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Journal articles on the topic 'United States – Relations – Jordan'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Saddoon N. Al-Majali. "JORDANIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL (1999-2019)." International Journal of Innovative Technologies in Social Science, no. 9(21) (December 30, 2019): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ijitss/30122019/6860.

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The study aimed to research the Jordanian foreign policy towards the Gulf Cooperation Council states during the period 1999-2019, as this period is an extension of the previous stages, as during which Jordanian relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council were affected as a result of the second Gulf crisis 1990, and the events of September 2001, and what followed in light of the war on Iraq and its occupation by the United States of America, where the United States emerged as a unipolar force that dominates the world.The study showed that Jordanian foreign policy towards the Gulf Cooperation Council countries was affected by regional and international changes, as relations between Jordan and the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council were characterized by apathy and approached isolation as a result of Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait, but Jordanian relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries improved, as a result of The multiple visits made by King Abdullah II after he assumed power in 1999, to the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, as Jordan's geopolitical position contributes to enhancing security and stability for the countries of the Council in exchange for Israeli expansionist ambitions, because Jordan looks at its security cooperation with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the framework of the imperatives of mutual security, which posed this perspective as one of the dimensions in the Gulf of Jordan's foreign policy, which has not changed even in periods of Arab division, or during the boycott Cooperation Council (GCC) to Jordan.

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Omar, Yousef. "The United States Position towards the Battle of Al-Karameh and its Repercussions, March 21, 1968." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY 7, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.7-2-4.

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This paper explores the United States' position towards the battle for Al-Karameh and its repercussions on the 21 March 1968. It argues that even though American policy has always been completely biased in favor of Israel since Israel's founding on 15 May 1948, its position on the battle of Al-Karameh was at the time considered supportive of Israel, balanced with Jordan, and hostile to Palestinian organizations. The United States position in the research relies mainly on the documents of the US State Department (Foreign Relations of the United States FRUS) and on some of the minutes of the Israeli parliament (Knesset) sessions (Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee meetings). This research dealt with an introduction to the crystallization of the Palestinian resistance after the defeat of the Arabs in the Six-Day War of 1967 as well as the policy of the United States towards the region after this war, its position on the escalation of Palestinian resistance from inside Jordan, and the dialectic of Jordan's control of its territories and borders. It also dealt with the incident of the bombing of the Israeli bus on 18 March 1968, and the escalation of tension, which eventually led to Israel attacking Jordan in the battle for Al-Karameh on 21 March 1968, the initial American reaction to it, and the subsequent issuance of Security Council Resolution 248 and its implications. It further dealt with the official American position after the battle ended, its support for the efforts of the Jarring Peace Mission in the region, and its policy of balancing its positions between Israel and Jordan. In conclusion, reference was made to the most important results of the research.

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Kunz, Diane B., John P. Glennon, Louis J. Smith, Suzanne E. Coffman, and Charles S. Sampson. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 11: Lebanon and Jordan." Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080013.

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4

Almashaqbeh, Fadi Issa Ali, and Aabid Majeed Sheikh. "Political and Economic Relations between United States of America and Jordan (1990-2019)." Journal of Humanities and Education Development 2, no. 2 (2020): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/jhed.2.2.5.

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5

Citino, Nathan J. "The Ghosts of Development: The United States and Jordan's East Ghor Canal." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00519.

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The East Ghor Canal was a Cold War–era irrigation project financed by the U.S. government in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. By placing East Ghor in the context of previous land reform campaigns in the Jordan River valley during the Ottoman imperial and British mandatory periods, this article criticizes scholarly interpretations of Cold War modernization. Portraying U.S. overseas development policies as outgrowths of American liberalism ignores the ways in which the liberal tradition could be reconfigured when it encountered other reform legacies in Third World regions. The transnational study of postwar expertise neglects the distinct historical antecedents that prepared the ground for development programs in particular places. The article challenges the notion of American exceptionalism by reinterpreting East Ghor in a long-term regional context. Global and regional perspectives together are needed to understand the history of development, a point that underscores the need for greater collaboration between Cold War and area studies.

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6

Robins, Philip. "Jordan, the United States and the Middle East peace process, 1974–1991." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 751–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620605.

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7

Quandt, William B., and Madiha Rashid Al Madfai. "Jordan, the United States and the Middle East Peace Process, 1974-1991." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 4 (1993): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045780.

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8

Murphy, Sean D. "Self-Defense and the Israeli Wall Advisory Opinion: An Ipse Dixit from the ICJ?" American Journal of International Law 99, no. 1 (January 2005): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246090.

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In October 2003, the Israeli permanent representative addressed the United Nations General Assembly on why Israel felt compelled to build a lengthy barrier spanning hundreds of kilometers across certain areas of the occupied West Bank of the Jordan River. Among other things, Ambassador Dan Gillernian stated: [A] security fence has proven itself to be one of the most effective non-violent methods lor preventing terrorism in the heart of civilian areas. The fence is a measure wholly consistent with the right of States to self-defence enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter. International law and Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), have clearly recognized the right of States to use force in self-defence against terrorist attacks, and therefore surely recognize the right to use non-forcible measures to that end.

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9

Zielińska, Karolina. "Izrael i Jordania – dwadzieścia pięć lat po traktacie pokojowym." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 4 (August 21, 2020): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.4.05.

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Twenty-five years after the conclusion of the peace treaty, Israel and Jordan are bound by security partnership and limited economic cooperation. People-to-people relations remain problematic. State-to-nation imbalance occurring on both sides of the relationship has undermined the achievements of the cooperation so far, and the uncertainty regarding the American politics in the region intensifies tensions which grow due to the deadlock in the Israeli-Palestinian relations. The role of the United States as a hegemon guaranteeing the state of ‘cold’ peace is decreasing and this, in turn, activates the diplomacy of states comprising the region as well as other world powers. Finding a satisfactory solution to the Palestinian question conditions the implementation of regional cooperation projects, which are a necessary answer to the new trans-border challenges, such as those related to climate change, that influence the internal stability of the states and the state of peace in the region.

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10

Rawashdeh, Tamer, Mahmoud Al-Rdaydeh, and Basem Hamouri. "The Effect of International Currency Crises on the Balance of Payments: Evidence From Jordan." International Journal of Financial Research 11, no. 5 (September 22, 2020): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijfr.v11n5p275.

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The effect of the international currency crises on the Jordanian balance of payments (BoP) between Q1-2000 and Q4-2017 was investigated in this paper. The currency crises are represented by the various exchange rates (ER) for the Japanese Yen, United States (US) Dollar, Euro Member Countries, China Renminbi, and the United Kingdom (UK) Pound with the Jordanian Dinar. In approximating the potential short-run and long-run associations among the different ER variations and the BoP, the ARDL bounds testing technique was employed. The empirical findings revealed that variation in the ER rate for EUR/JOD had a positive significant impact on the BOP for the short-run and long-run relation, whereas, opposingly, for the JPY/JOD, it had a negative significant impact on the BoP in the short-run and long-run relations. For other currencies, the results varied. Therefore, to reduce the effect of currency fluctuations and resultant crises on the BoP, over-reliance on the promotion and importation of goods and domestic export products should be avoided. As such, in the context of the Jordanian economy, the country needs to diversify. Accordingly, this can only be achieved if the economy is expanded along with advancing and developing entrepreneurial innovation supported by fiscal disciplines.

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Schwarz, Rolf. "Does war make states? Rentierism and the formation of states in the Middle East." European Political Science Review 3, no. 3 (April 1, 2011): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000014.

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The famous dictum that ‘war makes states’ has received renewed interest with the experience of state failure and state collapse in many parts of the Developing World. Historical studies have shown that the activity of war-making was an essential ingredient of the process of state-making in early modern Europe. The history of state-making in the Arab Middle East shows that rentier states defy the ‘war makes states’ theory. This article compares four states from the Arab world, two having been exposed to the experience of war-making (Iraq and Jordan) and two not (the United Arab Emirates and Tunisia). The comparison of these four states shows that rentierism serves as an obstacle to the formation of legitimate and institutionalized states. However, the availability of external rents also allows state institutions and patronage channels to continue providing general welfare. Thus, rentierism produces a twin phenomenon of state weakness and life support for potentially failed states. It is only when war-making is employed in rentier states as a strategy of state-making that states fail and break.

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Malkawi, Bashar H. "U.S. Trade Relations with Arab Countries: Past, Present, and Future." Global Jurist 9, no. 2 (January 16, 2009): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1934-2640.1298.

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Arab countries have adopted market economy principles and pursued policies designed to strengthen their economies. The cornerstone of Arab countries' long-term economic objectives has been to increase trade and support economic growth via regional and global integration. To this end, Arab countries are attempting to broaden their engagement in the multilateral trading system by joining the World Trade Organization (WTO). In addition, some Arab countries entered into trade arrangements with the United States (U.S.) to foster economic development, attract investment, and develop peaceful relationship. These trade agreements carry several implications for local economies.The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of the trade agreements signed between the U.S. and Arab countries on the economic and legal regimes of the latter. The paper will proceed in two main parts. The first part analyzes the preferential trade arrangement known as "Qualifying Industrial Zones" created between the U.S on the one hand and Jordan, Israel, and Egypt on the other hand. It discusses the general rules of qualifying industrial zones program and the impact of these zones on local production and employment. The second part discusses trade agreements concluded between the U.S. and Arab countries. The emphasis will be on the U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement as it is considered the template for future agreements signed between the U.S. and other Arab countries. The paper analyzes the most important provisions of the U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement and their implications. Then, the paper will analyze trade agreements between the U.S. and other Arab countries. The paper argues that, while current trade programs between the U.S. and those Arab countries analyzed in the paper required difficult reforms in their domestic laws and led some negative consequence, on balance; these trade programs increased trade and created employment opportunities.

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Wróblewski, Bartosz. "Konflikt Arabii Saudyjskiej z Jordanią (1990–1991) i Katarem (2014–2021). Specyfika monarchii arabskich." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 1 (2021): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.1.8.

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The Arabian Peninsula is the last place on Earth dominated by absolutist monarchies or systems that are, in fact, similar. There evolved a political system dominated by Saudi Arabia and in the shadow of that kingdom there are monarchies in Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which is a federation of several smaller monarchies. In the Cold War, all these states were forced to act jointly to assuage the threat posed by the post-Soviet Arab republics, such as Egypt. However, select common goals notwithstanding, the houses exercising the power in these states have for centuries been involved in conflicts and disputes. Even nowadays it is possible for these conflicts to revive. The article discusses two such disputes, the first one being the rivalry between the Saudis and the Hashemites. In 1990–1991, it resulted in the abrupt severance of all collaboration between Saudi Arabia and Jordan. A similar dispute concerns the House of Saud and the House of Al-Thani, the result of which was a severe political conflict of Riyadh with Qatar in 2014–2020. These two conflicts reflect sudden variability of relations between Arab monarchies: as such, they indicate hegemonic ambitions of Riyadh, but also strong resistance of some of the royal families against these claims, and the potentiality of destabilisation inherent in these relations.

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14

Da Silva, Leonardo Luiz Silveira. "O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 186–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n1.09.p186.

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Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.

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15

Melnikova, S. V. "Dynamics of the arab countries' involvement to the israeli-palestinian peace process (1967–2002)." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 26, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2020-26-4-30-37.

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The paper presents an analysis of the evolution of the Arab countries` involvement to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The research was carried out through a historical analysis of the Israeli-Egyptian peace accords, the Madrid peace conference, the Oslo Process, the Israeli-Jordan peace agreements, and the Arab peace initiative. The author presents the gradual evolution of the Arab countries position to the Palestinian issue from the absolute non-recognition of Israel and open enmity to the end of the boycott and to the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel. The author also identifies the causes and the consequences of this change in the approach of the Arab countries. Results show that the main reason was the weakening of the USSR and its collapse, which predetermined the need for Arab countries to seek a new source of support in the face of the United States. Moreover, the importance of the Palestinian problem decreases for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, while influence of the economic factor and security issues increases. Other Arab countries such as Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan do not have sufficient resources to defend their position on Palestine. Another important factor is the destruction of the united Arab position, and the decline in the popularity of the concept of pan-Arabism. The author concludes that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict ceases to be a stumbling block for resolving the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and becomes a bargaining chip. Thus, it can be assumed that even with the resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process the participation of Arab countries in it will be comparably formal. While a gradual rapprochement of Israel with its neighbor countries, the conflict will continue to evolve spontaneously with regular cases of Palestinian resistance until the irrevocable Israeli occupation is over.

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Tarzi, Shah M. "The United States and Multilaterial Resources Management. Edited by Robert S. Jordan. (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1985. Pp. ii + 200. $25.95.)." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 1066. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960607.

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17

Trimble, Phillip R. "International Law as Law of the United States. By Jordan J. Paust. Durham NC: Carolina Academic Press, 1996. Pp. xi, 480. Index. $45." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 4 (October 1996): 693–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203999.

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18

Aolain, Fionnuala Ni. "The Evolving Jurisprudence of the European Convention concerning the Right to Life." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 19, no. 1 (March 2001): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405190101900103.

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Article 2 of the European Convention protects the foremost of all rights – the right to life. Until recently it has received little judicial attention from the European Court and Commission. This article argues that before the McCann vs United Kingdom decision the European Human Rights regime was hesitant and conservative in its approach to the appropriate level of protection for the right to life. McCann was a turning point. The Court widened protection for life by placing obligations on the state in its planning and execution of law enforcement operations. The article charts the progressively tighter standards being drawn by the Court since McCann. These include strict standards of review for investigative procedures after a death; a coalescence of European and United Nations investigative standards; and the confirmation that situations of emergency do not discharge States of their obligations to protect the right to life. In a series of joined cases now pending before the European Court (Kelly, Jordan, McKerr and Shanaghan vs United Kingdom) the article asserts that the Court has a unique opportunity to consolidate its jurisprudence on procedural protections for the right to life. It advocates a move towards articulating specific measures and principles which link investigation of the violation with the substantive protection of the right to life itself. Such measures and principles are outlined and evaluated.

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19

Ivanov, S. M. "Joe Biden's visit to the Middle East: losses and gains." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-05.

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The article analyzes the US foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of the growing confrontation between the collective West and Russia against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the results of the visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, to the West Bank of the Jordan River to the State of Palestine and to Saudi Arabia, which he made in mid-July 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that another attempt by Washington to draw the countries of the region into its behind-the-scenes foreign policy games has failed. The Middle Eastern allies and partners of the United States represented by Israel, the monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab states took a neutral position in relation to the confl ict in Ukraine, and the oil and gas exporting countries did not go for a sharp increase in hydrocarbon supplies to the EU countries and the UK, as he insistently asked Biden. The White House failed to put together a regional anti-Iranian bloc on the basis of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC), as the leaders of Qatar, Oman and Iraq are determined to maintain their traditional ties and contacts with Tehran. Moreover, these countries are making mediation eff orts to normalize relations between the Saudi Arabia and Iran, and there are prerequisites for success in this matter. In general, the Arabs do not support the US administration's concept of hegemony in the world and building a unipolar world order in the Middle East. Even with some remaining dependence on the United States and the West as a whole in the fi nancial, economic, military-technical and other fi elds, the Arab countries prefer to pursue an independent policy on key issues of our time, develop a multipolar world, and maintain mutually benefi cial and respectful relations with all states, including China and Russia. The Arab capitals are in no hurry to speed up the rapprochement with the State of Israel, which is imposed by Washington, expecting from its leadership to intensify eff orts to justly resolve the Palestinian problem and liberate the illegally occupied Arab lands. Even the bogey exaggerated by the White House of a common threat to the Middle East from the hypothetical appearance of Iran's nuclear weapons and its expansion in the region cannot persuade the Persian Gulf monarchies and other Arab countries to cooperate with Jerusalem in the military or military-technical fields.

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Pastorelli, Concetta, Antonio Zuffianò, Jennifer E. Lansford, Eriona Thartori, Marc H. Bornstein, Lei Chang, Kirby Deater-Deckard, et al. "Positive Youth Development: Parental Warmth, Values, and Prosocial Behavior in 11 Cultural Groups." Journal of Youth Development 16, no. 2-3 (July 14, 2021): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2021.1026.

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The current cross-cultural study aimed to extend research on parenting and children’s prosocial behavior by examining relations among parental warmth, values related to family obligations (i.e., children’s support to and respect for their parents, siblings, and extended family), and prosocial behavior during the transition to adolescence (from ages 9 to 12). Mothers, fathers, and their children (N = 1107 families) from 8 countries including 11 cultural groups (Colombia; Rome and Naples, Italy; Jordan; Kenya; the Philippines; Sweden; Thailand; and African Americans, European Americans, and Latin Americans in the United States) provided data over 3 years in 3 waves (Mage of child in wave 1 = 9.34 years, SD = 0.75; 50.5% female). Overall, across all 11 cultural groups, multivariate change score analysis revealed positive associations among the change rates of parental warmth, values related to family obligations, and prosocial behavior during late childhood (from age 9 to 10) and early-adolescence (from age 10 to 12). In most cultural groups, more parental warmth at ages 9 and 10 predicted steeper mean-level increases in prosocial behavior in subsequent years. The findings highlight the prominent role of positive family context, characterized by warm relationships and shared prosocial values, in fostering children’s positive development in the transition to adolescence. The practical implications of these findings are discussed.

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de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno. "Multilateral negotiations: a spatial analysis of the Arab–Israeli dispute." International Organization 44, no. 3 (1990): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035311.

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A model for forecasting political choices and for explaining the perceptual conditions that lead to those choices is delineated. The model, based on the median voter theorem and on the axioms of expected utility maximization, is applied to the prospects for a multilateral peace conference in the Middle East. The analysis helps provide insights into the motivations behind recent actions by leaders in the Soviet Union, the United States, Jordan, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and Israel.By viewing multilateral negotiations in a rational choice context, it is possible to elucidate the contents of calculations that reflect decision makers' considerations if they are trying to do what they believe is in their best interest. By modeling the decision process and then using comparative statics simulations, it is also possible to discern when perceptions and reality are likely to deviate from each other and to gauge the hypothesized responses of all the actors to changed circumstances. In this way, the likely impact of Soviet moderation, Israeli intransigence, Jordanian vacillation, or U.S. intervention can be identified.

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Alampay, Liane Peña, Jennifer Godwin, Jennifer E. Lansford, Anna Silvia Bombi, Marc H. Bornstein, Lei Chang, Kirby Deater-Deckard, et al. "Severity and justness do not moderate the relation between corporal punishment and negative child outcomes." International Journal of Behavioral Development 41, no. 4 (June 9, 2017): 491–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025417697852.

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There is strong evidence of a positive association between corporal punishment and negative child outcomes, but previous studies have suggested that the manner in which parents implement corporal punishment moderates the effects of its use. This study investigated whether severity and justness in the use of corporal punishment moderate the associations between frequency of corporal punishment and child externalizing and internalizing behaviors. This question was examined using a multicultural sample from eight countries and two waves of data collected one year apart. Interviews were conducted with 998 children aged 7–10 years, and their mothers and fathers, from China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, Philippines, Thailand, and the United States. Mothers and fathers responded to questions on the frequency, severity, and justness of their use of corporal punishment; they also reported on the externalizing and internalizing behavior of their child. Children reported on their aggression. Multigroup path models revealed that across cultural groups, and as reported by mothers and fathers, there is a positive relation between the frequency of corporal punishment and externalizing child behaviors. Mother-reported severity and father-reported justness were associated with child-reported aggression. Neither severity nor justness moderated the relation between frequency of corporal punishment and child problem behavior. The null result suggests that more use of corporal punishment is harmful to children regardless of how it is implemented, but requires further substantiation as the study is unable to definitively conclude that there is no true interaction effect.

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Nyang, Sulayman S. "The Arabs and Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 4, no. 2 (December 1, 1987): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v4i2.2734.

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Since the beginning of decolonization in Africa in the late 1950’s Arabcountries have found it necessary to re-establish links with Africa south ofthe Sahara. An Arab leader like Gamal Abdel Nasser argued in his Philosophyof the Revolution (1954) that Africa constitutes the second circle in Egypt’sthree concentric circles of identity. The other two were the Arab and theIslamic. Nasser’s preoccupation with what he and his fellow Arab nationalistscalled the “Israeli menace”, was another factor which drove him to seek alliesand friends in Africa. But Nasser was not the first Arab leader to establishclose relations with the Africans. The Magrebians and the Arabians to theeast also forged links with Africa in the years before the primacy of Europein African political life.The book under review is one of a series of studies that have come outin the last decade. What distinguishes this work from those before it is itsfocus and its authors. In the early 1970’s when the Afro-Arab caravan beganto move rapidly along the pathways of international politics, many Westernand Third World intellectuals and scholars began to examine the nature ofwhat was then believed by many as a new phenomenon in international politics.Africa and the Middle Eastern states coexisted in the Bandung Movement;they journeyed together to the United Nations General Assembly, but up untilthe mid-1970’s closer bonds, which resulted in the greater coordination ofpolicies on major international issues, did not develop. In fact prior to the1973 massive defection of African states from the Israeli camp, most of theindependent African states were locked in diplomatic and political embracewith the Jewish state. Indeed, Africa was unique in the sense that it was theonly part of the Afro-Asian world where the Israelis received warm welcome.Israeli leaders tried hard to win friends and influence people in Asia but withoutsuccess. It is indeed against this background that the present book can beadequately reviewed.The work consists of the proceedings of a major conference held in Amman,Jordan on 24-29 April, 1983. Organized by the Centre for Arab UnityStudies, it brought together some sixty participants. Though the conferenceitself was conducted in Arabic, many of the participants suggested that theproceedings be published in English and French. This book is the English ...

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Lowrie, Arthur L. "Assassination in Khartoum." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 1 (April 1, 1996): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i1.2342.

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This is a fascinating insider's account of one of the most tragic events in the history of the American Foreign Service. Cleo Noel and Curt Moore were among the Foreign Service's finest professionals- dedicated, hardworking men of impeccable integrity. Although from very different backgrounds, hard work had brought them close to the pinnacle of the service. Circumstances brought them together on 1 March 1973 at the residence of the Saudi Arabian an1bassador in Khartoum. The ambassador was hosting a diplomatic farewell p????rty for Moore, and newly-appointed Ambassador Noel was anending as a courtesy. As the party was ending around 7:00 p.m., eight heavily anned Palestinians of the Black September extremist organization burst in and seized all diplomats who failed to flee. Most were unhrumed, but Curt Moore. whom they had been told (incorrectly) was the chief CIA agent for the Middle East, Cleo Noel, and (inexplicably) the Belgian charge d'affaires, were singled out, beaten, and tied up. Ironically, as fair-minded and objective professionals, Noel and Moore were dedicated to establishing the best possible relations between the United States and the Arab world and were sympathetic to the Palestinian cause.What happened during the next thirty hours leading up to the brutal assassination is told in chilling detail by Korn, who was then a Foreign Service officer serving in Washington on the task force dealing with the hostage crisis. Mr. Korn also has had extensive experience in Aral>-hraeli affairs and is able to put the subsequent events, personalities involved, and government actions in the context of the early 1970s. For example. he leaves little doubt that Yasser Arafat and Fatah were involved, if not actually directing. the Khartoum operation as part of their effort to refurbish their radical credentials in competition with George Habash 's Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), which had carried out most of the airplane hijackings of the early 1970s. In addition, he is able to explain. but with no attempt to justify, the less-than-courageous roles played by Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Sudanese president Jafaar Nimeiry, and others ...

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Maddux, Thomas R., and Karl W. Ryavec. "United States-Soviet Relations." Russian Review 48, no. 3 (July 1989): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130380.

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26

Garthoff, Raymond L. "United States-Soviet relations." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621342.

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27

Nacht, Michael. "United States–Japanese Relations." Current History 87, no. 528 (April 1, 1988): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.528.149.

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28

Bothwell, Robert. "Canada-United States Relations." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 58, no. 1 (March 2003): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200305800104.

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29

Conroy, Hilary, Robert A. Scalapino, and Han Sung-Joo. "United States-Korea Relations." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758914.

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Syed, Anwar H., Leo E. Rose, and Noor A. Husain. "United States-Pakistan Relations." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758920.

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J.F.S. "United States-Mexican Relations." Americas 47, no. 04 (April 1991): 498–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500017284.

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32

Levey, Zach. "United States Arms Policy toward Jordan, 1963–68." Journal of Contemporary History 41, no. 3 (July 2006): 527–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009406064667.

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33

Mohammad Miqdadi, Ruba. "Cross community study of mathematics anxiety between the high school students in Illinois USA and Jordan." Social and Management Research Journal 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/smrj.v9i1.5209.

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The purpose ofthe study is to examine whether there are any significant differences in the mathematics anxiety levels between high school students in Jordan and their counterparts in the United States. Another purpose is to examine whether there are gender differences related to mathematics anxiety among high school students ofboth communities. A total of 1,386 high school students in the United States and Jordan participated in main study. This study showed that Jordanian high school students exhibited a significantly higher mathematics anxiety than United States high school students. Furthermore, the study revealed that female high schooLstudents in the United States acquired a significantly higher mathematics anxiety level than males. Another finding of this study was that males in Jordan had a significantly higher leveL of mathematics anxiety than males in the United States. The findings and educational implications ofthe study are discussed in light ofthe cultural difference between the two communities.

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Cohen, Stephen D. "United States-Japan Trade Relations." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 37, no. 4 (1990): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173777.

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35

Wenpu, Zhang. "Improving China-United States Relations." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 38, no. 2 (1991): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173890.

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36

Cohen, Stephen D. "United States-Japanese Trade Relations." Current History 90, no. 555 (April 1, 1991): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1991.90.555.152.

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37

Zhang, Jia-Lin. "Assessing United States—China Relations." Current History 84, no. 503 (September 1, 1985): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.503.245.

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38

Hakim, Peter, and Michael Shifter. "United States-Latin American Relations." Current History 94, no. 589 (February 1, 1995): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1995.94.589.49.

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Shifter, Michael. "United States–Latin American Relations." Current History 97, no. 616 (February 1, 1998): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1998.97.616.49.

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40

Kugler, Richard L. "United States-West European Relations." Current History 87, no. 532 (November 1, 1988): 353–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.532.353.

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Glybovets, Andrii, and Alhawawsha Mohammad. "E-GOVERNMENT VERSUS SMART GOVERNMENT: JORDAN VERSUS THE UNITED STATES." EUREKA: Social and Humanities 3 (May 31, 2017): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2017.00338.

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42

Zisman-Ilani, Yaara, Rana Obeidat, Lauren Fang, Sarah Hsieh, and Zackary Berger. "Shared Decision Making and Patient-Centered Care in Israel, Jordan, and the United States: Exploratory and Comparative Survey Study of Physician Perceptions." JMIR Formative Research 4, no. 8 (August 3, 2020): e18223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/18223.

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Background Shared decision making (SDM) is a health communication model that evolved in Europe and North America and largely reflects the values and medical practices dominant in these areas. Objective This study aims to understand the beliefs, perceptions, and practices related to SDM and patient-centered care (PCC) of physicians in Israel, Jordan, and the United States. Methods A hypothesis-generating comparative survey study was administered to physicians from Israel, Jordan, and the United States. Results A total of 36 surveys were collected via snowball sampling (Jordan: n=15; United States: n=12; Israel: n=9). SDM was perceived as a way to inform patients and allow them to participate in their care. Barriers to implementing SDM varied based on place of origin; physicians in the United States mentioned limited time, physicians in Jordan reported that a lack of patient education limits SDM practices, and physicians in Israel reported lack of communication training. Most US physicians defined PCC as a practice for prioritizing patient preferences, whereas both Jordanian and Israeli physicians defined PCC as a holistic approach to care and to prioritizing patient needs. Barriers to implementing PCC, as seen by US physicians, were mostly centered on limited appointment time and insurance coverage. In Jordan and Israel, staff shortage and a lack of resources in the system were seen as major barriers to PCC implementation. Conclusions The study adds to the limited, yet important, literature on SDM and PCC in areas of the world outside the United States, Canada, Australia, and Western Europe. The study suggests that perceptions of PCC might widely differ among these regions, whereas concepts of SDM might be shared. Future work should clarify these differences.

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Doran, Charles F. "Canadian Relations with the United States." Current History 87, no. 527 (March 1, 1988): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.527.97.

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Damis, John. "United States Relations with North Africa." Current History 84, no. 502 (May 1, 1985): 193–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.502.193.

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Wiarda, Howard J. "United States Relations with South America." Current History 86, no. 516 (January 1, 1987): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.516.1.

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Fry, Earl H. "Quebec's Relations with the United States." American Review of Canadian Studies 32, no. 2 (August 2002): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722010209481085.

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Howard, Lise Morjé. "Sources of Change in United States–United Nations Relations." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 16, no. 4 (December 19, 2010): 485–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01604005.

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Unger, David C. "United States." Survival 63, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2021.1906005.

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Unger, David C. "United States." Survival 63, no. 6 (November 2, 2021): 229–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2021.2006472.

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Unger, David C. "United States." Survival 64, no. 2 (March 4, 2022): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2022.2055836.

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