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Journal articles on the topic "United States – Military policy – Economic aspects"
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Marchese, Nathaniel. "Syrian Revolution and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy." Open Journal for Studies in History 7, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0701.01001m.
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This article offers a comprehensive examination of the Syrian Revolution (2011-present) and its profound impact on United States foreign policy. Specifically, this study delves into the military and economic involvement of the United States in the conflict, analyzing the responses of both President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump to the evolving crisis in Syria. Furthermore, the article critically compares and contrasts the implications and consequences of the Syrian Revolution to other post-9/11 conflicts, shedding light on the unique dynamics of this particular uprising. Through an extensive review of academic literature, policy reports, and primary sources, this study highlights the multifaceted nature of US engagement in the Syrian Revolution. It explores the strategic motivations behind the United States’ military intervention, including its objectives to counter terrorism, protect regional allies, and address the humanitarian crisis. Moreover, the economic aspects of US involvement, such as sanctions and aid, are analyzed to provide a holistic understanding of the United States’ role in shaping the trajectory of the Syrian Revolution. This article also presents a comparative analysis of the responses of President Obama and President Trump to the Syrian crisis, unveiling distinct shifts in US foreign policy approaches. It explores the diplomatic, military, and humanitarian strategies pursued by the two administrations and assesses their effectiveness in resolving the conflict and advancing US national interests. Finally, this study offers a nuanced comparison of the impact and ramifications of the Syrian Revolution in relation to other post-9/11 conflicts. By drawing on contextual factors, geopolitical considerations, and regional dynamics, it elucidates the unique challenges and opportunities that the Syrian Revolution has presented to US foreign policy. The findings of this article contribute to the scholarly understanding of the Syrian Revolution and its underlying implications for US foreign policy. They also offer policymakers and analysts valuable insights into the complex interplay between domestic and international factors shaping US responses to conflicts in the Middle East and beyond.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "USA — China: Strategic balance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 4 (2022): 390–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.403.
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This article examines the current state of the US-China strategic balance — both military and economic aspects of the latter. This balance, however, is not changing in favor of the United States. Currently, China is the largest economy in the world, and economic ties with China are too important for US partners and allies to break off trade and economic ties with China to please Washington. More importantly, the rapid growth of China’s military-technical potential in recent years has led to radical changes in the balance of power in the western Pacific. Washington has lost its former absolute military superiority in the coastal areas of the PRC, and in the event of a large-scale armed US-Chinese conflict in the Taiwan area or in the South China Sea, American losses will be enormous, and the United States will not be able to achieve a decisive victory during this conflict. Under these conditions, the American ruling elite is united in the fact that without a system of anti-Chinese alliances, which should unite both the countries of the Indo-Pacific region and countries outside the ITR, China’s containment is impossible. The Biden administration continued Trump’s policy of building a “sanitary cordon” around China with the involvement of extra-regional actors in this construction. We are talking about the creation of a military-political alliance AUKUS, which includes Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The purpose of this alliance is to counter China in the disputed areas of the South China Sea. It is concluded that the formation of such a system of alliances is difficult to achieve — and it’s not just that the partners and allies of the United States are too interested in maintaining trade and economic ties with China to participate in the creation of an anti-Chinese “sanitary cordon”. China’s strategic isolation is impossible if Russia cannot be brought into the anti-Chinese system of alliances. At present, however, China has a solid rear in the form of a growing Russian-Chinese partnership and cooperation. The actions of the United States and its allies, which Moscow and Beijing view as threatening and provocative (NATO expansion to the East; American block-building in the ITR) could not but lead to a serious revision by the Russian and Chinese leadership of military cooperation between the two powers.
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Prikhodchenko, A., and A. Tokarev. "The Influence of China and the United States on the Secession of Taiwan in 2016–2024: Quantification of Factors of Involvement." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 7 (2024): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-7-102-117.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of relations in the China-Taiwan-USA triangle, from the point of view of the theory of the multidirectional development of two aspects of statehood under the secession of the island: status and stateness. The authors give an answer to the question of what pressure US and China provide on the status and solvency of Taiwan in 2016–2022, analyzing military, political, economic and demographic factors through their qualitative analysis and quantification. Military variables include the facts of the flag demonstration on the territory of Taiwan and the supply of weapons, economic variables include the volume of imports and exports, trade in goods strategically important for the island’s economy, the volume of FDI, passenger and sea traffic, and the number of flights. The visits of officials, the recognition of Taiwanese documents are political variables, as well as the specifics of political communication – this meant the characteristics of unofficial contacts between Beijing and Washington with the island in a particular year. Among the variables of human capital, the number of Taiwanese students studying on the mainland and in the United States and the number of passport holders stand out. Since the authors are interested in the dynamics of Taiwan’s relations with the United States and China, static indicators were not included in the object of analysis: the presence of embassies, deterministic legal recognition. Within the framework of the work, a comprehensive approach is presented, simultaneously considering Taiwan’s involvement in relations with the United States and China. According to the results of the analysis, it is recorded that Beijing exerts the greatest pressure on the state solvency and status of the island in terms of economic and demographic aspects of interaction. In turn, the United States supports Taipei on the political and military trade track. It is predicted that China will not reintegrate Taiwan militarily in the absence of escalation by the island or the United States (unilateral recognition of independence). The Chinese strategy assumes the smooth involvement of Taiwan with economic, international-political, infrastructural instruments, the reaction to Nancy Pelosi’s visit does not mean weakness of the leadership. In addition, the Chinese foreign policy and military culture does not imply drastic actions.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Grigoriev, M. N., I. A. Maksimtsev, and S. A. Uvarov. "Improvement of Supply Chain Management in the United States as a Strategic Direction for the Economic Policy of the Biden-Harris Administration." Economics and Management 27, no. 11 (November 30, 2021): 850–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/1998-1627-2021-11-850-857.
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Aim. The presented study aims to analyze changes in the economic and political systems of the United States associated with the transformation of approaches to supply chain regulation.Tasks. The authors identify the specific aspects of regulating social, economic, political, and other processes in the United States through presidential executive directives; assess the extent to which issues related to supply chain management are reflected in executive directives; analyze the specific features of supply chain management regulation in the United States in the BidenHarris administration.Methods. This study uses general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization, etc.) as well as special methods such as content analysis, economic and political analysis, and scenario modeling.Results. The study makes it evident that in the United States great attention is paid to supply chain management issues at the national level, and this is reflected in presidential executive directives. Activity in this area has increased significantly in the Biden-Harris administration. All key ministries are becoming involved in supply chain management, with an emphasis on ensuring national and economic security and maintaining the political, military, and economic leadership of the United States in the world.Conclusions. The economy and politics of the United States continue to play an important role in the development of mankind. Investigation of the emerging specific trends in these areas helps to adequately respond to future changes. The executive directives of the US President serve as a meaningful source of information about such trends. Their analysis shows that the Biden-Harris administration seeks to highlight the improvement of supply chain management in the United States as one of the strategic directions of the implemented policy.
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Velikaya, Anna, Aleksandr Nevmerzhickij, and Tatiana Slokvenko. "The US humanitarian policy in the Middle East in promoting “rules-based” world order." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 16, no. 2 (2023): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.202.
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The purpose of this article is to study the evolution, current state and prospects for the development of US humanitarian policy in the Middle East in accordance with US regional priorities. It notes that humanitarian policy is a key tool for advancing US foreign policy and economic priorities. While it appears to be a value orientation for external audiences, in fact it relies on intertwined political and military-strategic aspects to advance the American concept of world order. The paper outlines the growing importance of humanitarian policy: from a narrow understanding as a crisis response to defining it as one of the main foreign policy instruments. The interrelation of political and military-strategic factors influencing the development of the US humanitarian policy in the Middle East is revealed. Based on the analysis of the essence and content of the concept of humanitarian policy, the trends in the development of the regional humanitarian policy of the United States for the future are presented. It is concluded that the American economic system and high technologies are attractive to the Middle Eastern audience, but the “rules-based world order” promoted by the United States through the created crises is not so positively perceived by it. The US humanitarian policy in the region is able to adapt to the changing imperatives of the time, but at the moment it is not capable of rethinking the changing international status of the United States in the emerging polycentric system of the world order. The methodological basis of the research is the method of system analysis, as well as the synthesis of information contained in official documents, scientific, reference and periodical literature on the topic under study and their generalization based on personal experience of theoretical and practical work in the field of humanitarian cooperation.
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Savel'ev, A. "US Security Policy: Shift towards China." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2014): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-8-5-13.
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The article focuses on the main aspects of the US rebalancing towards Asia Pacific which was declared by President Obama in November 2011. The examination of numerous US official and non-official documents shows that practically all US activities in this direction are connected with rapid economic and military growth of China. The United States are mostly concerned about Chinese attempts to transfer its economic strength into political influence and military strength which expand fare beyond the present frontiers. A number of examples of Chinese “unacceptable behavior” are given, such as: aggressive way of resolving its maritime disputes with neighbors; rejection of multilateral approach to such problems; China’s “cyber-activities” in the field of large scale cyber-espionage; military modernization aimed to limit the US free access to the region; the development of advanced short- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, counter-space weapons and military cyberspace capabilities. The article also analyses the main implementation stages of this new American policy, and the role of the US Congress in formulating it. The positions of different US Agencies are also under consideration, including the position of the US Treasury, State Department and Defense Department. The author comes to a conclusion that a number of serious limitations and difficulties exist on the way of the US security interests promotion into the region. As for the position of Russian Federation, it is suggested that Russia can become one of important participants in resolution of security problems in the region. At the same time possible benefits may be gained if Russia managed to preserve the “equal distance” from the main players in the region – China and the US. But if the situation demands to make a clear choice, Russia will most probably take the Chinese side, regarding the present state of the US-Russian relations.
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Delong, Marek, Jacek Dworzecki, Izabela Szkurłat, and Andrzej Żebrowski. "International space security of the third decade of the twenty-first century (selected aspects)." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 21, no. 4 (December 28, 2023): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2023.4.8.
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The beginning of the 21st century saw many complex phenomena, events and processes with diverse backgrounds shaping the new order related to international security after the breakdown of the bipolar division of the world. Despite the ongoing euphoria, the time of transition has been a string of military and non-military conflicts, whose participants have fought for dominance in the international security environment and for leadership in the global security space. The three main actors: The United States, China and Russia are pursuing their partisan goal, which is dominion in the global security space. The U.S. policy, which is aimed at confrontation, both with Russia and China is noteworthy. This conflict is present in the political, economic, military and scientific-technical spheres, as in the cases of China, which is a leader in access to artificial intelligence. The world is watching the Russia-Ukraine armed conflict. Each side has opponents and supporters. The conflict is affecting international political, economic and military relations. This complex and unpredictable situation is accompanied by a global information war, with participants pointing to their particular political goals. The global security space is evolving, but will politicians be able to make rational decisions so as not to cross the tipping point?"
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Kim, Ki-Su. "South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p25.
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The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Khidhir, Zainaddin M. "US Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 3 (2021): 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182.
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Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States – Military policy – Economic aspects"
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Breton, Steven Daniel. "Imperial sunset : grand strategies of hegemons in relative decline." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26724.
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This thesis investigates the economic and military policies hegemons pursue while experiencing relative decline. Based upon the rising costs of leadership associated with hegemony, this thesis establishes that both systemic and domestic environments equally influence the hegemon's policy-making. Furthermore, the paper contends that hegemons do practice strategic planning during relative decline, in an effort to adjust its commitments and resources to the environment. Relative success or failure in maintaining the international system and thus adjusting for decline depends on how decision-makers compensate for two prevailing variables: threat of challengers and availability of allies. This study offers a predictive theoretical model for interpreting the dynamics of grand strategy formulation, compensating for the influences of the domestic environment three historical case studies, the Dutch Republic, Britain and the United States, test the accuracy and validity of the model. This thesis finds that periods of strong leadership, void of threat, while augmented by external balancing best support a hegemon's relative decline.
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Darnell, Karen M. "Analysis of weather forecast impacts on United States Air Force combat operations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FDarnell.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Meteorology)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Tom Murphree, David Smarsh. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-99). Also available online.
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Solomon, Russell Keith. "The role of Japan in United States strategic policy for Northeast Asia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25529.
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The role of Japan in any U.S. strategic policy will be decided from the outcome of two debates. These two debates, the Japanese security policy debate and the American strategic policy debate, have been conducted within the leading groups of each country. The debates, both independently and at their points of interaction, illustrate the dynamic nature of the problem of forecasting the kind of security role Japan will perform in any future American strategic policy for the Northeast Asian region.
Against a background of a Soviet regional military build-up and increasingly strident American calls for Japan to improve its defence capabilities, the Japanese debate signals a growing consensus for an enhanced security role. However, this trend must be severely qualified by the enduring impact of certain constitutional, political and economic constraints upon security policy-making. The importance that certain leading Japanese groups give to the domestic determinants of policy seems to have been discounted by many leading Americans.
Any enhancement of Japan's security role must be accommodated by the Japanese domestic political environment; an environment which retains strong pacifist sentiments. The recent movement towards a military alliance between the two countries needs to be balanced against the continuing relevance that a good proportion of leading Japanese and the Japanese public hold for a minimum defence posture supported by the American security commitment, as embodied in the U.S.-Japan treaty.
The American strategic policy debate is concerned with two main policy arguments. The unilateralist/maritime supremacy argument sees the world in essentially bipolar terms and seeks to augment American power so as to be able to overcome a potential enemy, solely through the use of U.S. power. The coalition/defence argument views the world in multipolar terms and believes that deterrence against an enemy should suffice and that this can best be achieved through the utilization and management of allied as well as American forces.
The examination of the policy arguments within each of the debates reveals that each is in an insufficiently developed stage to greatly assist our predictions as to Japan's future security role in any American strategic policy. Arguments that Japan is willing to accept specific regional security are easily countered by equally valid ones which foresee no direct security role within any American strategic policy of the near future.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Mark, Heather Randall Crystal Jill. "The role of United States foreign policy in global adoption of democratic governance." Auburn, Ala., 2005. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2005/SPRING/Political_Science/Dissertation/MARK_HEATHER_25.pdf.
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Roth, Richard A. "Sustainable development: political/ideological aspects and implications for planning." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/39119.
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Recent evidence of widespread environmental degradation and global changes resulting from human activities have revived a debate about the sustainability of the progress of human welfare that began at least 200 years ago. In this renewed debate, the seriousness and causes of environmental degradation are subject to widely divergent interpretations. There are many conceivable sustainable futures; the most important differences among them are not technical but political and ideological.
The practice of environmental planning is concerned with a wide variety of contexts and situations at the human-environment interface. Because land use is at the root of many of the problems of environmental degradation (e.g., habitat destruction, air pollution, water pollution), land use planning is an appropriate focus for consideration of the role of environmental planning in sustainable development.
Planning as a profession, with its inherent future orientation and focus on public values, is well situated to deal with the kinds of problems raised in the discourse regarding sustainability. Examination of mainstream land use planning practices, however, reveals a reactive, reformist incrementalism that responds to environmental degradation caused by growth, but that addresses neither its causes nor its dynamics. Mainstream land use planning approaches have attempted to resolve conflicts between development and environment through spatial solutions at various scales. The need to plan for ecological sustainability is difficult to reconcile with the democratic ideal of local self-determination.
Many alternative approaches to land use planning for sustainable development focus on design solutions. The requirements of sustainability are not merely technical, however. There are both emancipatory possibilities and their opposite in sustainability. Implementing sustainability offers planners a number of choices.
They can act as mediators, demystifyers of technical information, exposers of hidden ideological assumptions, and advocates. They can strengthen existing authority, or work towards an enlightened self-determination at the local level.Ph. D.
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Baum, Chris W. "Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.
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One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.
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Clyne, Steven S. "The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.
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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the
determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t
America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never
believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem
fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad
witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of
communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based
economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was
th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War.
Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based
exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing
economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan
appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States,
alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into
the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from
Kuwait.
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Palmedo, P. Christopher. "Equality, Trust and Universalism in Europe, Canada and the United States: Implications for Health Care Policy." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1929.
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A number of theoretical explanations seek to describe the factors that have led to the position of the United States as the last industrialized Western nation without a universal health care program. Theories focus on institutional arrangement, historic precedent, and the influence of the private sector and market forces. This study explores another factor: the role of underlying social values. The research examines differences in values among ten European countries, the United States and Canada, and analyzes the associations between the values that have been seen to contribute the individualism-collectivism dynamic in the United States. The hypothesis that equality and generalized trust are positively associated with universalism is only partially true. Equality is positively associated (B = .301, p < .001), while generalized trust is negatively associated with universalism (B = -.052, p < .001). Not only do Americans show lower levels of support for income equality and universalism than Europeans, but the effect of being American holds even after controlling for socio-demographic and religious variables (B = .044, p < .01). When the model tests the association of equality and trust on universalism in each region, it explains approximately 17 percent of the variance of universalism for the United States, and approximately 13 percent in Europe and Canada.
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Nelson, Eric G. "The effects of the Federal Communications Commission Registration Program of 1977 on the domestic industry producing telecommunications equipment." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101247.
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The effects of the Federal Communications Commission Registration Program of 1977 on the structure of the domestic telecommunications equipment producing industry was evaluated. Econometric analysis and anecdotal evidence were used as the foundation for the investigation.
The major hypothesis of the paper was that the FCC Registration Program of 1977 changed the structure of the telecommunications equipment producing industry from a monopoly to an industry characterized by competition. This resulted in a change in the equilibrium price and output in the market place with price decreasing and output increasing.
The three major component subsectors, i.e., transmission equipment, switching equipment, and customer premises equipment (CPE) were discussed individually and collectively to determine any differential effects. This was particularly relevant because the FCC Registration Program focussed on CPE.
Empirically, the central hypothesis was supported. Also, differential effects in the various subsectors were found.M.A.
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Kurdi, Ammr. "Regulation and Political Costs in the Oil and Gas Industry: An Investigation of Discretion in Reporting Earnings and Oil and Gas Reserves Estimates." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30481/.
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This study investigates the use of discretion by oil and gas companies in reporting financial performance and oil and gas reserve estimates during times of high political scrutiny resulting from increases in energy prices. Hypotheses tested in prior literature state that companies facing the risk of increasing taxes or new regulations reduce reported earnings to reduce this risk. This study uses a measure of high profitability (rank order of return on assets relative to industry peers) to identify oil and gas companies more likely to manage earnings during the period from 2002 to 2008. Two measures of discretionary accruals (total and current discretionary accruals), and a measure of discretionary depreciation, depletion, and amortization (DDA) were used as indicators of discretion exercised in reporting earnings. Data on oil and gas reserve disclosures was also hand-collected from Forms 10-K to investigate whether managers use reserve estimate revisions to reduce reported earnings through increasing the annual depletion expense. Results suggest that both oil and gas refining and producing firms use negative discretionary accruals to reduce reported earnings. Results also indicate that profitability is an important determinant of the use of negative discretionary accruals by these companies regardless of the time period examined. There is also evidence that oil and gas producing firms opportunistically revise their oil and gas reserve estimates to increase depreciation, depletion, and amortization expense during periods of high oil prices.
Books on the topic "United States – Military policy – Economic aspects"
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Clarke, Diane J. Economics and national security. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.
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Wayne, Sandholtz, and Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy., eds. The Highest stakes: The economic foundations of the next security system. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute and Army War College (U.S.). Press, eds. Strategic retrenchment and renewal in the American experience. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2014.
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M, Abshire David, Harrison Stanley 1930-, Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington, D.C.), and Potomac Foundation, eds. Defense economics for the 1990's: Resources, strategies, and options : a report. Washington, D.C: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1989.
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1953-, Mintz Alex, ed. The Political economy of military spending in the United States. London: Routledge, 1992.
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W, Goodwin Craufurd D., ed. Economics and national security: A history of their interaction. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press, 1991.
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Schulz, Donald E. The United States and Latin America: Shaping an elusive future. [Carlisle Barracks, Pa.]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2000.
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United States. Congressional Budget Office., ed. The Army of the nineties: How much will it cost? Washington, D.C: Congress of the U.S., Congressional Budget Office, 1986.
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Kaufmann, William W. Decisions for defense: Prospects for a new order. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution, 1991.
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United States. Congress. Office of Technology Assessment, ed. After the cold war: Living with lower defense spending : summary. Washington, D.C: Congress of the U.S., Office of Technology Assessment, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "United States – Military policy – Economic aspects"
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Dietrich, Christopher R. W. "Suez and the United States: Oil, Lifelines, and “All of Mankind” in the Cold War." In Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security, 71–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15670-0_4.
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AbstractThis chapter analyzes the rhetoric and policy of U.S. officials regarding oil and the Suez Canal during the early Cold War. When William J. Casey warned experts that the 1970s energy crisis was “a strategy of progressive strangulation” and that American military power was the best response, he drew on a decades-long set of beliefs that identified the Suez Canal as an artery for the economic health of “the West.” According to that perspective—which took root after World War II and drew on earlier strategic discourses of the British Empire—the supply of cheap oil was crucial to the political-economic health and national security of the capitalist world. Beginning with the threat of economic nationalism and the creation of the concepts of a “world oil market” and interdependence, that powerfully ingrained perception is critical to our understanding of twentieth century international history.
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Chiavacci, David. "Navigating and Riding the Double Bind of Economic and Political Hedging: Japan and the US-China Strategic Competition." In China-US Competition, 221–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_9.
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AbstractJapan finds itself in a double bind. On the one hand, the United States (US) has been a committed military ally, guaranteeing the national security of Japan since 1952. Any discussion of abandonment by the US sends shockwaves throughout the conservative security establishment of Japan. On the other hand, the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has transformed it into the most important trade partner of Japan, by far. Japan is interested in a continued expansion of the PRC economy. This paper analyzes the foreign economic policy of Japan and the security policy of the conservative, LDP-led governments under the leadership of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe (2012–2020) and his successors in this complex interplay of international relations and national politics.
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Tucker, Paul. "Geoeconomics within Geopolitics." In Global Discord, 107–18. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691229317.003.0004.
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This chapter covers the correlation between geoeconomics and geopolitics. It highlights how geoeconomics suffuses the tense relationship between the United States and China. According to Carl von Clausewitz, geoeconomics is the conduct of competitive foreign policy by economic means, so it must be distinguished from military and political action designed to reap economic benefit. The deployment of economic instruments, such as sanctions, tariffs, and other trade barriers, primarily defines geoeconomic policy. The chapter then considers the nature and nurture aspects of geoeconomic capabilities alongside their vulnerabilities. It also considers four broad scenarios that raise issues such as international institutions fitting with domestic governance.
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Deudney, Daniel, and Jeffrey Meiser. "2. American exceptionalism." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0002.
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This chapter examines how America can be described as different and exceptional. The belief in American exceptionalism is based upon a number of core realities, including American military primacy, economic dynamism, and political diversity. Understanding understanding American exceptionalism is essential for understanding not only U.S. foreign policy but also major aspects of contemporary world politics. The chapter first considers the meaning of exceptionalism, the critics of American exceptionalism, and the roots of American success. It then discusses the liberalism that makes the United States exceptional, along with peculiar American identity formations of ethnicity, religion, and ‘race’. It also explores the role of American exceptionality across the five major epochs of American foreign policy, from the nation’s founding to the present. It concludes by reflecting on the significance of the election of Barack Obama as president in 2008 to the story of American exceptionalism, difference, and peculiar Americanism.
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Murray, Michelle. "Conclusion." In The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, 191–224. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.003.0008.
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This chapter summarizes the book’s main argument, outlines its contribution to international relations scholarship, and applies the argument to current debates about the rise of China. Two positions dominate current debates about US foreign policy and the rise of China: engagement, which calls for integrating China deeply into the global economy and institutional architecture of the international order; and containment, which sees security competition as an inevitable outgrowth of Chinese power, and calls for the United States to preemptively increase its military presence in the region. This chapter argues that by focusing narrowly on China’s economic and military interests, the current debate misses an important aspect of China’s rise because it fails to consider the social motivations of rising great powers. Building on the core argument of this book, it suggests that only by accepting China’s recognition-claims can the United States facilitate China’s peaceful rise. The chapter concludes by exploring how the United States might navigate a foreign policy that both approaches China as a recognized partner in leading the international order and also protects its regional and global interests—and if such recognition is even possible.
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"Defense Budgeting, Fiscal Policy, and Economic Performance." In The Political Economy of Military Spending in the United States, 227–47. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203221648-15.
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Markowitz, Jonathan N. "The United States’ Arctic Foreign Policy." In Perils of Plenty, 125–53. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078249.003.0006.
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Chapter 6 examines how the United States, the most powerful production-oriented Arctic state, responded to the revelation of Arctic resources. If capabilities drive intentions, then the United States should project the most power to the region. However, if economic structure influences states’ preferences, as this book argues, then Washington should be more interested in securing access to markets and less concerned with seeking control over Arctic resources. This chapter provides a detailed account of the impact the United States’ production-based economy and broad governing coalition had on its Arctic foreign policy. Compared with the other Arctic states, the United States invested far less in bolstering its existing Arctic bases and icebreakers. In line with the book’s core predictions, the United States’ domestic political economy best explains Washington’s reluctance to make greater Arctic commitments and a concomitant lack of substantial investment in increasing the United States’ Arctic military presence throughout multiple administrations.
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Richardson, Mark. "United States Military Assistance to India: A Study of Economic Pressure—November 1963-November 1964." In Economic Coercion and U.S. Foreign Policy, 155–71. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429048876-9.
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Valentine, Scott. "Wind Power in the United States." In Wind Power Politics and Policy. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199862726.003.0009.
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There is a lot of money on the line in America’s energy sector and where there is money, there is politics. In 2011, Exxon reported revenues of US$486 billion and after-tax profits of US$41 billion. Only 27 nations generated more GDP than Exxon generated in revenues. As of 2011, Exxon reported over US$214 billion invested into property, plant, and equipment. In short, there are a lot of sunk costs to defend. In the coal sector, America’s Peabody Energy, which is the world’s largest private sector coal company, posted US$8.077 billion in revenue in 2012. Understandably, America’s energy sector is one of the most hotly contested marketplaces in the world and in this marketplace, fossil fuel interests rule the roost. On the other hand, 9/11 and the ensuing military response have engendered a change in the ideological underpinnings of American energy security efforts. Even conservative factions that have typically supported a free trade energy policy have now begun to talk about the importance of ensuring control over domestic energy security. One study by Oak Ridge National Laboratory estimated that between 1970 and 2004, American dependence on foreign oil has cost the country $5.6–$14.6 trillion. This reflects both the cost of the oil and the direct economic consequences of macroeconomic shocks and transfers of wealth. Another more recent study estimated that oil dependence in the United States exceeded US$500 billion for 2008 alone. These claims are supported by trade data. The United States purchases more than 60% of its oil from foreign sources each year and the cost of petroleum products is the single largest contributor—48%—to the country’s US$700 billion trade deficit. Supply costs aside, one study recently concluded that the military costs in the Persian Gulf needed to protect oil assets and infrastructure range from US$50 billion to $100 billion per year; a second, independent study put the figure at between US$29 billion and $80 billion per year. The United States is spending billions each year to protect a supply chain that is in part responsible for financing terrorist activities such as the 2001 attack on New York’s World Trade Center buildings.
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Peters, Enrique Dussel. "Mexico–United States–China." In China, The United States, and the Future of Latin America, edited by David B. H. Denoon. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479899289.003.0005.
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Mexico and the United States share a long history of political, military, social, immigration, cultural and economic relations. Mexico has been among the three main trading partners of the US in recent decades, while the US has been the top trading partner of Mexico since statistics have been available. This chapter examines the “new triangular relationship” between the US, Mexico, and China, particularly from a Mexican perspective. With the global reemergence of China since the last decade of the 20th century, the relationship between Mexico and the US has substantially shifted in a variety of ways. The analysis first focuses on the general socioeconomic triangular relationship of Mexico with the US and China, based on a literature review; issues involving Chinese trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), are highlighted, as well as the overall relationship of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China. The next section discusses topics concerning this triangular relationship that are currently being analyzed in Mexico, particularly regarding China. The final part of the analysis concentrates on the main characteristics of this “new triangular relationship,” policy questions, and future research issues.
Conference papers on the topic "United States – Military policy – Economic aspects"
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Grigalashvili, Vephkhvia, and Khatuna Abiashvili. "CONCEPTUAL REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE ARCHITECTURE: POLICY, LAW AND ADMINISTRATION." In Proceedings of the XXVIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25042021/7522.
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The United States` Critical Infrastructure System (CIs) represents an umbrella concept grouping all those resources that are essential for national economic, financial, and social system. These critical infrastructures are vital and without them, or with any damages to them, would cripple the nation, states, and/or local communities and tribes. Based on a systematic review approach (methodology), this paper aims to review the United States’ Critical Infrastructure Protection System (USCIPS) at tree aspects. In section one, the policy pillars of USCIPS are outlined based on studding Presidential Policy Directive 21 (PPD-21) and National Infrastructure Protection Plan (NIPP). Section two discusses the interdependent nature of the sixteen critical infrastructure sectors and identified the further designation of life-line sectors. Final sector introduces USCIPS stakeholders, collaboration and partnership across between the private sector and public sector stakeholders.
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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.
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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.
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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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DuBoff, Scott M. "Alternative Financing for Enhanced Environmental Protection: The Intersection of Waste-to-Energy Technology and Solid Waste Flow Control Authority." In 17th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec17-2343.
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When local governments evaluate the environmental benefits and costs of alternatives for managing non-recyclable municipal solid waste, the relative costs of modern waste-to-energy (WTE) technology can be a significant stumbling block despite WTE technology’s environmental benefits. Although the preceding point is an important economic reality that has constrained WTE development in the United States, fortunately there is a highly effective means — the use of municipal solid waste “flow control” (or “facility designation”) authority — to overcome WTE’s perceived cost disadvantage. The relationship between flow control and WTE development, including significant encouragement for use of flow control as a result of the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent decision in United Haulers Association v. Oneida-Herkimer Solid Waste Management Authority, 127 S.Ct. 1786 (2007), is the focus of this paper, which will address the following topics: Policy Basis for Flow Control — Absent government intervention, management of municipal solid waste will seek the lowest cost (i.e., short-term cost) and frequently less environmentally protective alternatives. Flow control can counter the tendency to choose alternatives with lower short-term costs and at the same time facilitate implementation of the environmentally-preferable waste management alternatives a local government selects, such as WTE technology and other aspects of “integrated waste management.” Flow Control and the Courts — While the authority of a given local government to use flow control is grounded in state law, flow control also implicates matters that arise under federal law, such as Commerce Clause issues, given the possibility that solid waste regulation in one state can affect commercial interests in solid waste management in another state. Although concerns regarding claims of impact on interstate commerce prompted a negative Supreme Court response to flow control in C&A Carbone, Inc. v. Town of Clarkstown, 511 U.S. 383 (1994), the Court’s decision 13 years later in the Oneida-Herkimer case was in many ways just the opposite. WTE’s Correlation with Flow Control and Practical Guideposts — WTE development can be significantly advanced by the use of flow control. That conclusion is borne out by empirical data. The concluding portion of this paper addresses that topic as well as corollary issues, such as public-private collaboration for WTE development and other practical guideposts for implementing flow control ordinances.
Reports on the topic "United States – Military policy – Economic aspects"
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Szabó, Péter Bálint. Japan’s Posture in a Potential Taiwan Conflict. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2023.01.
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This paper explores Japan’s position in relation to Taiwan including Japanese policy options in different potential conflict scenarios around the island. Japan has a substantial stake in the conflict, given its economic ties to China and Taiwan, energy security, and its military alliance with the United States. In recent years, Japan’s deterrence capabilities were greatly enhanced by the reinterpretation of its constitution in 2014, as well as the development of its military capabilities. Regardless of its pacifist heritage, its geographic proximity and diplomatic as well as security relations make Japan an innate part of any conflict over the fate of Taiwan. The main conclusion is that these factors, as well as its vital economic and strategic interests make the Japanese position not radically different from other countries reacting to similar crises.
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Marchini, Geneviève Marthe Marie. Working paper PUEAA No. 16. The US exit from Afghanistan. Reverberation across Latin America. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Programa Universitario de Estudios sobre Asia y África, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/pueaa.001r.2023.
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In this paper, I aim to analyze which direct or indirect implications the US withdrawal from Afghanistan had for Latin America, especially in the economic sphere, an aspect less addressed. My point is that there were few direct economic effects, due to the lack of relevance of trade and investment links between Afghanistan and Latin American countries, but the consequences of the US exit reverberated through the global system and through its real and potential effects on topics of common interest. As peripheral and semi-peripheral countries, and despite the absence of international wars in the region, several Latin American countries share with Afghanistan aspects of an insertion in the global economy which includes illicit activities or activities at the margins of legality, like the production, transit and exports of drugs, or the privatization of war, or are affected by the struggles between the great powers, especially the United States and China. The paper is organized as follows: in a first section we briefly introduce the Afghan economy and show the weak links it maintains with Latin America. The second section discusses some immediate reactions to the US withdrawal in Latin America and examines one of its direct effects, related to the participation of Colombian military personnel and former soldiers in Afghanistan. The third section deals with the reverberations of the US exit on the “war on drugs,”, which involves several Latin American countries as well as Afghanistan, and the fourth section approaches the possible impacts on the international infrastructure initiatives in both regions. The last section concludes.
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Kimhi, Ayal, Barry Goodwin, Ashok Mishra, Avner Ahituv, and Yoav Kislev. The dynamics of off-farm employment, farm size, and farm structure. United States Department of Agriculture, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2006.7695877.bard.
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Objectives: (1) Preparing panel data sets for both the United States and Israel that contain a rich set of farm attributes, such as size, specialization, and output composition, and farmers’ characteristics such as off-farm employment status, education, and family composition. (2) Developing an empirical framework for the joint analysis of all the endogenous variables of interest in a dynamic setting. (3) Estimating simultaneous equations of the endogenous variables using the panel data sets from both countries. (4) Analyzing, using the empirical results, the possible effects of economic policies and institutional changes on the dynamics of the farm sector. An added objective is analyzing structural changes in farm sectors in additional countries. Background: Farm sectors in developed countries, including the U.S. and Israel, have experienced a sharp decline in their size and importance during the second half of the 20th century. The overall trend is towards fewer and larger farms that rely less on family labor. These structural changes have been a reaction to changes in technology, in government policies, and in market conditions: decreasing terms of trade, increasing alternative opportunities, and urbanization pressures. As these factors continue to change, so does the structure of the agricultural sector. Conclusions: We have shown that all major dimensions of structural changes in agriculture are closely interlinked. These include farm efficiency, farm scale, farm scope (diversification), and off-farm labor. We have also shown that these conclusions hold and perhaps even become stronger whenever dynamic aspects of structural adjustments are explicitly modeled using longitudinal data. While the results vary somewhat in the different applications, several common features are observed for both the U.S. and Israel. First, the trend towards the concentration of farm production in a smaller number of larger farm enterprises is likely to continue. Second, at the micro level, increased farm size is negatively associated with increased off-farm labor, with the causality going both ways. Third, the increase in farm size is mostly achieved by diversifying farm production into additional activities (crops or livestock). All these imply that the farm sector converges towards a bi-modal farm distribution, with some farms becoming commercial while the remaining farm households either exit farming altogether or continue producing but rely heavily on off-farm income. Implications: The primary scientific implication of this project is that one should not analyze a specific farm attribute in isolation. We have shown that controlling for the joint determination of the various farm and household attributes is crucial for obtaining meaningful empirical results. The policy implications are to some extent general but could be different in the two countries. The general implication is that farm policy is an important determinant of structural changes in the farm sector. For the U.S., we have shown the different effects of coupled and decoupled (direct) farm payments on the various farm attributes, and also shown that it is important to take into account the joint farm-household decisions in order to conduct a meaningful policy analysis. Only this kind of analysis explains the indirect effect of direct farm payments on farm production decisions. For Israel, we concluded that farm policy (or lack of farm policy) has contributed to the fast structural changes we observed over the last 25 years. The sharp change of direction in farm policy that started in the early 1980s has accelerated structural changes that could have been smoother otherwise. These accelerated structural changes most likely lead to welfare losses in rural areas.