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1
Marchese, Nathaniel. "Syrian Revolution and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy." Open Journal for Studies in History 7, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0701.01001m.
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This article offers a comprehensive examination of the Syrian Revolution (2011-present) and its profound impact on United States foreign policy. Specifically, this study delves into the military and economic involvement of the United States in the conflict, analyzing the responses of both President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump to the evolving crisis in Syria. Furthermore, the article critically compares and contrasts the implications and consequences of the Syrian Revolution to other post-9/11 conflicts, shedding light on the unique dynamics of this particular uprising. Through an extensive review of academic literature, policy reports, and primary sources, this study highlights the multifaceted nature of US engagement in the Syrian Revolution. It explores the strategic motivations behind the United States’ military intervention, including its objectives to counter terrorism, protect regional allies, and address the humanitarian crisis. Moreover, the economic aspects of US involvement, such as sanctions and aid, are analyzed to provide a holistic understanding of the United States’ role in shaping the trajectory of the Syrian Revolution. This article also presents a comparative analysis of the responses of President Obama and President Trump to the Syrian crisis, unveiling distinct shifts in US foreign policy approaches. It explores the diplomatic, military, and humanitarian strategies pursued by the two administrations and assesses their effectiveness in resolving the conflict and advancing US national interests. Finally, this study offers a nuanced comparison of the impact and ramifications of the Syrian Revolution in relation to other post-9/11 conflicts. By drawing on contextual factors, geopolitical considerations, and regional dynamics, it elucidates the unique challenges and opportunities that the Syrian Revolution has presented to US foreign policy. The findings of this article contribute to the scholarly understanding of the Syrian Revolution and its underlying implications for US foreign policy. They also offer policymakers and analysts valuable insights into the complex interplay between domestic and international factors shaping US responses to conflicts in the Middle East and beyond.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "USA — China: Strategic balance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 4 (2022): 390–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.403.
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This article examines the current state of the US-China strategic balance — both military and economic aspects of the latter. This balance, however, is not changing in favor of the United States. Currently, China is the largest economy in the world, and economic ties with China are too important for US partners and allies to break off trade and economic ties with China to please Washington. More importantly, the rapid growth of China’s military-technical potential in recent years has led to radical changes in the balance of power in the western Pacific. Washington has lost its former absolute military superiority in the coastal areas of the PRC, and in the event of a large-scale armed US-Chinese conflict in the Taiwan area or in the South China Sea, American losses will be enormous, and the United States will not be able to achieve a decisive victory during this conflict. Under these conditions, the American ruling elite is united in the fact that without a system of anti-Chinese alliances, which should unite both the countries of the Indo-Pacific region and countries outside the ITR, China’s containment is impossible. The Biden administration continued Trump’s policy of building a “sanitary cordon” around China with the involvement of extra-regional actors in this construction. We are talking about the creation of a military-political alliance AUKUS, which includes Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The purpose of this alliance is to counter China in the disputed areas of the South China Sea. It is concluded that the formation of such a system of alliances is difficult to achieve — and it’s not just that the partners and allies of the United States are too interested in maintaining trade and economic ties with China to participate in the creation of an anti-Chinese “sanitary cordon”. China’s strategic isolation is impossible if Russia cannot be brought into the anti-Chinese system of alliances. At present, however, China has a solid rear in the form of a growing Russian-Chinese partnership and cooperation. The actions of the United States and its allies, which Moscow and Beijing view as threatening and provocative (NATO expansion to the East; American block-building in the ITR) could not but lead to a serious revision by the Russian and Chinese leadership of military cooperation between the two powers.
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Prikhodchenko, A., and A. Tokarev. "The Influence of China and the United States on the Secession of Taiwan in 2016–2024: Quantification of Factors of Involvement." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 7 (2024): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-7-102-117.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of relations in the China-Taiwan-USA triangle, from the point of view of the theory of the multidirectional development of two aspects of statehood under the secession of the island: status and stateness. The authors give an answer to the question of what pressure US and China provide on the status and solvency of Taiwan in 2016–2022, analyzing military, political, economic and demographic factors through their qualitative analysis and quantification. Military variables include the facts of the flag demonstration on the territory of Taiwan and the supply of weapons, economic variables include the volume of imports and exports, trade in goods strategically important for the island’s economy, the volume of FDI, passenger and sea traffic, and the number of flights. The visits of officials, the recognition of Taiwanese documents are political variables, as well as the specifics of political communication – this meant the characteristics of unofficial contacts between Beijing and Washington with the island in a particular year. Among the variables of human capital, the number of Taiwanese students studying on the mainland and in the United States and the number of passport holders stand out. Since the authors are interested in the dynamics of Taiwan’s relations with the United States and China, static indicators were not included in the object of analysis: the presence of embassies, deterministic legal recognition. Within the framework of the work, a comprehensive approach is presented, simultaneously considering Taiwan’s involvement in relations with the United States and China. According to the results of the analysis, it is recorded that Beijing exerts the greatest pressure on the state solvency and status of the island in terms of economic and demographic aspects of interaction. In turn, the United States supports Taipei on the political and military trade track. It is predicted that China will not reintegrate Taiwan militarily in the absence of escalation by the island or the United States (unilateral recognition of independence). The Chinese strategy assumes the smooth involvement of Taiwan with economic, international-political, infrastructural instruments, the reaction to Nancy Pelosi’s visit does not mean weakness of the leadership. In addition, the Chinese foreign policy and military culture does not imply drastic actions.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Grigoriev, M. N., I. A. Maksimtsev, and S. A. Uvarov. "Improvement of Supply Chain Management in the United States as a Strategic Direction for the Economic Policy of the Biden-Harris Administration." Economics and Management 27, no. 11 (November 30, 2021): 850–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/1998-1627-2021-11-850-857.
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Aim. The presented study aims to analyze changes in the economic and political systems of the United States associated with the transformation of approaches to supply chain regulation.Tasks. The authors identify the specific aspects of regulating social, economic, political, and other processes in the United States through presidential executive directives; assess the extent to which issues related to supply chain management are reflected in executive directives; analyze the specific features of supply chain management regulation in the United States in the BidenHarris administration.Methods. This study uses general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization, etc.) as well as special methods such as content analysis, economic and political analysis, and scenario modeling.Results. The study makes it evident that in the United States great attention is paid to supply chain management issues at the national level, and this is reflected in presidential executive directives. Activity in this area has increased significantly in the Biden-Harris administration. All key ministries are becoming involved in supply chain management, with an emphasis on ensuring national and economic security and maintaining the political, military, and economic leadership of the United States in the world.Conclusions. The economy and politics of the United States continue to play an important role in the development of mankind. Investigation of the emerging specific trends in these areas helps to adequately respond to future changes. The executive directives of the US President serve as a meaningful source of information about such trends. Their analysis shows that the Biden-Harris administration seeks to highlight the improvement of supply chain management in the United States as one of the strategic directions of the implemented policy.
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Velikaya, Anna, Aleksandr Nevmerzhickij, and Tatiana Slokvenko. "The US humanitarian policy in the Middle East in promoting “rules-based” world order." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 16, no. 2 (2023): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.202.
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The purpose of this article is to study the evolution, current state and prospects for the development of US humanitarian policy in the Middle East in accordance with US regional priorities. It notes that humanitarian policy is a key tool for advancing US foreign policy and economic priorities. While it appears to be a value orientation for external audiences, in fact it relies on intertwined political and military-strategic aspects to advance the American concept of world order. The paper outlines the growing importance of humanitarian policy: from a narrow understanding as a crisis response to defining it as one of the main foreign policy instruments. The interrelation of political and military-strategic factors influencing the development of the US humanitarian policy in the Middle East is revealed. Based on the analysis of the essence and content of the concept of humanitarian policy, the trends in the development of the regional humanitarian policy of the United States for the future are presented. It is concluded that the American economic system and high technologies are attractive to the Middle Eastern audience, but the “rules-based world order” promoted by the United States through the created crises is not so positively perceived by it. The US humanitarian policy in the region is able to adapt to the changing imperatives of the time, but at the moment it is not capable of rethinking the changing international status of the United States in the emerging polycentric system of the world order. The methodological basis of the research is the method of system analysis, as well as the synthesis of information contained in official documents, scientific, reference and periodical literature on the topic under study and their generalization based on personal experience of theoretical and practical work in the field of humanitarian cooperation.
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Savel'ev, A. "US Security Policy: Shift towards China." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2014): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-8-5-13.
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The article focuses on the main aspects of the US rebalancing towards Asia Pacific which was declared by President Obama in November 2011. The examination of numerous US official and non-official documents shows that practically all US activities in this direction are connected with rapid economic and military growth of China. The United States are mostly concerned about Chinese attempts to transfer its economic strength into political influence and military strength which expand fare beyond the present frontiers. A number of examples of Chinese “unacceptable behavior” are given, such as: aggressive way of resolving its maritime disputes with neighbors; rejection of multilateral approach to such problems; China’s “cyber-activities” in the field of large scale cyber-espionage; military modernization aimed to limit the US free access to the region; the development of advanced short- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, counter-space weapons and military cyberspace capabilities. The article also analyses the main implementation stages of this new American policy, and the role of the US Congress in formulating it. The positions of different US Agencies are also under consideration, including the position of the US Treasury, State Department and Defense Department. The author comes to a conclusion that a number of serious limitations and difficulties exist on the way of the US security interests promotion into the region. As for the position of Russian Federation, it is suggested that Russia can become one of important participants in resolution of security problems in the region. At the same time possible benefits may be gained if Russia managed to preserve the “equal distance” from the main players in the region – China and the US. But if the situation demands to make a clear choice, Russia will most probably take the Chinese side, regarding the present state of the US-Russian relations.
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Delong, Marek, Jacek Dworzecki, Izabela Szkurłat, and Andrzej Żebrowski. "International space security of the third decade of the twenty-first century (selected aspects)." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 21, no. 4 (December 28, 2023): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2023.4.8.
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The beginning of the 21st century saw many complex phenomena, events and processes with diverse backgrounds shaping the new order related to international security after the breakdown of the bipolar division of the world. Despite the ongoing euphoria, the time of transition has been a string of military and non-military conflicts, whose participants have fought for dominance in the international security environment and for leadership in the global security space. The three main actors: The United States, China and Russia are pursuing their partisan goal, which is dominion in the global security space. The U.S. policy, which is aimed at confrontation, both with Russia and China is noteworthy. This conflict is present in the political, economic, military and scientific-technical spheres, as in the cases of China, which is a leader in access to artificial intelligence. The world is watching the Russia-Ukraine armed conflict. Each side has opponents and supporters. The conflict is affecting international political, economic and military relations. This complex and unpredictable situation is accompanied by a global information war, with participants pointing to their particular political goals. The global security space is evolving, but will politicians be able to make rational decisions so as not to cross the tipping point?"
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Kim, Ki-Su. "South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p25.
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The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Khidhir, Zainaddin M. "US Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 3 (2021): 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182.
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Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.
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Sposito, Italo Beltrão, and Fernando José Ludwig. "Mapping Inter-American struggle (1946-2001): an overview on military conflict and economic embargoes." Revista de Paz y Conflictos 14, no. 1 (December 28, 2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/revpaz.v14i1.15218.
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International relations have always focused on security and conflict studies. These themes are central to understand several factors from geopolitics to world (re)ordering. There is no doubt that since the Second World War, the role played by the United States (US) is crucial to understand such aspects of international life. Furthermore, their acting in Latin America follows the same pattern. In that sense, this article proposes to address the following research question: which changes in the US' foreign policy towards Latin America influenced conflict patterns in the Interamerican system after the Cold War? We intend to demonstrate that shifts on US’ foreign policy towards Latin American, from military actions to economic embargos, had an impact over conflict patters in the region after the end of the Cold War. In order to assess the manifold aspects of US-Latin America relations, we explore data on Interamerican conflicts and map 60 years of economic and military conflict in the American continent and systematize conflictive interactions to identify patterns and changes in US-Latin America interplay. We present evidence of a significant change in the kind of conflict, from military to economic, since the end of the Cold War. Our findings indicate a predominance of military interventions during the Cold War, especially as a US response to intrastate wars (revolutions and civil wars), targeting predominantly small Central American and Caribbean countries. After the end of the Cold War, economic sanctions dominated the agenda, with the US targeting mostly Latin America’s three largest countries, Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina.
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AGGARWAL, VINOD K., and ANDREW W. REDDIE. "New Economic Statecraft: Industrial Policy in an Era of Strategic Competition." Issues & Studies 56, no. 02 (June 2020): 2040006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400068.
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The 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy notes that the United States faces “an increasingly complex global security environment, characterized by overt challenges to the free and open international order and the re-emergence of long-term, strategic competition between nations.” In the ensuing months, much has been made of the security-related aspects of this return to great power competition — including Donald Trump’s role in the decline of the existing arms control architecture, responses to Russia’s annexation of Ukraine, and China’s use of subconventional — or “gray zone” — military operations in the South China Sea. What this analysis tends to miss, however, are the economic dimensions of strategic competition. To address the question of how insights from international political economy and security studies can be usefully combined to examine strategic competition, we examine how economic statecraft increasingly takes the form of economic policy beyond sanctions regimes. We argue that economic statecraft has become an increasingly central aspect of geostrategic consideration and consider how economic statecraft is being transformed in the current era.
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Mikhalskiy, Igor, and Bohdan Toroptsev. "Kissinger's „shuttle diplomacy” as an active implementation of S. Cohen's concept." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 9 (347) (2021): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-157-168.
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Foreign policy of the USA is one of the topical areas in contemporary historical and geopolitical research. The interest of scientists in this topic is due to the fact that the United States is the leader of the world community at the present stage, both in economic and geopolitical aspects. The state continues to actively develop economically and technologically, increases its military potential, actively spreads its culture all over the world, that determines its global role. The phenomenon of the world leadership of the USA, as well as the historical factors that have determined this status, are the subject of research of scientists in the historical, geopolitical, politological, sociological, cultural, and other scientific fields. A particularly topical issue in the history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century is the concept and specificity of American „shuttle diplomacy” and its effectiveness in the foreign policy of the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the concept of the American geographer S. Cohen, as well as the peculiarities of its implementation in the political activities of R. Nixon and H. Kissinger. It has been proved that S. Cohen's geostrategic concept played an important role in the foreign policy of the United States in the 1970s. Its principles were implemented in the policy of H. Kissinger and R. Nixon, the important results of which were the establishment of United States-China relations and the softening of relations with the Soviet Union.
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Kironska, Kristina. "Taiwan–Myanmar Relations within the Framework of the New Southbound Policy." International Journal of Taiwan Studies 4, no. 2 (March 3, 2021): 345–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-20201133.
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Abstract This article combines the study of Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy with a case study of Taiwan–Myanmar relations from a perspective of political relations, economic cooperation, and Taiwan’s (un)recognisability in Myanmar—i.e. Taiwan’s soft power in Myanmar. The first part of the paper introduces the policy and compares it with the previous ones, and sheds light on Taiwan’s motivation to engage with Myanmar. It considers the ongoing trade war between the United States and China, due to which investment relocation from China is expected to sharply increase. The second part of the paper provides an insight into the relationship between Taiwan and Myanmar after Myanmar’s state-led political transformation from military rule and economic liberalisation since approximately 2010. It explains the main aspects and determinants of the relationship between two countries that share a neighbouring potential hegemon which they both wish to balance against.
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Aleshin, Alexander. "UK – EU Security and Defence Cooperation after Brexit." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 278–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.12.
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The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union launched a transformation of the Euro-Atlantic security area, which led to uncertainty and the creation of political forks for key regional actors on military integration. The Euro-Atlantic security complex has moved towards bipolarity with centers in NATO and the EU, but so far this is only a trend. The consequence of Brexit is the strengthening of polycentricity in the European sub-complex of the Euro-Atlantic security area and the strengthening of the leadership of the EU, Paris and London. The future system and structure of this sub-complex largely depends on the results of negotiations between the UK and the EU both on trade and economic issues, and on cooperation in the field of security, defence and foreign policy cooperation. The economic aspects of Brexit are still not clear, the economic losses due to the coronavirus pandemic and the slowdown in the global economy are obvious, which leads to unpredictability in the formation of military and foreign policy budgets of both the UK and the EU member states. The UK intends to establish the most deep and comprehensive military-political cooperation with the EU. In the absence of institutional mechanisms for the interaction of Brussels with London on security issues, the country seeks to strengthen bilateral ties in the field of foreign policy, security and defence with EU leaders, primarily France and Germany. An important influence on the above processes have external actors, among them the United States play a paramount role. The UK is likely to seek its place between the USA and the EU, which will force London to deliberately combine multilateral and bilateral cooperation with individual countries. The security area in Europe will gain more certainty after the conclusion of a political agreement between the UK and the EU, but this will not happen until the conclusion of a trade and economic agreement.
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Sevryugin, Yu V., and A. P. Styazhkina. "ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE STATE DEFENSE ORDER IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION." Social’no-ekonomiceskoe upravlenie: teoria i praktika 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22213/2618-9763-2022-4-44-52.
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Attention is focused on the problems of ensuring the national security of the state, which are always relevant for our country, on strengthening their significance in connection with the changes taking place in the world. The extreme importance of state planning and budgetary control over the execution of the state defense order is determined, since significant budgetary resources are redistributed through it, and its main indicators determine the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of weapons. Since the end of February 2022, the Russian economy has found itself in a changed foreign policy environment. The need was noted for making serious adjustments to the state regulation of the activities of enterprises of the military-industrial complex, which are the basis for ensuring the national security of our country due to the protracted phase of the special military operation in Ukraine and the harsh sanctions pressure of Western Europe and the United States. The need to find new solutions to the problems of increasing the production of weapons and military equipment, and searching for additional production capacities is emphasized. An increase in the number of military personnel in conditions of partial mobilization obliges us to take additional measures to fulfill the state defense order. The key decisions taken during 2022 to regulate and improve economic relations in the field of state defense orders, as well as the dynamics of public spending on national defense, are analyzed and the prospects for their further growth are outlined. The following main areas for improving financial relations in the field of state defense orders for 2023-2024 have been identified: duties and responsibilities of performers, pricing, procurement procedures and banking support. The conclusion is made about the need for further scientific research to assess the financial efficiency of the decisions made in the framework of state planning and budgetary control in the field of state defense orders.
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Shukurov, Shukhrat Z. "The power politics of the US and its partners in introducing Western democracy into Afghan society." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 28, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2022-28-1-70-76.
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The subject of the study is the power policy of the United States and its allies in the fight against international terrorist organisations in Afghanistan, aimed at building a new Afghan society based on the principles of Western democracy. The research focuses on the processes of democratisation, which were implemented in three stages in 2001-2014. The article also describes important events related to democratization – the creation of a political system in Afghanistan loyal to the United States and its allies; the holding of the first presidential and parliamentary elections; the formation of political opposition from different strata of Afghan society; the holding of the second presidential and parliamentary elections in the said country; the development of the political process against the background of the withdrawal of the main foreign contingent in 2014. The author analyses the miscalculations and serious failures of the administration of the United States and NATO related to the formation of a new government of Afghanistan, the organisation of presidential and parliamentary elections, economic recovery, training for Afghan law enforcement agencies and security. The assessment of the actions of the United States related to the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan during the period most dramatic for the population of the country is given. This article is an analysis of the processes of democratisation of Afghan society, revealing individual aspects of each stage carried out within the framework of the military operation of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan. The main conclusion of the study is that the United States and its partners have failed to achieve their goals of building an Afghan society based on Western democratic values.
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Morozov, Aleksey. "Administrative and legal aspects of economic regulation in the Russian Federation in the face of anti-Russian economic sanctions." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2023, no. 2 (June 29, 2023): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2023-2-87-96.
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Introduction. The article deals with the issues of administrative and legal regulation of the mechanism for counteracting to anti-Russian economic sanctions taking into account the current state of the country’s economy and reflects the main positive results of the activities of the authorities and administration in applying of the imperative method of influencing all participants in economic activities related to the conduct of a special military operation on the territory of Ukraine.
Methods. In preparing the article methods were used to analyze the current legislative and bylaws as well as available statistical indicators of the effectiveness of the application of anti-sanction legal norms based on official data from authorities and administration.
Results. The author specifies the tasks of enhancing the administrative impact on the economic sphere. The measures already taken, which had a positive impact on the country’s economy under the sanctions, are named, and the directions of the imperative impact on the sphere of production and consumption are indicated. Topical issues of administrative impact on all spheres of society’s activity are outlined as a task to be solved in the context of the aggressive anti-Russian policy of foreign states. The article is an independent scientific study, anticipating another work of the author, devoted to recommendations on the application of administrative and legal methods of regulating the economy in the face of countering to the sanctions pressure of the United States and the countries of the European Union.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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Anderson, E., H. Banks, M. Brown, J. Bonilla, I. Chitwood, D. Flores, J. Facer, et al. "China’s Increasing Influence: What This Means for American Security." Journal of International Relations 4, no. 2 (March 20, 2024): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jir.2410.
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Purpose: With its growing domestic and international interest, China has solidified itself as a significant player in international relations, shaking up traditional geopolitics through its military and economic expansion and shifting focus in diplomatic relations. Consequently, it is crucial to understand China’s importance and effect on the United States’ own development in order to react to it correctly and efficiently.
Methodology: This paper will detail the military, diplomatic, and economic aspects of the modern rise of China, respectively, including our recommendations for how the United States should respond to these three key areas in its relations with China. To do so, the International Relations Organization at Virginia Tech split into three initiatives, focusing on the three aspects of the modern rise of China as listed above. The Organization then spent several weeks conducting research using open-source intelligence and information from experts on the subject to understand the methods and strategies employed by China to expand its influence and power in other nations. After conducting research, the Organization began discussing the implications that the findings would have on U.S. national security and started synthesizing the research into our paper and recommendations.
Findings: From our research, it is clear that China is seeking to build a strong military presence in Africa to expand their influence and reach in areas outside of Asia. Additionally, their maintenance of diplomacy with Russian and alliance with President Vladimir Putin makes it evident that they are desiring to position themselves as a contrasting force to the United States in terms of global military dominance. China’s goal of reunification with Taiwan furthers this notion, as in doing so they intend to increase its presence in the South Pacific arena. In terms of China’s diplomacy, we find their creation of the BRICS trade agreement to significantly increase their ties with the countries involved. We find China to be progressively focusing on their diplomatic relations with the BRICS countries, which in turn threatens the U.S. diplomatic relations with these countries and undermines their power and strength as a global superpower among the Eastern sphere. Lastly, China’s influence on the BRICS countries has lasting economic repercussions on the U.S. through the creation of BRICS itself, which we find to clearly be done to oppose the U.S.’ G7 trade agreement. We conclude that this, along with their Belt and Road Initiative and new presence in South American trade, is done as a method for China to compete with the trade dominance of the United States and widen the gap between these countries and the U.S. economically.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: To combat China’s military involvement in Africa, we recommend for the United States to lean on its international allies to formulate an arms deal with other countries in order to formulate a better long-term arms deal, dismissing possible transactions with China. In terms of dealing with military expansion in the South Pacific, we recommend the U.S. to undertake policies to put an end to China’s maritime power in the Pacific and increase funding for the Air Force and Navy to invest in new technologies to deal with such power. We also recommend for the United States to promote diplomatic cooperation with Brazil, Russia, India, and South America to combat China’s increasing influence with these countries in BRICS. The United States must also focus on better positioning their diplomatic stance to be allied with nations continuing to push for bilateral issues and human rights conferences in Brazil and India, as well as support India in their push for UN Security Council membership. On the economic side, the United States must respond to China’s infrastructure plan for their economy by investing in other forms of development, such as agriculture, medicine, and digital infrastructure. This paper contributed to the theory of International Affairs and U.S.-China relations through analyzing various diplomatic, economic, and militaristic outlooks with the aims of providing a cohesive study on the level of threat towards American security. The theory of International Relations was augmented via the research and delineation of applicable studies and global conflicts. Thorough examination of included sources contributed to this theory and the practice of IR.
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Dudayti, A. K., and J. Morshedlu. "Iran on the Path to Regional Integration: Political and Economic Aspects of Relations with SCO Member States." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 1 (March 25, 2024): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2024-1-19-25.
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The article examines Iran’s relationship with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), analyses the process of establishing cooperation with the member states of this organization, primarily Russia and China, in the field of regional security, as well as the political and economic spheres. The history of Iran’s inclusion in the SCO, the dynamics of cooperation, as well as the impact of this interaction on regional and world politics are explored. The focus is on joint projects, diplomatic, trade and economic relations, as well as potential challenges and prospects for cooperation between Iran and the SCO. The work notes that Iran’s desire for full membership in this organization was reinforced by the confrontation with the leading Western powers led by the United States and fit into the framework of Eastern policy with the prospect of an alliance with Russia and China. It is emphasized that due to opposition to Iran’s desire to strengthen its independence and sovereignty, Western powers prevented its inclusion in the regional or international security architecture. Under these conditions, Iran has intensified its efforts in search of its place in the international security system, relying on the idea of national identity and drawing closer to Russia and China. It is noted that the negative consequences of sanctions, threats of military intervention, cyber warfare and attempts to destabilize the Islamic regime were the main methods of Western policy towards Iran. Based on this, accession to the SCO was considered by the Iranian leadership as the most important task to neutralize Western sanctions and become one of the leaders in the regional security system.
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Minakova, Irina V., Tatyana N. Bukreeva, Оlga I. Solodukhina, and Оlga G. Timofeeva. "SPECIAL ASPECTS OF THE MODERN WORLD ECONOMY: TRANSITION FROM A UNIPOLAR TO A MULTIPOLAR WORLD SYSTEM." CBU International Conference Proceedings 6 (September 25, 2018): 356–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v6.1182.
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This paper reveals the consequences of the unipolar system of the world economy provided by the United States leadership in the military-technological, financial-economic, geopolitical and information-ideological spheres. It was established that after the collapse of the socialist camp, the concepts of ‘humanitarian intervention’ and ‘spreading democracy’ were brought to the forefront. In practice, Western European countries have demonstrated their readiness to judge the solutions of domestic political disputes in other countries of the world, especially when it comes to geopolitically important countries. A series of ‘colour revolutions’ have become a demonstration of this policy. Therefore, the globalization of the modern world does not mean the homogenization of development indicators of countries’, but instead leads to further delamination and inequality. The gap between the world leaders and the rest of the world in terms of indicators reflecting the dynamics of the standard of living, the quality of life, scientific and technological progress, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has significantly increased.It is illustrated that attempts of the US to consolidate its hegemony in the form of ‘leadership’ in the world had led to the erosion of international legal principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Therefore, the United States attempts to solve the problems in Iraq and Afghanistan unilaterally has failed.The objective and subjective signs of a global restructuring of the existing unipolar world system are revealed.
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Gordeeva, Irina V. "The Intensification of the Struggle for Influence in Oceania and the Role of Japan." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2023): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120027414-6.
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The article is devoted to Japan's policy towards Oceania in the context of the growing confrontation in the region between the coalition of Western powers led by the United States, seeking to maintain and consolidate their dominant positions in Oceania, and China, which is increasingly gaining strength. The Pacific Region, with its important geostrategic position and huge resources, is becoming one of the fronts of the offensive launched by the United States and its allies to strengthen their dominant positions on the world stage. At the same time, China continues its systematic advance in the region, relying on its growing economic power, accumulated large financial assets and steadily increasing technological level. The political, economic, and military aspects of the interaction of the dominant countries in the region with small developing island states, as well as their positions in the context of increased competition and tension between the powers are studied. Particular attention is paid to Japan's desire to strengthen relations with the countries of Oceania and search for its place while maintaining close ties with the United States and its allies. Japan and island States have deep historical ties and successfully cooperate in many areas. Security issues, economic and logistical interests of Tokyo play an important role in this cooperation. Extensive multilateral and bilateral mechanisms for interaction with Pacific island countries have been created, relying on which Tokyo secures its interests in the region. An important role in this situation is played by the position of the Pacific island States, which are increasingly openly declaring their interest in developing relations with all parties, guided primarily by their own interests, the possibilities of obtaining financial and economic assistance to solve the serious problems that have accumulated in the region.
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Bhattarai, Gaurav, and Dron Lamichhane. "Twigging the US-China Competition from the Lens of Offensive Realism: Implications for Nepal." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 7, no. 1 (June 20, 2024): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v7i1.67005.
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What are the implications of ongoing US-China competition on the entire global system and particularly to strategically-placed countries like Nepal? The United States has been voicing its growing displeasure against China’s rise. The United States regards China's military modernization and economic growth as evidence that it will not be a status quo power. In this scenario, there is a widespread belief that great power is inherently offensive, that the quest for power never ends, and that China will maintain the status quo posture until it achieves power parity with the United States. As a result, the United States has shifted its policy toward the Asia-Pacific region and is forming strategic alliances to counterbalance China. It is argued that if there were no legacies of friendship and ideological proximity, a great power fall or power transition from a dominant nation to a challenger almost always results in a cold war or major war. The U.S. and China have cultural and ideological differences; however, China has integrated many aspects of the existing international order and its global norms. In this background, this article examines fundamental assumptions of offensive realism and the nature of the U.S.-China rivalry, as well as the meaning of China’s rise and the U.S.-China greater power competition for Nepal. This phenomenon will be tested through offensive realism and how it amounts to great power behavior.
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Yevseenko, Andrey. "China’s and Russia’s Growing Footprint in Latin America As a Challenge to American Interests." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.14.
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Introduction. The Trump administration defined China and Russia as a “revisionist powers”, which challenge to American power, influence and interests. Such a perception affected the U.S. policy in Latin America. Major alarmist sentiments come from the U.S. military, which regularly notes the growth of foreign presence in the region. Methods and materials. The author conducted a critical analysis of Chinese and Russian footprint aspects in Latin America, which cause U.S. establishment concerns. Information was gathered from doctrinal documents, economic statistics and indicators of arms exports. Analysis. President Trump administration hasn’t created a credible barrier against the rise of foreign influence in this region. The causes lie in the specifics of the current U.S. foreign policy, which lacks positive incentives and representativeness. As a result, foreign influence is constrained by three main factors. First, the investment climate in Latin America continues to deteriorate. Second, most governments of the Latin American countries don`t intend to spoil relations with the United States. Thirdly, today there are no alternatives to the United States in the military-strategic aspect. Results. Washington involuntarily promotes expanding and strengthening of other world powers’ footprint in Latin America. It happens not just because of Trump administrations’ protectionism and its skepticism about multilateral formats. Latin American continue to be considered in the context of Monroe Doctrine. American establishment doesn’t seek to invest its political capital in expanding the U.S. influence in the region. That’s why a high level of representativeness in promoting initiatives and new formats of cooperation has become an advantage of foreign actors.
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Boscariol, John. "At the Cross-Roads of US and Canadian Trade Controls: The Cuba Conflict." Global Trade and Customs Journal 5, Issue 6 (June 1, 2010): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2010029.
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Canada and the United States are each other’s best trading partners. Our supply chains are deeply integrated. Corporate ownership criss-crosses the border many times over. In the context of foreign policy, although we have differed from time to time in the past, we generally target the same list of ‘bad actors’ – Iran, North Korea, Myanmar among them. Indeed, many of our sanctions programmes have been adopted pursuant to the same United Nations Security Council resolutions that are applied in similar fashion by UN member countries. Our controls on the export of goods and transfer of technology arise from our common commitments under the 1996 Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms, Dual-use Goods, Technology and other international agreements. It should come as no surprise therefore that in this environment many companies impose a single set of rules or principles regarding export controls and doing business with sanctioned countries. Under the assumption that Canadian and US laws are similar and, that any differences arise from more restrictive elements of US policy, a common default approach is for US companies to graft their US-based export control, economic sanctions policies, and procedures on to their Canadian operations; even some Canadian-based companies doing business in the United States will follow this approach. This is problematic for a number of reasons. Contrary to popular belief, Canadian export controls and economic sanctions can be more restrictive than those of the United States – aspects of the control regime for cryptographic goods and technology and the rules governing trade with and investment in Myanmar are two such examples. More importantly, there are instances in which there is direct conflict between Canadian and US law – that is, compliance with the requirements of one nation’s laws results in contravention of the laws of the other. Two examples of such conflict arise with US military controls under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations and Canadian human rights legislation and with Cuban trade and investment. The latter conflict is the focus of this article.
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Shcherbunov, V. "The “managed competition” concept in the US–China security nexus. Theoretical analysis and practical implementation." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.4.71.6.
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With the inauguration of President John Biden, the ideas of “managing” competition between the United States and China increasingly began to appear in the lexicon of American politicians and pundits. Most works on US-China competition emphasize its non-military aspects, which does not reflect the efforts that the US puts into competition in the military-political domain, as well as the importance of its regulation in preventing armed conflict between the two powers. This study seeks to solve a dual task: firstly, to identify the ideational content of the concept of "managed competition", and secondly, to analyze the existing formats of managing US-China military-political competition in the Asia-Pacific region in the 21st century. After analyzing the academic and analytical works of recent years, the author concludes that the concept of "managed competition" comprises three components: 1) regulation of competition through institutionalization in order to increase the predictability, strengthen crisis management mechanisms and reduce conflict potential, 2) anticipatory programming of the actions of international actors by creating incentives and deterrents for making foreign policy decisions, 3) describing the measures necessary to achieve success in competition (outcompeting). At a practical level, the management of competition in the military-political relations between the United States and China implies 1) the creation of international institutions to reduce the like-lihood of military incidents in the South China Sea and the Western Pacific, 2) setting the agenda in the Asia-Pacific region (the concept of the "Indo-Pacific region"), the consolidation and expansion of US military-political institutions (QUAD, AUKUS) with giving them the anti-Chinese focus, 3) US actions that impede the implementation of PRC’s military-political goals: reunification with Taiwan, control over the South China Sea, expansion of military-political contacts with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region.
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Pierre-Emmanuel, Thomann. "Russia, the conflict in Ukraine and the new spatial and geopolitical order." Socioloski pregled 57, no. 2 (2023): 369–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg57-42979.
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The conflict in Ukraine is the subject of contradictory narratives in the communication war, but also reflects the rival historical and geopolitical representations between the different actors of this conflict. According to the geopolitical angle, the main issue of the crisis in Ukraine is the rivalry between the great powers for world power and the distribution of geopolitical spaces. The geopolitical angle thus makes it possible to take into account the numerous stakes linked to this crisis on different scales, which go well beyond the purely geostrategic and military aspects. The main hypothesis of this article is to determine to what extent Russia, with its special military operation in Ukraine, is pushing for the emergence of a new geopolitical configuration on a European and global scale. Indeed, Moscow is provoking a redefinition of alliances at the regional and global levels. At the Eurasian level, NATO will probably no longer be able to pursue a policy of expansion in the Russian near abroad (countries of the former USSR), the enlargement of NATO to Ukraine being a casus belli, as the Russian intervention has shown. On a global scale, Russia's membership in the UN Security Council now prevents any unilateral interpretation of international law by the collective West. Moreover, economic sanctions by EU and NATO member states are not being followed by other states in Eurasia, South America and Africa, challenging the unipolar project of the West under the leadership of the United States. The European Union is increasingly aligned with the geopolitical priorities of NATO and the United States, with little room for manoeuvre. Russia's special operation in Ukraine is definitely moving the world towards a multicentric and multipolar geopolitical configuration, with no possibility of returning to the pre-conflict situation. In this analysis, geopolitical cartography will be used to illustrate the problematics but also to emphasize the spatial angle as an analytical tool.
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Rodionov, Vladimir A. "«Мягкая сила» малых стран: опыт Монголии." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 228–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-60-2-228-243.
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Introduction. The experience of recent decades shows small countries — though characterized by relatively limited foreign policy capacity — can defend their interests through ‘soft power’. Being obviously inferior to greater powers in military, political and economic aspects, small countries seek to compensate for their vulnerability with softer methods of influence. Nowadays, Mongolia is a classic case of a small country under the influence of such great powers as Russia, China, and the United States to successfully employ soft power tools. Goals. The article aims to identify where and how Mongolia uses soft power in its foreign policy. Materials and methods. The study primarily explores Mongolia’s official documents dealing with its national security and foreign policy, international initiatives of Ulaanbaatar, statements of Mongolian executives on relations with foreign partners, media materials. The employed research methods include the comparative, narrative, and retrospective ones. Results. There are three most promising lines for soft power in contemporary Mongolia’s foreign policy. The first one is that the country presents itself as a successful young democracy in the heart of Asia capable of becoming a model for a number of other small countries in the region. The second one is the policy of de facto neutrality manifested in refusal to deploy nuclear weapons and foreign military bases in Mongolian territory, as well as the active participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Finally, the third soft power line (to be perceived as one) is Ulaanbaatar’s active promotion of its mediation role to resolve urgent problems localized in Northeast Asia. Maintaining friendly relations with virtually all Northeast Asian states, Mongolia seeks to become a platform for international negotiations similar to that of Switzerland. Conclusions. Thus, soft power for Ulaanbaatar is an important two-sided tool supposed, firstly, to accelerate international influence and, secondly, to ensure national security and sovereignty.
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Alekseev, Yury, Liubov Zamaraikina, and Sergei Anuchin. "The "soft power" of the United States as an instrument of foreign policy in the European direction on the example of the French Republic (2016-2021)." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.37687.
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Subject of the study: the soft power of the United States in relation to the French Republic.The object of the study is the US-EU relations during the presidency of Donald Trump.For this study, the most relevant research methods are the retrospective method, which allows us to assess the changes that have occurred in D. Trump's foreign policy course towards Europe after his inauguration. Taking into account that the work focuses on the content of cultural, educational and other American programs implemented in Europe on the example of the French Republic, the method of content analysis was used. Among other things, a systematic approach was used in conducting research. The presidency of Donald Trump really had an ambiguous, in some aspects destructive effect on the development of a "soft-power" vector in American foreign policy. Despite the fact that, de jure, the US military departments called in the documentation for the leading role of the European Union in ensuring global security and maintaining NATO's activities, de facto, Trump's rhetoric undermined the traditionally friendly attitude of Europeans towards the United States. Since the perception of "attractiveness" is a key element of "soft-power" influence, the results of this study give grounds for the following conclusions. In the period from 2016 to 2021, American influence on Europe was weakened not only by provocative statements and actions regarding NATO funding, contradictions on trade and economic agreements and problems with the Paris Climate Agreement, but also by the elaboration of the cultural and educational vector of foreign policy. Thus, by 2021, the United States had a weakened influence on the French Republic, which allowed the French side to strengthen its influence on American students and strengthen its own position in the American intellectual and managerial environment. The novelty of the study: US foreign policy is studied from the position of soft-power influence on France in the context of intra-bloc interaction in NATO.
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Samsonova, Viktoria G. "The Indo-Pacific Strategy of the Republic of Korea." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 3 (2023): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120025775-3.
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The Indo-Pacific Strategy, formulated in the US National security strategy in December 2017, is a link in the global system of military-political blocs and associations. These structures have been created by the United States to preserve the dominance of the historical West in an era of global changes that challenge to the spread of the so-called unipolar world with the United States playing a dominant role worldwide. Moreover, it is clear that the more the role of the suzerain of the unipolar world is undermined, the more quirky, diverse and dangerous become the attempts to preserve this dominant role by involving countries that previously took a neutral position to the actions of the unilateralists. The article analyzes South Korean policy regarding the Indo-Pacific Strategy. The authors of this article consider its political and economic aspects, including the role of the ROK in the institutionalization of the association, which includes countries that support it. At the same time, the authors premise that South Korea, being within the structure of the American global influence system for many decades, cannot ignore any American strategy. Therefore, discussion resolves around the pace and conditions that South Korea must fulfill in order to engage and implement this externally imposed structure, and what benefits it seeks to gain from its participation. At the same time, the authors express doubt in the possibility of transforming the Indo-Pacific block, being created under the auspices of the US, into a significant international structure capable of altering the vector of ongoing global changes. And this leads to the conclusion about how consistent with the national interests, even in the medium term, of the Republic of Korea and its participation in the American strategy of IPR. Moreover, the Indo-Pacific Initiative of the ROK, which has pro-American orientation, both in foreign policy and economic spheres, including priority (military industry, IT industry, "green" technologies, etc.), may inadvertently harm its own interests and cooperation with the main economic partner - China. This could result in adverse consequences for South Korea in the near future.
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Li, He. "China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.
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Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.
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Жуков, Олександр, and Вікторія Ребенок. "THE IRANIAN VECTOR IN THE FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY OF THE USA IN THE PERIOD OF THE 1960S." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 3 (November 2022): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-03/061-071.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the formation of the US foreign policy strategy in the Near and Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The authors consider the key aspects of the study to be the peculiarities of the cooperation between the United States of America and Iran in the period of the 1950s and 1960s. 20th century. The policy of the USA in the given period is defined as that which was aimed at maintaining stability and supporting the independence of the countries of the above-mentioned area. In addition, the American leadership predicted the possibility of an "Islamic problem". The production of minerals in the region, as well as the need to prevent interference in the plans of the USA by the USSR, caused the United States to make efforts to maintain the role of the main suppliers of weapons, since it was impossible to allow a weakening of the influence on strategic interests, on the course of Iran's domestic and foreign policy. Despite the transitional period of the 1960s, intensive cooperation between Washington and Tehran continued. The USA was provided with assistance in the economic sphere, there were changes in the provision of military support from subsidies to the possibility of selling on credit. The aggressive reform program called the "White Revolution" of the early 1960s was an attempt to westernize Iran and strengthen its global status, which was also carried out with the active support of the United States. The authors identify nuclear programs as another direction of direct interaction between Tehran and Washington, the development course of which in Iran began in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Iran has cooperated with a number of allies of the Washington administration and has successfully developed its nuclear program within existing international restrictions. In 1963, Iran joined the Convention on the Prohibition of Nuclear Tests in Air, Space and Submarines, and in 1968 signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. All this contributed to the country's integration into global world processes.
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Andronova, Inna V., Natalia V. Dyuzheva, and Kirill A. Andronov. "Foreign trade relations between the Republic of Korea and the United States in the context of the development of integration processes." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 826–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-4-826-841.
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The article examines the process of concluding, implementing and updating the Free Trade Agreement between the USA and South Korea, highlights the main problematic aspects of the functioning of the free trade area and the consequences for the bilateral trade of countries. The study found that South Korea benefited significantly from the negotiated liberal trade regime with the USA. The trade balance surplus of South Korea with the USA sharply increased - to a historic maximum of 25 billion dollars (in 2015), also South Korean exports of high-tech goods and high value-added goods increased significantly. For the USA, participation in the agreement led to an increase in the trade balance deficit and in the export of resources, agricultural goods and low value-added products. The observed consequences led to the use of a tough discriminatory policy by the USA, to the revision of the provisions of the Free trade agreement and to the military and political concessions from South Korea. As a result, the deficit of the US trade balance with South Korea decreased by 17.3% over the year, changes in the commodity structure of the countries' mutual trade are expected. The analysis proves the formation of a unified approach in US foreign trade policy towards partner countries within the framework of Free trade agreements, which lies in the mainstream of new protectionism and aimed at ensuring American geopolitical and economic interests.
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Stock, Catherine McNicol. "Making War Their Business: The Short History of Populist Anti-Militarism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 13, no. 3 (July 2014): 387–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000255.
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Several historians have recently demonstrated that ideas generated initially by the Populists found their way into Progressive Era reform, New Deal/Great Society liberalism, and even today's Democratic Party politics. The only trouble is that the vast majority of the Populists themselves did not make the journey. Once a bastion of anti-corporatism, support for labor, “women's improvement,” the graduated income tax, and government regulation of the economy, the rural states of the Great Plains and American South became fortresses of what Bethany Moreton has called “Christian Free Enterprise,” with strong anti-statist and socially conservative agendas. A decade ago Thomas Frank noticed this remarkable shift on the Great Plains and wondered “What's the Matter with Kansas?” Despite many new works on the economic impact of the Cold War in rural America, we still do not have a comprehensive answer to his question. In this essay, I examine a contrast that other historians of rural politics have overlooked in large part because it goes beyond economic policy, strictly defined: what Kansans (and residents of other rural, Great Plains states that supported the People's Party) once thought about the role of the United States military and what many believe now. Understanding this striking contrast will lead to understanding more fully the origins of today's “red” state politics. Furthermore, it can highlight more subtle signs that some aspects of Populist anti-militarism may have survived this otherwise fervent shift to the right.
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Davydov, Alexander Yu. "Revolutionary Military Railway Tribunals in Northwestern Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, no. 2 (2023): 353–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.204.
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This article discusses aspects of activities and social functions of the revolutionary military railway tribunals, which operated in 1920–1923. The novelty of the research is ensured by the lack of attention to this theme in historiography and the involvement of a wide range of sources which have not been previously introduced into the scholarship. The author focuses on the activities of the railway tribunals in four railway networks: the United North-Western Roads (Warsaw and Baltic directions), the Petrograd part of the Moscow-Vindava-Rybinsk network, Nikolaevskaii railway network (the prospective October railway), and Murmansk network. Three revolutionary military railway tribunals operated there. The author, for the first time in historiography, describes the reasons and the process of organizing the latter, their staff composition, and the forms of their work that changed at different stages. The emphasis is placed on the emergency powers of employees of these departments and the tasks assigned to them which was manifested in almost unlimited freedom of the members of the tribunals in administering justice in the “interests of the revolution”. The article presents an original perspective on the process of the controversial activity of the transport tribunals. The study reveals a conflict between their urgent task to restore labor discipline, on the one hand, and practical activities aimed at indulging the avant-garde class, on the other hand. The author comes to the conclusion that the tribunals, first of all, sought to unite the proletarian collectives around the Communist Party. Managers’ enthusiasm for an ideological project led them away from reality. In the final part of the article, it is proved that during the period of new economic policy, the activities of the revolutionary tribunals lost their extraordinary character. They ceased tocorrespond to their purpose and, in fact, turned into people’s courts, being abolished in 1923.
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Khizhnyak, Anastasiya Vladimirovna. "Military cooperation of Russia with the Syrian Arab Republic as an instrument of the Russia's New Middle East Policy (2000-2008)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2022): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.5.38078.
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The article examines the key aspects of military-technical cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic in the first two terms of Vladimir Putin's tenure as President of Russia. Relations between Moscow and Damascus in the sphere of arms and special equipment supplies are considered in the general context of the updated foreign policy of the Russian Federation, initiated by Vladimir Putin, and which implied, among other things, the return of Russia's position as an active geopolitical player in the Middle East. Having long-standing political and economic ties with Moscow, Syria was rightly considered by the Russian leadership as the most suitable ally in solving the task mentioned above. Analyzing the history of supplies to Syria of the main articles of Russian military products, the author comes to the conclusion that during the period under review, Moscow managed to lay a new solid foundation for bilateral relations, even though it had to be done to a certain extent with an eye to the position of other regional players and, above all, the countries of the collective West. When building its political course towards the SAR in the period under review, the Kremlin adhered primarily to the principle of restraint and pragmatism, taking into account the realities of international relations in the Middle East region and setting as its main goal the counteraction of the hegemonic claims of the United States, which sought to turn this already conflictogenic point of the planet into a zone of "controlled chaos".
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КОВАЛЕНКО, Юлія, Дмитро ЛАЗАРЕНКО, and Ольга МАРЧЕНКО. "ENERGY SECURITY OF THE COUNTRY DURING THE WAR: BARRIERS AND PROSPECTS FOR OVERCOMING." Herald of Khmelnytskyi National University. Economic sciences 326, no. 1 (January 31, 2024): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31891/2307-5740-2024-326-41.
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The article unveils the stages of evolution of the concept of energy security from the early ХХ century to the present realities, taking into account the full-scale aggression on the territory of Ukraine. The authors emphasize that in the past, energy security was primarily associated with ensuring the supply and delivery of oil and gas, but now it has become complicated with the supply of fuel for military purposes. It is noted that the Russian aggression against Ukraine has underscored the importance of the energy security policies of the United States and European countries. The article analyzes research results revealing security threats associated with the energy sector in the United States. Emphasis is placed on the necessity of decision-making covering technical, political, and programmatic aspects. New strategies for the energy market, including alternative energy sources and high-efficiency technologies, are discussed. The article examines the link between international conflicts and energy security, including the Persian Gulf crisis of 1991 and the Iraq war of 2003. The results of political debates regarding the confrontation between Russia, the United States, and Europe are presented, highlighting the need for the development of alternative energy sources and energy efficiency. It is determined that the future of energy policy should consider global trends and international relations, not just economic and geopolitical aspects. Current trends in the energy sector and their impact on energy security in conflict conditions are discussed. The importance of transitioning to renewable and alternative energy sources is emphasized amid declining reserves of traditional fuels and rising prices. Problems associated with continued dependence on fossil fuels, such as resource depletion, global warming, environmental issues, and geopolitical conflicts, are mentioned. The article underscores the necessity of cooperation between energy-consuming countries' governments to reorient their energy sectors. The growing threat of global warming and other issues necessitates immediate action to transition to less polluting energy sources. The article analyzes the impact of the war in Ukraine on the region's energy security and demonstrates the necessity of developing alternative energy sources to ensure energy supply stability. It is noted that energy security is a crucial element of a country's economic stability and plays a key role in international relations. Efforts by EU member countries to reduce dependence on gas supplies from Russia and effective steps towards developing alternative energy sources are highlighted. However, difficulties in achieving this goal due to inadequate coordination and increasing gas prices in Europe are noted. The necessity of swift and effective measures to ensure energy security amid modern challenges and conflicts is underscored.
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Bashynskyi, V., H. Pievtsov, P. Openko, and A. Kozyr. "ANALYSIS OF CURRENT INFORMATIONAL ASPECTS OF PROBABLE SCENARIO FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MILITARY CONFLICT WITH THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Наукові праці Державного науково-дослідного інституту випробувань і сертифікації озброєння та військової техніки, no. 6 (December 30, 2020): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37701/dndivsovt.6.2020.02.
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The beginning of the XXI century was characterized by the emergence of a new type of war – information one, when victory is achieved not by destroying the armed forces and the economy of the enemy, but through the impact on his moral and psychological condition. In modern conflicts, methods based on the integrated application of political, economic, informational and other non-military measures based on military force are increasingly used. The combination of these methods is implemented in the concept of hybrid warfare, the leading idea of which consists in achieving political goals with minimal military influence on the enemy through the use of modern information technology based on "soft power" and "hard power". The peculiarity of such a war is that it is conducted in disguise using mostly non-linear tactics and is not aimed at capturing the entire territory of the country, although it is possible to take control of partial territories, but to obtain patronage over the state, which is achieved through influence on the population, politics, business, law-enforcement agencies. A striking example of the implementation of the concept of hybrid war is the actions of the Russian Federation (hereinafter - Russia) against Ukraine. At the same time, Russia's "hybrid policy" is not limited to Ukraine. It also covers Europe and the United States, the EU and NATO.
In order to analyze the development of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia in the period up to 2035, an analysis was made on the development of the information aspect of relations between Ukraine and other influential regional and world actors on the development of the situation around Ukraine.
In preparing the forecast, the tools of scenario analysis were used, namely: the analysis of the main influencing factors, which allowed determining the trends of regional development until 2035. This analysis makes it possible to develop a baseline scenario for the development of the situation, provided that the situation around Ukraine over time will not change significantly; the main factors that are difficult to predict and non-collinear are identified.
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Cherkasov, P. "IMEMO in the First Half of the 2000s (Results of the Research)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-119-132.
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The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.
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Panova, Iryna O., and Oleksandr K. Zhevaho. "The Historical and Theoretical Aspects of the Study of the Formation of Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 2, no. 52 (2022): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-2-32-38.
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The article is aimed at highlighting the historical and theoretical aspects of the study of the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the present stage is based on a combination of historically formed interests of the State and the ideology of the Islamic revolution – the so-called «Khomeinism». Balancing a pragmatic and a revolutionary approach is enshrined in the country’s political system itself and, thanks to a significant economic, demographic and military base, allows Iran to hold a strong position in the international arena. At the same time, the initial course of confrontation with a number of regional and global actors, coupled with the development of the national nuclear program, creates obstacles for Iran’s full functioning in the international arena. The geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic is as profitable as it is quite complicated. Being at the crossroads of several world regions and approaching the world’s key energy basins provides Tehran with ample opportunities to advance its own influence and cooperation with neighboring countries. At the same time, Iran is surrounded by zones of regional instability and its rivals or competitors. To counter external threats, Tehran has developed a flexible strategy based on a wide range of pro-Iranian non-governmental organizations – the so-called «Axis of Resistance» – and an asymmetrical action instrumentarium, which include the use of both hard and soft power methods. Currently, the degree of confrontation with regional adversaries (Israel and the Gulf countries) and a global opponent (the United States) is gaining a threatening scale. However, Iran is generally characterized by a periodic change in the cycles of aggravation of tension and d?tente in relations with its opponents. At the same time, Tehran’s pragmatism has its manifestation in maintaining relations and dialogue with its opponents in order to achieve certain goals, despite the confrontational discourse of official statements. In addition to the activities strictly along the perimeter of the State (that includes the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central and South Asia), Iran, to the best of its own capabilities and the regime of international sanctions, establishes relations with many countries of the world, from members of the UN Security Council - Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China to the countries of Africa and Latin America. To promote its discourse on the international stage, Tehran uses a wide network of cultural, religious, educational and charitable organizations. This approach allows to win supporters and generate financial flows for the regional activities of the IRI around the world.
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Abdul Malik, Maifuza, and Riki Rahman. "Russia-Ukraine Relations After the Fall of the Soviet Union: From Minor Disputes to the Battlefield." Journal of Strategic Studies & International Affairs 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/sinergi.0302.2023.05.
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After the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine and Russia established good cooperation in various aspects despite some shifts in domestic issues. Ukraine adopted a policy of neutrality in its administration because it needed cooperation from various parties, including Russia and the West. However, everything changed when Ukraine expressed its desire to join NATO in 2008. This desire was welcomed by NATO but opposed by Russia, leading to an ongoing conflict with Ukraine, including the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of Donbas. This study aims to explain the development of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and identify the triggering factors between the two countries. The library method was used to gather secondary information from books, journals, reports, newspapers, and credible Internet sources. The study found that Russia's attack on Ukraine was driven by the need to ensure its survival and sovereignty against major powers such as the US and NATO, which were increasingly approaching the Eastern Europe region. The study also found two factors that triggered the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, namely internal and external factors. External factors such as the expansion of power and influence of the United States, the European Union, and NATO approaching Russia's borders, as well as Russia's geo-economic power beyond its borders, played a role in triggering the conflict. Meanwhile, internal factors include the presence of Russian elite groups that play a role in making important state decisions and Russia's formidable military capabilities.
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Riyanto, Budi, Darmansjah Djumala, and Youzhi Tan. "Indonesia’s Strategic Narrative on the New Dynamics of Great Power Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 11, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v11i1.9406.
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Given the rising political tensions between the two great powers, the United States (U.S.) and the People's Republic of China (PRC), a geopolitical shift to the Indo-Pacific region is critical momment in the 21st century. Ideological, economic, military and technological aspects of this new struggle appear to be sharpening. In the current geopolitical change in the Indo-Pacific, two concerns that have not received much attention are addressed in the research, namely the importance of strategic narrative competition in the global information era and the part played by Indonesia in terms of its strategic narratives as a nation in the center of Indo-Pacific geopolitics. By focusing on the interaction of each actor in projecting a story about the order in the new world system, encouraging actors to adapt to their identities and roles in the story, and enacting policies that are in line with their interests, strategic narrative studies have the potential to explore geopolitical issues more thoroughly. Indonesia positions itself actively in a strategic narrative construction that can compete, and create a strategic role that can be played in accordance with its interests rather than playing a passive role and only becoming a victim in the face of the strategic narrative contestation among the great powers. The strategic narrative of Indonesia as it relates to identity, policy, and system is specifically examined in the research. It also examines the role that Indonesia plays in the formulation and projection of the narratives, as well as how the narratives are received in the context of the emerging Indo-Pacific's geopolitical struggle. As a middle power, Indonesia offers a shared strategic narrative that promotes a goal of greater cooperation, hence reducing great power rivalry.
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Pikul, Hanna. "Conceptual field and essential characteristics of immigration in the context of modernity." Public administration aspects 8, no. 6 (December 30, 2020): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1520108.
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The author of the article, based on the study of the works of domestic and foreign scientists, generalized the study of the conceptual field of immigration. Indeed, over the past decades, Ukraine has become one of the largest suppliers of emigrants to Europe and the United States. At the same time, now the state policy of Ukraine is aimed at the development of immigration processes, which motivated the study of this phenomenon in the domestic science "Public Administration and Administration".The author also investigated the theoretical determination of the concept of "immigration", its characteristics according to various features: dynamics, scale and structure of immigration processes (the number of immigrants, their gender and age composition), factors of stimulating immigration, the characteristic features of the formation of the modern labor market and the directions of development of modern immigration processes.The author argues that many scientific works are devoted to the study of a wide range of issues of theoretical and applied aspects of labor migration. Recently, the issues of a comprehensive analysis of the current migration situation in Ukraine, assessment of the impact of migration on demographic and socio-economic development, forecasting migration of the population, ethnic composition of the population and factors of its dynamics have been studied. In connection with the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the military events in the East of Ukraine, which were caused by the aggressor country Russia (since 2014), the topic of not only internal migration of the Ukrainian population, but also the return of Donetsk residents from the CIS countries to Ukraine, has become relevant.The massive incidence of infectious coronavirus disease in humanity in 2020 posed new challenges to the government of Ukraine related to the immigration of our compatriots from foreign countries, which are introducing a strict quarantine regime amid the COVID-19 pandemic. According to the author, the study of the conceptual field and essential characteristics in the context of modernity is relevant, which determined the choice of the topic of the article.
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Alifiobono, Adeva, Syaiful Anam, and Kinanti Rizsa Sabilla. "Analisis Kebijakan Pemberian Bantuan Militer Amerika Serikat kepada Ukraina Selama Masa Invasi Rusia 2022." Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ijpss.v5i2.135.
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This study aims to analyze the policy of providing United States military assistance to Ukraine during the 2022 Russian invasion. The policy of the United States deciding to provide military assistance to Ukraine to help Ukraine resist the Russian invasion drew reactions from the international community as well as from Russia itself. This study aims to analyze this in the context of: exploring the types of assistance, the reasons & objectives behind policy making, and their implications for the relationship between the United States and Russia. This study will use the Rational Actor Model Theory to analyze the reasons behind the policy of granting military to Ukraine by the United States which has considered all available viewpoints, alternatives, and solutions so as to achieve the highest objectives of the policy. In looking at the goals to be achieved by the United States in policy making, the concept of national interest will provide insight into what the United States’ intended goals behind their policy of providing military assistance to Ukraine. The results indicate that the given aid is an investment whose benefits outweighs its costs, as well as the United States justifying their aid provision to Ukraine under defense, ideological and economic interests
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Timakova, Olga A. "China’s Relations with the Mediterranean States: Military and Political Aspects." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 700–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-700-711.
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China is one of the most influential non-regional actors in the Mediterranean. As of 2021, it is ranked among the top three trading partners of almost all Mediterranean states. Chinese foreign policy in the Mediterranean reflects the growing importance of geoeconomics and, in particular, economic instruments of foreign policy in Chinas foreign policy strategy. The intersection of the routes of the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Mediterranean basin indicates the regions high potential for the development of new logistics routes, economic corridors and supply chains. Despite significant impact of the coronavirus restrictions on the global economy and the deepest economic crisis seen in recent years, China has not reduced its global activity. Actually, it is the pandemic that can become an incentive for the development of new formats of cooperation within the Belt and Road in the Mediterranean. Chinas traditional foreign policy paradigm presupposes emphasis exclusively on economic interaction and non-involvement in political issues. De facto Chinas economic relations with the countries of the region are increasingly complicated by military and political issues. The article categorizes the main political and security issues that arise between China and partner countries in the Mediterranean region. While the discourse of human rights and sustainable development prevails in relations with Europe, the issues of ensuring security and managing regional instability come to the fore when dealing with the states of North Africa and the Middle East. Given Chinas growing economic needs, it is likely that in the medium term there will be a doctrinal formalization of Chinas role in the political process in the Mediterranean region.
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Reshetnikova, Liudmila. "Biden’s U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Military-Political Aspect." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2024): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.3.20.
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Introduction. This article examines the military-political aspect of the U.S. foreign policy of the Biden administration in the Central Asian region. Despite the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan in 2021, the role and international significance of Central Asia, as an area of competing interests of great powers, continue to be relevant for the United States. The strategic importance of Central Asia is determined by its natural resources and significant position in the structure of regional security in Eurasia. Methods and materials. The theory of regional complexes by B. Buzan and O. Waever is the conceptual basis of the article, in which threats of a geostrategic, military-political, and regional-economic nature determine the contours of modern security in Central Asia. Discourse analysis and quantitative data from international political indices made it possible to understand the priorities of U.S. foreign policy in the 2020s. Analysis. After the events of September 11, 2001, the United States attached optimal importance to the Central Asian region, whose states provided assistance to international forces and contributed to the anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan. In the 2010s, the organization of the C5+1 format marked a new stage in U.S. policy towards Central Asia. The military-political aspect of bilateral contacts in the 2020s was outlined in the “US Strategy for Central Asia 2019–2025: Strengthening Sovereignty and Economic Prosperity.” Within the framework of this document, foreign policy approaches to cooperation to ensure regional security in Central Asia were determined. Results. Based on the analysis of quantitative data, it can be argued that the principles of cooperation between the United States and the states of Central Asia are preserved. Military-political cooperation is focused on reducing terrorist threats in Central Asia and is implemented through mechanisms for strengthening security services to protect national borders, as well as foreign military sales, military financing, and education programs. The foreign policy strategy of the Biden administration is built on the priorities of implementing economic cooperation programs as opposed to the military-political aspect of bilateral relations.
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Perl, Raphael F. "United States International Drug Policy: Recent Developments and Issues." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 4 (1990): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166117.
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In a Nationally televised speech on 5 September 1989, President Bush outlined a comprehensive anti-drug program with both domestic and international dimensions. The objectives of this strategy, which was refined and submitted to the Congress on 25 January 1990, are to reduce the amount of cocaine, marijuana, heroin, and other dangerous drugs estimated to be entering the United States (a) by 15% within 2 years and (b) by 60% within 10 years.The strategy includes a number of international components which differ greatly from policies of previous years. New to the strategy are provisions which: (1) provide — for the first time — support for limited economic assistance to major cocaineproducing countries; (2) concentrate more on disrupting the activities of the trafficking organizations [i.e. on seizing processing labs, chemicals and assets] and less on disrupting the activities of farmers [i.e., crop eradication]; (3) encourage increased levels of Andean nation military involvement in counter-narcotics operations; and (4) provide for enhanced US military support to host nation counter-narcotics forces.
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GORDIENKO, D. V. "AFRICAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE US, PRC AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION (Part 1)." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 5, no. 11 (2020): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.11.05.023.
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The paper considers the assessment of the impact of the African component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Africa and other regions of the world. A comparison of the African component of the policy of the states of the “strategic triangle” Russia – China – United States can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the African component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current economic and military policy in the African region.
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Pape, Robert A. "Soft Balancing against the United States." International Security 30, no. 1 (July 2005): 7–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0162288054894607.
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The George W. Bush administration's national security strategy, which asserts that the United States has the right to attack and conquer sovereign countries that pose no observable threat, and to do so without international support, is one of the most aggressively unilateral U.S. postures ever taken. Recent international relations scholarship has wrongly promoted the view that the United States, as the leader of a unipolar system, can pursue such a policy without fear of serious opposition. The most consequential effect of the Bush strategy will be a fundamental transformation in how major states perceive the United States and how they react to future uses of U.S. power. Major powers are already engaging in the early stages of balancing behavior against the United States, by adopting “soft-balancing” measures that do not directly challenge U.S. military preponderance but use international institutions, economic statecraft, and diplomatic arrangements to delay, frustrate, and undermine U.S. policies. If the Bush administration continues to pursue aggressive unilateral military policies, increased soft balancing could establish the basis for hard balancing against the United States. To avoid this outcome, the United States should renounce the systematic use of preventive war, as well as other aggressive unilateral military policies, and return to its traditional policy governing the use of force-a case-by-case calculation of costs and benefits.