Nghe An provinces) and the coastal areas (Thua Thien Hue province), creating two heat centers in Tuong Duong district, Nghe An province and Nam Dong district, Thua Thien Hue province.ReferencesAdina-Eliza Croitoru, Adrian Piticar, Antoniu-Flavius Ciupertea, Cristina FlorinaRosca, 2016 Changes in heat wave indices in Romania over the period 1961-2015. Global and Plantary Change 146. Journal homepage: www. 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Sharenting is a habit of using social media to share content that disseminates pictures, videos, information, and parenting styles for their children. The purpose of this article is to describe the sharenting phenomenon that occurs among young parents, and the importance of parenting programs, rather than protecting children's privacy. Writing articles use a qualitative approach as a literature review method that utilizes various scientific articles describing the sharenting phenomenon in various countries. The findings show that sharenting behaviour can create the spread of children's identity openly on social media and tends not to protect children's privacy and even seems to exploit children. Apart from that, sharenting can also create pressure on the children themselves and can even have an impact on online crime. 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Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. 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Fungal diseases, including sheath rot (Sarocladium oryzae), cause significant losses of yield and milling quality of rice (Oryza sativa). In August 2021, symptoms like sheath rot were observed on 20% of rice plants (cv. Presidio) in 1-hectare field in Eagle Lake, Texas. Initial lesions occurred on the upper flag leaf sheaths and were oblong or irregular oval, with gray to light brown centers, and a dark reddish-brown diffuse margin. Lesions enlarged, coalesced, and covered a large area of the sheath. Infection led to panicle rot with kernels turning dark brown. Unlike sheath rot, sheath infection also led to inside culm infection with irregular dark brown lesions. Infected tissue pieces were sterilized with 1% NaOCl for 2 min, followed by 75% ethanol for 30 s, washed in sterile H2O three times, air dried and incubated on PDA at 27℃. Fungal isolates were obtained from 15 diseased plant samples and their singled-spored fungal colonies were whitish, loosely floccose and produced light yellow pigmentation. On carnation leaf agar, macroconidia were slightly curved and tapered at the ends, with 3 to 5 septa, and measured 17.5 to 34.3 × 3.1 to 5.0 µm. Microconidia were ovoid, usually with 0 to 1 septum and were 4.0 to 15.5 × 2.5 to 4.5 µm. Spherical shaped chlamydospores were produced in chain. These morphological characteristics were consistent to those described for Fusarium incarnatum-equiseti species complex (O’Donnell et al. 2009), including F. incarnatum (Wang et al. 2021) and F. equiseti (Avila et al. 2019). For molecular identification, DNA of a representative isolate was extracted and ITS, LSU, and EF1 of the fungus were amplified using the primers of ITS1/ITS4 (Wang et al. 2014), D1/D2 domain region of LSU (Fell et al. 2000), and EF1 (Wang et al. 2014), respectively, and sequenced. The ITS sequence (OL344049) was 99.61% identical to F. incarnatum-equiseti species complex (FD_01692) in Fusarium-ID database and 99.61% identical to F. equiseti (LC514690, KY523100, MW016539) and F. incarnatum (MH979697) in NCBI database. The LSU sequence (OK559512) was 98.77% similar to F. equiseti (MN877913, MN368509) and F. incarnatum (MH877332, MH877326); the EF1 sequence (OK570044) was 99.27% similar to F. equiseti (MK278902) in NCBI database. A phylogenetic analysis based on the concatenated nucleotide sequences grouped this isolate in the F. incarnatum-equiseti species complex clade at 100% bootstrap support. To evaluate pathogenicity, a conidial suspension of 1 x 106 conidia/ml or sterilized water (the controls) was injected into the sheaths and young panicles of three rice plants (cv. Presidio) at boot. Treated plants were maintained in a greenhouse at 25 to 30℃. After 3 weeks, typical symptoms, like those observed in the field, developed on the inoculated plants but not on the controls. The same fungus was consistently re-isolated from the diseased plants. To our knowledge, this is the first report of Fusarium sheath rot caused by F. incarnatum-equiseti species complex in rice in the U. S. F. incarnatum-equiseti species complex has been reported to be associated with panicle infection in wild rice (O. latifolia) in Brazil (Tralamazza et al. 2021). F. incarnatum has also been reported to cause panicle rot in China (Wang et al. 2021). F. proliferatum has been reported to cause Fusarium sheath rot in India (Prabhukarthikeyan et al. 2021) and the U. S. (Cartwright et al. 1995). This research demonstrates the potential of different pathogens being involved in causing sheath rot of rice.

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This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.

Problem setting. The new coronavirus pandemic is one of the greatest challenges in contemporary history, especially in the face of unprecedented globalization. Mankind has been waiting for almost a year since the beginning of the pandemic for the most effective way to fight against the virus – vaccines. Over the last two years, such concepts as “vaccine races”, “vaccine nationalism”, “vaccine diplomacy” have been spread in the international political and scientific discourse. However, in Ukraine these concepts have not become the subject of research yet. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The researched issues have not attracted the attention of Ukrainian scientific community yet, so the basis of our work consists of foreign scientists’ publications, which were, inter alia, done by L. Gruszczynski (Lukasz Gruszczynski), A. Filipovich (Aleksa Filipović), P. Hotez (Peter J. Hotez), I. Yanqiu Rachel Zhou, A. Kobieriecka, M. M. Kobieriecki, Z. Mammedyarov and some others. In addition to that, Academician of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine S. Komisarenko has studied the problems and prospects of creating Ukrainian vaccine against COVID-19, rightly noting that it is a matter of national security. The target of the research. The target of this research is to examine the content, the scope and genesis of “vaccine nationalism” concept, practical manifestations of this phenomenon as well as the relationship between vaccine diplomacy and vaccine nationalism. Article’s main body. Over the past two years, nation-states have resorted to policies of economic protectionism, and then to so-called “vaccine nationalism”, which we inclined to analyze in three guises: 1) “vaccine races” – at the stage of development and testing; 2) “vaccine egoism” – at the stage of contracting and use of vaccines; 3) the issue of mutual recognition of vaccines. Thus, the article examines the meaning of the concept of vaccine nationalism in its broadest sense. It has been emphasized, however, that vaccine nationalism is not a new phenomenon in international relations as a similar situation was observed, in particular, during the H1N1 pandemic. It has been also illustrated that vaccine nationalism usually characterizes the most economically developed states. Vaccine-producing countries to carry out their foreign policy tasks, as well as recipient countries to ensure their biological security resort to “vaccine diplomacy”. However, there is no unanimous scientific approach to the definition of both “vaccine diplomacy” and “vaccine nationalism” around the globe. It has been established that with the spread of COVID-19, protection of state sovereignty and national security has come to the fore in comparison with the obligation to cooperate and the principle of sovereign equality, which are jus cogens and erga omnes. On the other hand, “my nation first” policy is not directly prohibited by the letter of international law. Conclusions. In the modern world, there are simultaneous phenomena of globalization and deglobalization. Actually, to denote the trend of deglobalization in the field of countering COVID-19 such a concept as “vaccine nationalism” is used. The “vaccine race” can be seen as a rivalry between two political regimes: on the one hand, liberal democracy in the face of the United States and its allies, and on the other hand – states with authoritarian political regimes (China and Russia). However, geopolitical rivalry, the struggle for extension of spheres of influence can be an effective means of combating the pandemic in practice. The concept of vaccine nationalism is closely linked to “vaccine diplomacy”, which is used by vaccine donor countries as a method of achieving their national interests. It was concluded that it is important to ensure sovereignty and biological security of Ukraine by launching the production of vaccines against infectious diseases. That will also strengthen the position of Ukrainian diplomacy.

Salvia farinacea Benth. (Lamiaceae) is an herbaceous perennial plant, native to Mexico and southern parts of the United States. This plant is cultivated worldwide for its ornamental value. In November 2019, hundreds of S. farinacea ‘Blue Bedder” grown in a flower garden in Jeju (33°30'57"N 126°32'50"E), Korea have been found to be infected with a powdery mildew fungus. The disease severity was estimated to be 100%. Likewise in October 2020, a similar situation with this plant was also observed in a flower garden in Seoul (37°35'19"N 127°01'07"E), Korea. Leaves, stems and inflorescence of plants were covered by white, thin mycelial felt, bearing an abundance of conidiophores and conidia. Eventually, infected plants lose their ornamental value. Two voucher specimens have been deposited in the Korea University Herbarium (KUS-F31478 and F32164). Fresh materials were examined. Hyphal appressoria were nipple-shaped, but rarely found. Conidiophores (n = 30) were straight, 95 to 160 × 10 to 12 μm and produced 2 to 7 immature conidia in chains with a crenate outline. Foot-cells were cylindric and 36 to 60 μm long. Conidia (n = 30) were ellipsoid-ovoid to barrel-shaped, 32 to 38 × 18 to 24 μm, and contained conspicuous fibrosin bodies. Dark brown chasmothecia were found partly embedded in the mycelial felt on leaves, mostly hypophyllous, spherical, and 82 to 100 µm diameter, with a single ascus in each. Appendages were few, mycelioid, 1- to 4-septate, brown near the base when mature, but paler above. Asci were broadly ellipsoid to subglobose, 56 to 68 × 50 to 62 μm, sessile and 8-spored. Ascospores were colorless, oval to subglobose, and 14 to 18 × 12 to 15 µm. These characteristics were consistent with those of Podosphaera xanthii (Castagne) U. Braun & Shishkoff (Braun and Cook 2012). For further confirmation, genomic DNA was extracted from chasmothecia from KUS-F31478 and F32164. PCR amplification was performed using the primer pair ITS1F/PM6 for internal transcribed spacer (ITS) and PM3/TW14 for the large subunit (LSU) of the rDNA (Takamatsu and Kano 2001). Obtained sequences were deposited to the GenBank under the accession numbers MZ359847 and MZ359859 for ITS, MZ359858 and MZ359861 for LSU. For ITS regions 99.80-100% similarity was found with sequences MT131256 (Salvia farinacea), MT131254 (Mazus pumilus) and MT131252 (Erigeron bellioides) of P. xanthii, whereas it was 99.90% with sequences of this fungus on Echinacea purpurea (MT826247 and MT826245) for 28S rDNA gene. Pathogenicity tests were carried out by touching an infected leaf onto healthy leaves of disease-free 30 days old potted ‘Blue Bedder’ using replication of five plants, with five non-inoculated plants used as controls. The typical signs of powdery mildew started to develop on the inoculated leaves in 7 to 10 days, and microscopic examination revealed the morphological identity with the fungus observed from the field. All non-inoculated control plants remained symptomless. Hitherto Golovinomyces powdery mildews on Salvia spp. were reported globally (Farr and Rossman 2021). However, Podosphaera elsholtziae on Salvia sp. and P. xanthii on S. farinacea were reported from China and Taiwan (Zheng and Yu 1987, Yeh et al. 2021). To our knowledge, this is the first report of P. xanthii on S. farinacea in Korea. The occurrence of Podosphaera powdery mildew on S. farinacea could pose a serious threat to the beauty of this plant, causing premature senescence of young leaves and gray to purplish discoloration of the leaves.

Introduction The highly contagious COVID-19 virus has presented particularly difficult public policy challenges. The relatively late emergence of an effective treatments and vaccines, the structural stresses on health care systems, the lockdowns and the economic dislocations, the evident structural inequalities in effected societies, as well as the difficulty of prevention have tested social and political cohesion. Moreover, the intrusive nature of many prophylactic measures have led to individual liberty and human rights concerns. As noted by the Victorian (Australia) Ombudsman Report on the COVID-19 lockdown in Melbourne, we may be tempted, during a crisis, to view human rights as expendable in the pursuit of saving human lives. This thinking can lead to dangerous territory. It is not unlawful to curtail fundamental rights and freedoms when there are compelling reasons for doing so; human rights are inherently and inseparably a consideration of human lives. (5) These difficulties have raised issues about the importance of social or community capital in fighting the pandemic. This article discusses the impacts of social and community capital and other factors on the governmental efforts to combat the spread of infectious disease through the maintenance of social distancing and household ‘bubbles’. It argues that the beneficial effects of social and community capital towards fighting the pandemic, such as mutual respect and empathy, which underpins such public health measures as social distancing, the use of personal protective equipment, and lockdowns in the USA, have been undermined as preventive measures because they have been transmogrified to become a salient aspect of the “culture wars” (Peters). In contrast, states that have relatively lower social capital such a China have been able to more effectively arrest transmission of the disease because the government was been able to generate and personify a nationalist response to the virus and thus generate a more robust social consensus regarding the efforts to combat the disease. Social Capital and Culture Wars The response to COVID-19 required individuals, families, communities, and other types of groups to refrain from extensive interaction – to stay in their bubble. In these situations, especially given the asymptomatic nature of many COVID-19 infections and the serious imposition lockdowns and social distancing and isolation, the temptation for individuals to breach public health rules in high. From the perspective of policymakers, the response to fighting COVID-19 is a collective action problem. In studying collective action problems, scholars have paid much attention on the role of social and community capital (Ostrom and Ahn 17-35). Ostrom and Ahn comment that social capital “provides a synthesizing approach to how cultural, social, and institutional aspects of communities of various sizes jointly affect their capacity of dealing with collective-action problems” (24). Social capital is regarded as an evolving social type of cultural trait (Fukuyama; Guiso et al.). Adger argues that social capital “captures the nature of social relations” and “provides an explanation for how individuals use their relationships to other actors in societies for their own and for the collective good” (387). The most frequently used definition of social capital is the one proffered by Putnam who regards it as “features of social organization, such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, “Bowling Alone” 65). All these studies suggest that social and community capital has at least two elements: “objective associations” and subjective ties among individuals. Objective associations, or social networks, refer to both formal and informal associations that are formed and engaged in on a voluntary basis by individuals and social groups. Subjective ties or norms, on the other hand, primarily stand for trust and reciprocity (Paxton). High levels of social capital have generally been associated with democratic politics and civil societies whose institutional performance benefits from the coordinated actions and civic culture that has been facilitated by high levels of social capital (Putnam, Democracy 167-9). Alternatively, a “good and fair” state and impartial institutions are important factors in generating and preserving high levels of social capital (Offe 42-87). Yet social capital is not limited to democratic civil societies and research is mixed on whether rising social capital manifests itself in a more vigorous civil society that in turn leads to democratising impulses. Castillo argues that various trust levels for institutions that reinforce submission, hierarchy, and cultural conservatism can be high in authoritarian governments, indicating that high levels of social capital do not necessarily lead to democratic civic societies (Castillo et al.). Roßteutscher concludes after a survey of social capita indicators in authoritarian states that social capital has little effect of democratisation and may in fact reinforce authoritarian rule: in nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Trust increases the stability of nondemocratic leaderships by generating popular support, by suppressing regime threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals concerning governance (752). In China, there has been ongoing debate concerning the presence of civil society and the level of social capital found across Chinese society. If one defines civil society as an intermediate associational realm between the state and the family, populated by autonomous organisations which are separate from the state that are formed voluntarily by members of society to protect or extend their interests or values, it is arguable that the PRC had a significant civil society or social capital in the first few decades after its establishment (White). However, most scholars agree that nascent civil society as well as a more salient social and community capital has emerged in China’s reform era. This was evident after the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, where the government welcomed community organising and community-driven donation campaigns for a limited period of time, giving the NGO sector and bottom-up social activism a boost, as evidenced in various policy areas such as disaster relief and rural community development (F. Wu 126; Xu 9). Nevertheless, the CCP and the Chinese state have been effective in maintaining significant control over civil society and autonomous groups without attempting to completely eliminate their autonomy or existence. The dramatic economic and social changes that have occurred since the 1978 Opening have unsurprisingly engendered numerous conflicts across the society. In response, the CCP and State have adjusted political economic policies to meet the changing demands of workers, migrants, the unemployed, minorities, farmers, local artisans, entrepreneurs, and the growing middle class. Often the demands arising from these groups have resulted in policy changes, including compensation. In other circumstances, where these groups remain dissatisfied, the government will tolerate them (ignore them but allow them to continue in the advocacy), or, when the need arises, supress the disaffected groups (F. Wu 2). At the same time, social organisations and other groups in civil society have often “refrained from open and broad contestation against the regime”, thereby gaining the space and autonomy to achieve the objectives (F. Wu 2). Studies of Chinese social or community capital suggest that a form of modern social capital has gradually emerged as Chinese society has become increasingly modernised and liberalised (despite being non-democratic), and that this social capital has begun to play an important role in shaping social and economic lives at the local level. However, this more modern form of social capital, arising from developmental and social changes, competes with traditional social values and social capital, which stresses parochial and particularistic feelings among known individuals while modern social capital emphasises general trust and reciprocal feelings among both known and unknown individuals. The objective element of these traditional values are those government-sanctioned, formal mass organisations such as Communist Youth and the All-China Federation of Women's Associations, where members are obliged to obey the organisation leadership. The predominant subjective values are parochial and particularistic feelings among individuals who know one another, such as guanxi and zongzu (Chen and Lu, 426). The concept of social capital emphasises that the underlying cooperative values found in individuals and groups within a culture are an important factor in solving collective problems. In contrast, the notion of “culture war” focusses on those values and differences that divide social and cultural groups. Barry defines culture wars as increases in volatility, expansion of polarisation, and conflict between those who are passionate about religiously motivated politics, traditional morality, and anti-intellectualism, and…those who embrace progressive politics, cultural openness, and scientific and modernist orientations. (90) The contemporary culture wars across the world manifest opposition by various groups in society who hold divergent worldviews and ideological positions. Proponents of culture war understand various issues as part of a broader set of religious, political, and moral/normative positions invoked in opposition to “elite”, “liberal”, or “left” ideologies. Within this Manichean universe opposition to such issues as climate change, Black Lives Matter, same sex rights, prison reform, gun control, and immigration becomes framed in binary terms, and infused with a moral sensibility (Chapman 8-10). In many disputes, the culture war often devolves into an epistemological dispute about the efficacy of scientific knowledge and authority, or a dispute between “practical” and theoretical knowledge. In this environment, even facts can become partisan narratives. For these “cultural” disputes are often how electoral prospects (generally right-wing) are advanced; “not through policies or promises of a better life, but by fostering a sense of threat, a fantasy that something profoundly pure … is constantly at risk of extinction” (Malik). This “zero-sum” social and policy environment that makes it difficult to compromise and has serious consequences for social stability or government policy, especially in a liberal democratic society. Of course, from the perspective of cultural materialism such a reductionist approach to culture and political and social values is not unexpected. “Culture” is one of the many arenas in which dominant social groups seek to express and reproduce their interests and preferences. “Culture” from this sense is “material” and is ultimately connected to the distribution of power, wealth, and resources in society. As such, the various policy areas that are understood as part of the “culture wars” are another domain where various dominant and subordinate groups and interests engaged in conflict express their values and goals. Yet it is unexpected that despite the pervasiveness of information available to individuals the pool of information consumed by individuals who view the “culture wars” as a touchstone for political behaviour and a narrative to categorise events and facts is relatively closed. This lack of balance has been magnified by social media algorithms, conspiracy-laced talk radio, and a media ecosystem that frames and discusses issues in a manner that elides into an easily understood “culture war” narrative. From this perspective, the groups (generally right-wing or traditionalist) exist within an information bubble that reinforces political, social, and cultural predilections. American and Chinese Reponses to COVID-19 The COVID-19 pandemic first broke out in Wuhan in December 2019. Initially unprepared and unwilling to accept the seriousness of the infection, the Chinese government regrouped from early mistakes and essentially controlled transmission in about three months. This positive outcome has been messaged as an exposition of the superiority of the Chinese governmental system and society both domestically and internationally; a positive, even heroic performance that evidences the populist credentials of the Chinese political leadership and demonstrates national excellence. The recently published White Paper entitled “Fighting COVID-19: China in Action” also summarises China’s “strategic achievement” in the simple language of numbers: in a month, the rising spread was contained; in two months, the daily case increase fell to single digits; and in three months, a “decisive victory” was secured in Wuhan City and Hubei Province (Xinhua). This clear articulation of the positive results has rallied political support. Indeed, a recent survey shows that 89 percent of citizens are satisfied with the government’s information dissemination during the pandemic (C Wu). As part of the effort, the government extensively promoted the provision of “political goods”, such as law and order, national unity and pride, and shared values. For example, severe publishments were introduced for violence against medical professionals and police, producing and selling counterfeit medications, raising commodity prices, spreading ‘rumours’, and being uncooperative with quarantine measures (Xu). Additionally, as an extension the popular anti-corruption campaign, many local political leaders were disciplined or received criminal charges for inappropriate behaviour, abuse of power, and corruption during the pandemic (People.cn, 2 Feb. 2020). Chinese state media also described fighting the virus as a global “competition”. In this competition a nation’s “material power” as well as “mental strength”, that calls for the highest level of nation unity and patriotism, is put to the test. This discourse recalled the global competition in light of the national mythology related to the formation of Chinese nation, the historical “hardship”, and the “heroic Chinese people” (People.cn, 7 Apr. 2020). Moreover, as the threat of infection receded, it was emphasised that China “won this competition” and the Chinese people have demonstrated the “great spirit of China” to the world: a result built upon the “heroism of the whole Party, Army, and Chinese people from all ethnic groups” (People.cn, 7 Apr. 2020). In contrast to the Chinese approach of emphasising national public goods as a justification for fighting the virus, the U.S. Trump Administration used nationalism, deflection, and “culture war” discourse to undermine health responses — an unprecedented response in American public health policy. The seriousness of the disease as well as the statistical evidence of its course through the American population was disputed. The President and various supporters raged against the COVID-19 “hoax”, social distancing, and lockdowns, disparaged public health institutions and advice, and encouraged protesters to “liberate” locked-down states (Russonello). “Our federal overlords say ‘no singing’ and ‘no shouting’ on Thanksgiving”, Representative Paul Gosar, a Republican of Arizona, wrote as he retweeted a Centers for Disease Control list of Thanksgiving safety tips (Weiner). People were encouraged, by way of the White House and Republican leadership, to ignore health regulations and not to comply with social distancing measures and the wearing of masks (Tracy). This encouragement led to threats against proponents of face masks such as Dr Anthony Fauci, one of the nation’s foremost experts on infectious diseases, who required bodyguards because of the many threats on his life. Fauci’s critics — including President Trump — countered Fauci’s promotion of mask wearing by stating accusingly that he once said mask-wearing was not necessary for ordinary people (Kelly). Conspiracy theories as to the safety of vaccinations also grew across the course of the year. As the 2020 election approached, the Administration ramped up efforts to downplay the serious of the virus by identifying it with “the media” and illegitimate “partisan” efforts to undermine the Trump presidency. It also ramped up its criticism of China as the source of the infection. This political self-centeredness undermined state and federal efforts to slow transmission (Shear et al.). At the same time, Trump chided health officials for moving too slowly on vaccine approvals, repeated charges that high infection rates were due to increased testing, and argued that COVID-19 deaths were exaggerated by medical providers for political and financial reasons. These claims were amplified by various conservative media personalities such as Rush Limbaugh, and Sean Hannity and Laura Ingraham of Fox News. The result of this “COVID-19 Denialism” and the alternative narrative of COVID-19 policy told through the lens of culture war has resulted in the United States having the highest number of COVID-19 cases, and the highest number of COVID-19 deaths. At the same time, the underlying social consensus and social capital that have historically assisted in generating positive public health outcomes has been significantly eroded. According to the Pew Research Center, the share of U.S. adults who say public health officials such as those at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are doing an excellent or good job responding to the outbreak decreased from 79% in March to 63% in August, with an especially sharp decrease among Republicans (Pew Research Center 2020). Social Capital and COVID-19 From the perspective of social or community capital, it could be expected that the American response to the Pandemic would be more effective than the Chinese response. Historically, the United States has had high levels of social capital, a highly developed public health system, and strong governmental capacity. In contrast, China has a relatively high level of governmental and public health capacity, but the level of social capital has been lower and there is a significant presence of traditional values which emphasise parochial and particularistic values. Moreover, the antecedent institutions of social capital, such as weak and inefficient formal institutions (Batjargal et al.), environmental turbulence and resource scarcity along with the transactional nature of guanxi (gift-giving and information exchange and relationship dependence) militate against finding a more effective social and community response to the public health emergency. Yet China’s response has been significantly more successful than the Unites States’. Paradoxically, the American response under the Trump Administration and the Chinese response both relied on an externalisation of the both the threat and the justifications for their particular response. In the American case, President Trump, while downplaying the seriousness of the virus, consistently called it the “China virus” in an effort to deflect responsibly as well as a means to avert attention away from the public health impacts. As recently as 3 January 2021, Trump tweeted that the number of “China Virus” cases and deaths in the U.S. were “far exaggerated”, while critically citing the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's methodology: “When in doubt, call it COVID-19. Fake News!” (Bacon). The Chinese Government, meanwhile, has pursued a more aggressive foreign policy across the South China Sea, on the frontier in the Indian sub-continent, and against states such as Australia who have criticised the initial Chinese response to COVID-19. To this international criticism, the government reiterated its sovereign rights and emphasised its “victimhood” in the face of “anti-China” foreign forces. Chinese state media also highlighted China as “victim” of the coronavirus, but also as a target of Western “political manoeuvres” when investigating the beginning stages of the pandemic. The major difference, however, is that public health policy in the United States was superimposed on other more fundamental political and cultural cleavages, and part of this externalisation process included the assignation of “otherness” and demonisation of internal political opponents or characterising political opponents as bent on destroying the United States. This assignation of “otherness” to various internal groups is a crucial element in the culture wars. While this may have been inevitable given the increasingly frayed nature of American society post-2008, such a characterisation has been activity pushed by local, state, and national leadership in the Republican Party and the Trump Administration (Vogel et al.). In such circumstances, minimising health risks and highlighting civil rights concerns due to public health measures, along with assigning blame to the democratic opposition and foreign states such as China, can have a major impact of public health responses. The result has been that social trust beyond the bubble of one’s immediate circle or those who share similar beliefs is seriously compromised — and the collective action problem presented by COVID-19 remains unsolved. Daniel Aldrich’s study of disasters in Japan, India, and US demonstrates that pre-existing high levels of social capital would lead to stronger resilience and better recovery (Aldrich). Social capital helps coordinate resources and facilitate the reconstruction collectively and therefore would lead to better recovery (Alesch et al.). Yet there has not been much research on how the pool of social capital first came about and how a disaster may affect the creation and store of social capital. Rebecca Solnit has examined five major disasters and describes that after these events, survivors would reach out and work together to confront the challenges they face, therefore increasing the social capital in the community (Solnit). However, there are studies that have concluded that major disasters can damage the social fabric in local communities (Peacock et al.). The COVID-19 epidemic does not have the intensity and suddenness of other disasters but has had significant knock-on effects in increasing or decreasing social capital, depending on the institutional and social responses to the pandemic. In China, it appears that the positive social capital effects have been partially subsumed into a more generalised patriotic or nationalist affirmation of the government’s policy response. Unlike civil society responses to earlier crises, such as the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, there is less evidence of widespread community organisation and response to combat the epidemic at its initial stages. This suggests better institutional responses to the crisis by the government, but also a high degree of porosity between civil society and a national “imagined community” represented by the national state. The result has been an increased legitimacy for the Chinese government. Alternatively, in the United States the transformation of COVID-19 public health policy into a culture war issue has seriously impeded efforts to combat the epidemic in the short term by undermining the social consensus and social capital necessary to fight such a pandemic. Trust in American institutions is historically low, and President Trump’s untrue contention that President Biden’s election was due to “fraud” has further undermined the legitimacy of the American government, as evidenced by the attacks directed at Congress in the U.S. capital on 6 January 2021. As such, the lingering effects the pandemic will have on social, economic, and political institutions will likely reinforce the deep cultural and political cleavages and weaken interpersonal networks in American society. Conclusion The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated global public health and impacted deeply on the world economy. Unsurprisingly, given the serious economic, social, and political consequences, different government responses have been highly politicised. Various quarantine and infection case tracking methods have caused concern over state power intruding into private spheres. The usage of face masks, social distancing rules, and intra-state travel restrictions have aroused passionate debate over public health restrictions, individual liberty, and human rights. Yet underlying public health responses grounded in higher levels of social capital enhance the effectiveness of public health measures. In China, a country that has generally been associated with lower social capital, it is likely that the relatively strong policy response to COVID-19 will both enhance feelings of nationalism and Chinese exceptionalism and help create and increase the store of social capital. 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Problem setting. The article establishes that the objective impossibility of rapid integration of Ukraine into the European European community turns it into a platform for the constant relations clarification between the West and the East. The uncertain situation of our country due to this fact dictates specific rules, according to which Ukraine should pursue an inconsistent policy related to the political and economic conjuncture, and this increases the likelihood of possible security challenges to Ukraine in the context of destabilization of the international security space. In such a situation, the adoption by a state of relevant regulations of a profile nature, which would completely meet all the challenges of our time, comprises a very important fact. Recent research and publications analysis. Many works consider general issues of national security in Ukraine, a fundamental place among which belongs to H. Sytnyk, the co-author of the National Security Strategy of Ukraine, many bills, conceptual scientific strategies and political programs in the sphere of national security of Ukraine, as well as the works by V. Abramov, N. Nyzhnyk, V. Oluyko, V. Pasichnyk et аl. The assessment of real threats and challenges to national security, as well as their geopolitical context, was conducted by S. Bielay, V. Hulay, K. Kononenko, M. Malsky, L. Novoskoltseva et al. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. To analyse the prerequisites, main provisions, security risks, challenges and tasks of the 2020 National Security Strategy, find out its novelties in comparison with previous strategies, as well as to determine its significance for the current situation in Ukraine. Paper main body. It has been established that since 2014, full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation has continued in Ukraine, which has all the typical features of so-called “hybrid war”, and is implemented in the forms of military and other illegal actions, reflected in almost all key spheres of life of the Ukrainian state and society in general, including information, economic and diplomatic space. So, on September 14, 2020, the President of Ukraine signed the Decree “On the National Security Strategy of Ukraine”. The content and structure of the Strategy is quite different from its previous versions adopted in 2007, 2012 and 2015. The adoption of this document was really expected, because it should have shown the authorities’ vision of threats, risks and challenges to Ukraine’s national security and determination of the ways to neutralize such threats. The new Strategy replaced one dated 2015. 2020 Strategy makes the appropriate accents and articulates problems that clarify the view of security component and this is important from the point of view of the activities of state bodies, because this is what they will rely on in the coming years when forming their action plans, primarily in the security sector. For the first time, the new Strategy is based on the following basic principles: 1) deterrence; 2) resilience; 3) interaction. This document focuses not only on military issues, but also on areas related to the security sector, information, diplomatic and economic spheres. The Strategy focuses on the fact that the Russian Federation, while continuing military actions against Ukraine, systematically uses economic, political, military, information and psychological, as well as cyber means. In addition, the Strategy takes into account the latest changes related to the crisis in global economy, the spread of the COVID-19 disease caused by coronavirus, as well as the increased risk of natural and man-made emergency situations. With the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, there were also critical problems in the health and social protection systems, in the information sphere, and this in turn led to an increase in unemployment, destruction of established lifestyles and, in general, it threatens food development, hinders free movement of capital, goods and labour force, damaging the service sector. There is also an intensification of rivalry between key world players in the geopolitical position, in particular, between the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China for world leadership. The document stipulates that acquisition of full membership of Ukraine in the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is the strategic course of the state. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies.The 2020 National Security Strategy meets the challenges of our time and is more narrative than similar documents of previous years. Its basic principles such as deterrence, resilience and interaction provide more opportunities for updating the security sector and responding quickly and flexibly to new challenges and threats facing Ukraine. At the same time, the implementation of ideas set out in the Strategy will depend on those sub-strategic documents (strategies and programs) that are to be adopted within six months according to the new Strategy. If these documents manage to offer effective means of counteracting hostile activity, the newly adopted Strategy will become an effective planning tool, rather than another bureaucratic pro forma. Research and analysis of other new regulations defining security challenges and threats for Ukraine can be a prospect for further scientific research.

Introduction Lillian Ng was born in Singapore and lived in Hong Kong and the United Kingdom before migrating to Australia with her daughter and Ah Mah Yin Jie (“Ah Mahs are a special group of people who took a vow to remain unmarried … [so they] could stick together as a group and make a living together” (Yu 118)). Ng studied classical Chinese at home, then went to an English school and later on studied Medicine. Her first book, Silver Sister (1994), was short-listed for the inaugural Angus & Robertson/Bookworld Prize in 1993 and won the Human Rights Award in 1995. Ng defines herself as a “Chinese living in Australia” (Yu 115). Food, flesh and meat are recurrent topics in Lillian Ng´s second novel Swallowing Clouds, published in 1997. These topics are related to desire and can be used as a synecdoche (a metaphor that describes part/whole relations) of the human body: food is needed to survive and pleasure can be obtained from other people´s bodies. This paper focuses on one type of meat and animal, pork and the pig, and on the relation between the two main characters, Syn and Zhu Zhiyee. Syn, the main character in the novel, is a Shanghainese student studying English in Sydney who becomes stranded after the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 1989. As she stops receiving money from her mother and fears repression if she goes back to China, she begins to work in a Chinese butcher shop, owned by Zhu Zhiyee, which brings her English lessons to a standstill. Syn and Zhu Zhiyee soon begin a two-year love affair, despite the fact that Zhu Zhiyee is married to KarLeng and has three daughters. The novel is structured as a prologue and four days, each of which has a different setting and temporal location. The prologue introduces the story of an adulterous woman who was punished to be drowned in a pig´s basket in the HuanPu River in the summer of 1918. As learnt later on, Syn is the reincarnation of this woman, whose purpose in life is to take revenge on men by taking their money. The four days, from the 4th to the 7th of June 1994, mark the duration of a trip to Beijing and Shanghai that Syn takes as member of an Australian expedition in order to visit her mother with the security of an Australian passport. During these four days, the reader learns about different Chinese landmarks, such as the Forbidden City, the Great Wall, the Ming Tomb and the Summer Palace, as well as some cultural events, such as a Chinese opera and eating typical foods like Peking duck. However, the bulk of the plot of the book deals with the sexual relationship, erotic games and fantasies of Syn and Zhu Zhiyee in the period between 1989 and 1992, as well as Syn´s final revenge in January 1993. Pigs The fact that Zhu Zhiyee is a butcher allows Lillian Ng to include references to pigs and pork throughout the novel. Some of them refer to the everyday work of a butcher shop, as the following examples illustrate: “Come in and help me with the carcass,” he [Zhu Zhiyee] pointed to a small suckling pig hung on a peg. Syn hesitated, not knowing how to handle the situation. “Take the whole pig with the peg,” he commanded (11).Under dazzling fluorescent tubes and bright spotlights, trays of red meat, pork chops and lamb cutlets sparkled like jewels … The trays edged with red cellophane frills and green underlay breathed vitality and colour into the slabs of pork ribs and fillets (15).Buckets of pig´s blood with a skim of froth took their place on the floor; gelled ones, like sliced cubes of large agate, sat in tin trays labelled in Chinese. More discreetly hidden were the gonads and penises of goats, bulls and pigs. (16)These examples are representative of Syn and Zhu Zhiyee´s relationship. The first quotation deals with their interaction: most of the time Zhu Zhiyee orders Syn how to act, either in the shop or in bed. The second extract describes the meat’s “vitality” and this is the quality of Syn's skin that mesmerised Zhu when he met her: “he was excited, electrified by the sight of her unblemished, translucent skin, unlined, smooth as silk. The glow of the warmth of human skin” (13). Moreover, the lights seem to completely illuminate the pieces of meat and this is the way Zhu Zhiyee leers at Syn´s body, as it can be read in the following extract: “he turned again to fix his gaze on Syn, which pierced and penetrated her head, her brain, eyes, permeated her whole body, seeped into her secret places and crevices” (14). The third excerpt introduces the sexual organs of some of the animals, which are sold to some customers for a high price. Meat is also sexualised by Zhu Zhiyee´s actions, such as his pinching the bottoms of chickens and comparing them with “sacrificial virgins”: “chickens, shamelessly stripped and trussed, hung by their necks, naked in their pimply white skin, seemed like sacrificial virgins. Syn often caught Zhu pinching their fleshy bottoms, while wrapping and serving them to the housewives” (15-16). Zhu also makes comments relating food with sex while he is having lunch next to Syn, which could be considered sexual harassment. All these extracts exemplify the relationship between Syn and Zhu Zhiyee: the orders, the looks and the implicit sexuality in the quotidian activities in the butcher´s shop. There are also a range of other expressions that include similes with the word `pig´ in Ng´s novel. One of the most recurrent is comparing the left arm and hand of Zhu Zhiyee´s mother with a “pig´s trotter”. Zhu Zhiyee´s mother is known as ZhuMa and Syn is very fond of her, as ZhuMa accepts her and likes her more than her own daughter-in-law. The comparison of ZhuMa´s arm and hand with a trotter may be explained by the fact that ZhuMa´s arm is swollen but also by the loving representation of pigs in Chinese culture. As Seung-Og Kim explains in his article “Burials, Pigs, and Political Prestige in Neolithic China”: In both Melanesia and Asia, pigs are viewed as a symbolic representation of human beings (Allen 1976: 42; Healey 1985; Rappaport 1967: 58; Roscoe 1989: 223-26). Piglets are treated as pets and receive a great deal of loving attention, and they in turn express affection for their human “parents.” They also share some physiological features with human beings, being omnivorous and highly reproductive (though humans do not usually have multiple litters) and similar internal anatomy (Roscoe 1989: 225). In short, pigs not only have a symbiotic relationship with humans biologically but also are of great importance symbolically (121). Consequently, pigs are held in high esteem, taken care of and loved. Therefore, comparing a part of a human´s body, such as an arm or a hand, for example, to a part of a pig´s body such as a pig´s trotter is not negative, but has positive connotations. Some descriptions of ZhuMa´s arm and hand can be read in the following excerpts: “As ZhuMa handed her the plate of cookies Syn saw her left arm, swollen like a pig´s trotter” (97); “Syn was horrified, and yet somewhat intrigued by this woman without a breast, with a pig´s trotter arm and a tummy like a chessboard” (99), “mimicking the act of writing with her pig-trotter hand” (99), and ZhuMa was praising the excellence of the opera, the singing, acting, the costumes, and the elaborate props, waving excitedly with her pig trotter arm and pointing with her stubby fingers while she talked. (170) Moreover, the expression “pig´s trotters” is also used as an example of the erotic fetishism with bound feet, as it can be seen in the following passage, which will be discussed below: I [Zhu Zhiyee] adore feet which are slender… they seem so soft, like pig´s trotters, so cute and loving, they play tricks on your mind. Imagine feeling them in bed under your blankets—soft cottonwool lumps, plump and cuddly, makes you want to stroke them like your lover´s hands … this was how the bound feet appealed to men, the erotic sensation when balanced on shoulders, clutched in palms, strung to the seat of a garden swing … no matter how ugly a woman is, her tiny elegant feet would win her many admirers (224).Besides writing about pigs and pork as part of the daily work of the butcher shop and using the expression “pig´s trotter”, “pig” is also linked to money in two sentences in the book. On the one hand, it is used to calculate a price and draw attention to the large amount it represents: “The blouse was very expensive—three hundred dollars, the total takings from selling a pig. Two pigs if he purchased two blouses” (197). On the other, it works as an adjective in the expression “piggy-bank”, the money box in the form of a pig, an animal that represents abundance and happiness in the Chinese culture: “She borrowed money from her neighbours, who emptied pieces of silver from their piggy-banks, their life savings”(54). Finally, the most frequent porcine expression in Ng´s Swallowing Clouds makes reference to being drowned in a pig´s basket, which represents 19 of the 33 references to pigs or pork that appear in the novel. The first three references appear in the prologue (ix, x, xii), where the reader learns the story of the last woman who was killed by drowning in a pig´s basket as a punishment for her adultery. After this, two references recount a soothsayer´s explanation to Syn about her nightmares and the fact that she is the reincarnation of that lady (67, 155); three references are made by Syn when she explains this story to Zhu Zhiyee and to her companion on the trip to Beijing and Shanghai (28, 154, 248); one refers to a feeling Syn has during sexual intercourse with Zhu Zhiyee (94); and one when the pig basket is compared to a cricket box, a wicker or wooden box used to carry or keep crickets in a house and listen to them singing (73). Furthermore, Syn reflects on the fact of drowning (65, 114, 115, 171, 172, 173, 197, 296) and compares her previous death with that of Concubine Pearl, the favourite of Emperor Guanxu, who was killed by order of his aunt, the Empress Dowager Cixi (76-77). The punishment of drowning in a pig´s basket can thus be understood as retribution for a transgression: a woman having an extra-marital relationship, going against the establishment and the boundaries of the authorised. Both the woman who is drowned in a pig´s basket in 1918 and Syn have extra-marital affairs and break society’s rules. However, the consequences are different: the concubine dies and Syn, her reincarnation, takes revenge. Desire, Transgression and Eroticism Xavier Pons writes about desire, repression, freedom and transgression in his book Messengers of Eros: Representations of Sex in Australian Writing (2009). In this text, he explains that desire can be understood as a positive or as a negative feeling. On the one hand, by experiencing desire, a person feels alive and has joy de vivre, and if that person is desired in return, then, the feelings of being accepted and happiness are also involved (13). On the other hand, desire is often repressed, as it may be considered evil, anarchic, an enemy of reason and an alienation from consciousness (14). According to Pons: Sometimes repression, in the form of censorship, comes from the outside—from society at large, or from particular social groups—because of desire´s subversive nature, because it is a force which, given a free rein, would threaten the higher purpose which a given society assigns to other (and usually ideological) forces … Repression may also come from the inside, via the internalization of censorship … desire is sometimes feared by the individual as a force alien to his/her true self which would leave him/her vulnerable to rejection or domination, and would result in loss of freedom (14).Consequently, when talking about sexual desire, the two main concepts to be dealt with are freedom and transgression. As Pons makes clear, “the desiring subject can be taken advantage of, manipulated like a puppet [as h]is or her freedom is in this sense limited by the experience of desire” (15). While some practices may be considered abusive, such as bondage or sado-masochism, they may be deliberately and freely chosen by the partners involved. In this case, these practices represent “an encounter between equals: dominance is no more than make-believe, and a certain amount of freedom (as much as is compatible with giving oneself up to one´s fantasies) is maintained throughout” (24). Consequently, the perception of freedom changes with each person and situation. What is transgressive depends on the norms in every culture and, as these evolve, so do the forms of transgression (Pons 43). Examples of transgressions can be: firstly, the separation of sex from love, adultery or female and male homosexuality, which happen with the free will of the partners; or, secondly, paedophilia, incest or bestiality, which imply abuse. Going against society’s norms involves taking risks, such as being discovered and exiled from society or feeling isolated as a result of a feeling of difference. As the norms change according to culture, time and person, an individual may transgress the rules and feel liberated, but later on do the same thing and feel alienated. As Pons declares, “transgressing the rules does not always lead to liberation or happiness—transgression can turn into a trap and turn out to be simply another kind of alienation” (46). In Swallowing Clouds, Zhu Zhiyee transgresses the social norms of his time by having an affair with Syn: firstly, because it is extra-marital, he and his wife, KarLeng, are Catholic and fidelity is one of the promises made when getting married; and, secondly, because he is Syn´s boss and his comments and ways of flirting with her could be considered sexual harassment. For two years, the affair is an escape from Zhu Zhiyee´s daily worries and stress and a liberation and fulfillment of his sexual desires. However, he introduces Syn to his mother and his sisters, who accept her and like her more than his wife. He feels trapped, though, when KarLeng guesses and threatens him with divorce. He cannot accept this as it would mean loss of face in their neighbourhood and society, and so he decides to abandon Syn. Syn´s transgression becomes a trap for her as Zhu, his mother and his sisters have become her only connection with the outside world in Australia and this alienates her from both the country she lives in and the people she knows. However, Syn´s transgression also turns into a trap for Zhu Zhiyee because she will not sign the documents to give him the house back and every month she sends proof of their affair to KarLeng in order to cause disruption in their household. This exposure could be compared with the humiliation suffered by the concubine when she was paraded in a pig´s basket before she was drowned in the HuangPu River. Furthermore, the reader does not know whether KarLeng finally divorces Zhu Zhiyee, which would be his drowning and loss of face and dishonour in front of society, but can imagine the humiliation, shame and disgrace KarLeng makes him feel every month. Pons also depicts eroticism as a form of transgression. In fact, erotic relations are a power game, and seduction can be a very effective weapon. As such, women can use seduction to obtain power and threaten the patriarchal order, which imposes on them patterns of behaviour, language and codes to follow. However, men also use seduction to get their own benefits, especially in political and social contexts. “Power has often been described as the ultimate aphrodisiac” (Pons 32) and this can be seen in many of the sexual games between Syn and Zhu Zhiyee in Swallowing Clouds, where Zhu Zhiyee is the active partner and Syn becomes little more than an object that gives pleasure. A clear reference to erotic fetishism is embedded in the above-mentioned quote on bound feet, which are compared to pig´s trotters. In fact, bound feet were so important in China in the millennia between the Song Dynasty (960-1276) and the early 20th century that “it was impossible to find a husband” (Holman) without them: “As women’s bound feet and shoes became the essence of feminine beauty, a fanatical aesthetic and sexual mystique developed around them. The bound foot was understood to be the most intimate and erotic part of the female anatomy, and wives, consorts and prostitutes were chosen solely on the size and shape of their feet” (Holman). Bound feet are associated in Ng’s novel with pig´s trotters and are described as “cute and loving … soft cottonwool lumps, plump and cuddly, [that] makes you want to stroke them like your lover´s hands” (224). This approach towards bound feet and, by extension, towards pig´s trotters, can be related to the fond feelings Melanesian and Asian cultures have towards piglets, which “are treated as pets and receive a great deal of loving attention” (Kim 121). Consequently, the bound feet can be considered a synecdoche for the fond feelings piglets inspire. Food and Sex The fact that Zhu Zhiyee is a butcher and works with different types of meat, including pork, that he chops it, sells it and gives cooking advice, is not gratuitous in the novel. He is used to being in close proximity to meat and death and seeing Syn’s pale skin through which he can trace her veins excites him. Her flesh is alive and represents, therefore, the opposite of meat. He wants to seduce her, which is human hunting, and he wants to study her, to enjoy her body, which can be compared to animals looking at their prey and deciding where to start eating from. Zhu´s desire for Syn seems destructive and dangerous. In the novel, bodies have a price: dead animals are paid for and eaten and their role is the satiation of human hunger. But humans, who are also animals, have a price as well: flesh is paid for, in the form of prostitution or being a mistress, and its aim is satiation of human sex. Generally speaking, sex in the novel is compared to food either in a direct or an indirect way, and making love is constantly compared to cooking, the preparation of food and eating (as in Pons 303). Many passages in Swallowing Clouds have cannibalistic connotations, all of these being used as metaphors for Zhu Zhiyee’s desire for Syn. As mentioned before, desire can be positive (as it makes a person feel alive) or negative (as a form of internal or social censorship). For Zhu Zhiyee, desire is positive and similar to a drug he is addicted to. For example, when Zhu and Syn make delivery rounds in an old Mazda van, he plays the recordings he made the previous night when they were having sex and tries to guess when each moan happened. Sex and Literature Pons explains that “to write about sex … is to address a host of issues—social, psychological and literary—which together pretty much define a culture” (6). Lillian Ng´s Swallowing Clouds addresses a series of issues. The first of these could be termed ‘the social’: Syn´s situation after the Tiananmen Massacre; her adulterous relationship with her boss and being treated and considered his mistress; the rapes in Inner Mongolia; different reasons for having an abortion; various forms of abuse, even by a mother of her mentally handicapped daughter; the loss of face; betrayal; and revenge. The second issue is the ‘psychological’, with the power relations and strategies used between different characters, psychological abuse, physical abuse, humiliation, and dependency. The third is the ‘literary’, as when the constant use of metaphors with Chinese cultural references becomes farcical, as Tseen Khoo notes in her article “Selling Sexotica” (2000: 164). Khoo explains that, “in the push for Swallowing Clouds to be many types of novels at once: [that is, erotica, touristic narrative and popular], it fails to be any one particularly successfully” (171). Swallowing Clouds is disturbing, full of stereotypes, and with repeated metaphors, and does not have a clear readership and, as Khoo states: “The explicit and implicit strategies behind the novel embody the enduring perceptions of what exotic, multicultural writing involves—sensationalism, voyeuristic pleasures, and a seemingly deliberate lack of rooted-ness in the Australian socioscape (172). Furthermore, Swallowing Clouds has also been defined as “oriental grunge, mostly because of the progression throughout the narrative from one gritty, exoticised sexual encounter to another” (Khoo 169-70).Other novels which have been described as “grunge” are Edward Berridge´s Lives of the Saints (1995), Justine Ettler´s The River Ophelia (1995), Linda Jaivin´s Eat Me (1995), Andrew McGahan´s Praise (1992) and 1988 (1995), Claire Mendes´ Drift Street (1995) or Christos Tsiolkas´ Loaded (1995) (Michael C). The word “grunge” has clear connotations with “dirtiness”—a further use of pig, but one that is not common in the novel. The vocabulary used during the sexual intercourse and games between Syn and Zhu Zhiyee is, however, coarse, and “the association of sex with coarseness is extremely common” (Pons 344). Pons states that “writing about sex is an attempt to overcome [the barriers of being ashamed of some human bodily functions], regarded as unnecessarily constrictive, and this is what makes it by nature transgressive, controversial” (344-45). Ng´s use of vocabulary in this novel is definitely controversial, indeed, so much so that it has been defined as banal or even farcical (Khoo 169-70).ConclusionThis paper has analysed the use of the words and expressions: “pig”, “pork” and “drowning in a pig’s basket” in Lillian Ng´s Swallowing Clouds. Moreover, the punishment of drowning in a pig’s basket has served as a means to study the topics of desire, transgression and eroticism, in relation to an analysis of the characters of Syn and Zhu Zhiyee, and their relationship. This discussion of various terminology relating to “pig” has also led to the study of the relationship between food and sex, and sex and literature, in this novel. 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Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

The Big Pineapple, Big Banana, the Big Potato , Australia positively groans under the weight of big things littered along the highway like jokes awaiting their punch-lines. These commercial road-side enterprises are a constant source of bemusement among Australians and this paper seeks to explore the attraction of the gargantuan and why Australians consider big things to be so funny. Discovering that big things not only give form to national icons but also celebrate the nation's tendency to larrikinism and the associated sardonic, ironic and anti-establishment humour, we are left to consider the role big things may play in the Australian national psyche and how their function as low art turns their collectivity into some strange, impulsive attempt at establishing a system of totems that comes to terms with this big land and its contested ownership. Historically big things like the Colossus of Rhodes, the Pyramids or the Great Wall of China have been physical manifestations of empire and dominion. No laughing matter. But in the United States from the 1920s, particularly in Southern California, we begin to see a profusion of "roadside vernacular architecture" including a big coffee percolator, a big pig, a big corn ear, a big teapot, a big Spanish dancer, a big duck, a big fish and many big hot dogs and big chilli bowls (Heimann and Georges). "Imaginana" is another way to conceptualise these strange forms of cultural production that replicate familiar, safe everyday items (Amdur 12). Early big things, particularly in the United States, had a clearly pragmatic function: to lure car-bound consumers off the highways and into local commercial enterprises with simple, one-to-one signification bringing function to form and high art to low purposes (Gebhard 14). The aim of these big things was to shock, startle and amuse the passing motorist and they took on a humourous edge due to the incongruity of scale and the surreal surprise of reality warping out of all proportion. While big things have a commercial purpose they achieve that purpose because they can be read playfully, always reminding us of the paradox they entail: they act dualistically as both the media and the message, both the referent and the real (Barcan 38). Reading big things as jokes in Freudian terms, we see how they may be eruptions of the unconscious into the mundane (Krahn 158). The first big thing in Australia was the Big Banana, built in Coffs Harbour by an American entomologist, John Landi (Negus). From that time on Australia has had a quirky relationship with big things. The banana is innately funny. The bent phallus, the unique shape, the skin as the standard slapstick cue to pratfall; everything about the banana is an invitation to laugh. Soon the banana was emulated by other funny produce such as the pineapple, the prawn and the lobster and within a decade monstrous agricultural products proliferated beside Australian highways regardless of their innate humour. They were joined by a variety of iconic figures, usually with an obvious connection such as the Big Penguin at the town of Penguin. Big things reinforce notions of national and regional identity: on the national level Australia is portrayed as a land of plenty, a fact emphasized by the sheer vastness of these creations; regionally, these totems function as identity markers and place makers (Barcan 31). Many big things were constructed by migrants and thus can be interpreted as optimistic acts of home making in the vast emptiness of the continent (Barcan 36). There is concern that big things obscure, or even obliterate, the history of regions and the whole continent: the incarcerations, land-grabbing, labour conflicts, corruption and failure. Instead it could be argued that big thing function to both signpost white history and subvert it at the same time: the Big Ned Kelly calling for revolution, the big goldminer looking ever expectant and ever disappointed, the Big Captain Cook in Cairns giving what appears to be a Nazi salute, all point to a larrikin refusal to take the brief and minor white history too seriously. The Australian larrikin sense of humour is mischievous, depreciatory and anti-authoritarian. This sense of humour arises from certain characteristics of the Australian "legend" identified by Ward such as scepticism, egalitarianism and derision towards affectation that are evident in larrikins' confrontations with authority, elaborate practical jokes on each other and the community at large and a "propensity for vulgarising the arts" (Reekie 97). This larrikinism is evident in the way dangerous nuisances (the big crocodile, the big red back spider) and mundane objects (the big jam tin, the big stubby holder, the big mower) are given the same treatment as national icons. There is also the variability of effort and attention to detail, where Aussie "ingenuity" and bush carpentry have been used to turn a good idea into reality in the shortest possible time to produce a very impressionist big koala or just the blob of concrete that is the big strawberry. Ignatius Jones explains: "get your local surfboard maker to cast you a giant prawn in fibreglass and you end up with the cicada that ate Yamba" (Negus). The early documentation of Australian big things was also carried out in a larrikin spirit (Amdur) including the claim that big things are part of an alien conspiracy to make us feel small (Stockwell). Every big thing requires a visionary, a postmodern artist with the passion and the obsession to realise their vision. It is a form of low art, a form of trash culture. But to many who do not frequent galleries and museums, low art is their available form of art and thus becomes their actual art. City planners and the upper middle class tend to denigrate these structures so at odds with their images of beautiful cities, so blatantly bastions of commercialism and so big that they run the risk of obscuring and obliterating real art (Gerbhard 25). Big things are criticised as ugly, kitsch, tacky and giving a wrong impression of a town. There are further concerns that big things allow the tourist to learn without knowing by presenting only one side of the story (Cross 51) and that they make observers minuscule in their presence, dominating the landscape and the attention of tourists (Krahn 165). But looking beyond the aesthetics of the individual instance it becomes apparent that big things also function as a network (Barcan 32), inviting the tourist along the highway of "the arrested fairground (in the) oxymoron of movement" (Krahn 157), offering the hyperreal adventure of collecting the experience, and small mementos, of more big things (Eco 1986). Big things are carnival, inverting social rules, promising some weird utopia (Krahn 171). As a collectivity, the larger psycho-political and metaphysical roles of big things become apparent. For Australia, the crucial question big things raise is the nature of our relationship with the land. Most of white Australia, huddled in cities on the seaboard, has a fear of the empty space at the heart of the continent. Big things are an attempt to assert that the settlers can match the dimensions of the land as, community by community, we write ourselves upon the land. The problem that big things highlight rather than obscure, the problem that can never be sublimated, that constantly erupts from the collective unconscious is that the ownership of the land remains contested, sometimes in the courts, sometimes in the streets, but most importantly in the hearts and dreams of the whole Australian people. All this land once had its own indigenous stories and big things may be seen as a pathetic attempt to replace, re-define and retell those stories by the interlopers now living on the land. "...Big things work allegorically, effacing, most notably, Aboriginal definitions of regional, tribal, spiritual, linguistic or other space" (Barcan 37). There is a sense in which big things are white trash barely obscuring black deaths (Nyoongah 12-14). But like a student's job-work over an old master's self portrait, big things invite us to peek through to the real totems of this land, totems enshrined in the creation myths of the indigenous dreaming. This is big things' contribution to the reconciliation process, to remind us of the fragile hold of white Australia on the land and to demand respect for the stories big things seek to displace. And that is the real big thing for white Australia in the reconciliation process, to accept these stories as our own so the land owns us. This is a much bigger leap than just saying sorry but in some strange way it has already commenced in the massive, mega-fauna that even now are rising from the land like the harbingers of a new dreamtime. A number of authors complain that, intentionally or otherwise, big things exclude indigenous flora and fauna and suggest that this points to a denial of history (Amdur 13, Barcan 36). But in recent years there has been a flood of big indigenous icons, many owned by indigenous corporations: big koalas, big kangaroos, big crocodiles, big bunyips and big barramundi. There is still the potential for indigenous artists to turn the joke around by creating big ancestral beings including rainbow serpents and the like. As Krahn (163) says: "I fear there must have been a Big Aboriginal Elder somewhere, gazing wistfully from the edge of town. But why a chicken?" Works Cited Amdur, Mark. It Really Is A Big Country . Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Barcan, Ruth. "Big Things: Consumer Totemism and Serial Monumentality." Linq 23.2 (1996): 31-39. Cane Toad Collective. "Big Things." Cane Toad Times 1 1983: 18-23. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality. San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1986. Gebhard, David. "Introduction." California Crazy: Roadside Vernacular Architecture . Eds. Jim Heimann and Rip Georges. San Francisco: Chronicle, 1985. 11-25. Heimann, Jim and Rip Georges. California Crazy: Roadside Vernacular Architecture . San Francisco: Chronicle, 1985. Krahn, Uli "The Arrested Fairground, or, Big Things as Oxymoron of Movement." Antithesis 13 (2002): 157-176. Negus, George, "Big Things", New Dimensions (In Time) . 21 July 2003. 26 September 2003 < http://www.abc.net.au/dimensions/dimensions_in_time/Transcripts/2003_default.htm >. Nyoongah, Janine Little. "'Unsinkable' Big Things: Spectacle, Race, and Class through Elvis, Titanic, O.J. and Sumo." Overland 148 (1997): 12-15. Reekie, Gail. "Nineteenth-Century Urbanization." Australian Studies: A Survey. Ed. James Walter. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989. Stockwell, Stephen. "Cairns Collossi." Cane Toad Times 2 1984: 21. Ward, Russel. The Australian Legend . Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989. Links http://members.ozemail.com.au/~arundell/bigthing.htm http://www.alphalink.com.au/~richardb/page4.htm http://www.general.uwa.edu.au/u/rpinna/big/big_things_intro.html http://www.bigthings.com.au/ http://www.alphalink.com.au/~richardb/page4.htm Citation reference for this article MLA Style Stockwell, Stephen & Carlisle, Bethany. "Big Things" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/6-stockwell-carlisle-big-things.php>. APA Style Stockwell, S. & Carlisle, B. (2003, Nov 10). Big Things. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/6-stockwell-carlisle-big-things.php>