Journal articles on the topic 'United States – History, Military – To 1900'

In response to the Klondike gold rush, the U.S. Army established isolated forts throughout Alaska. Between 1900 and 1905, the Signal Corps connected those posts with each other and with the contiguous United States by means of the Washington-Alaska Military Cable and Telegraph System (WAMCATS). A significant logistical and technological achievement, the system of thousands of miles of suspended landlines and underwater cable included the first successful long-distance radio operation in the world. The first physical link between the United States and Alaska, the telegraph was also the first major contribution to Alaskan infrastructure provided by the federal government, marking the beginning of the government's central role in the development of Alaska.

Despite speculations long back in history, heavier-than air flight made its breakthrough during the first decade of the 20th century, based on the designs and practical experiments of at first a handful of constructors in Europe and the United States. Already by early 1911, the activities of several thousand aviators, including the constructors of airplanes, attracted not only wide public attention but also the interest of military establishments. The article analyzes significant data – nationality, profession, military rank, date and location of certification, location of airplane operations, domestic and foreign airplane types, and fatalities – for 13 369 constructors and aviators from 51 countries worldwide who were active between 1900 and 1914. Added to this group are the constructors of helicopters, ornithopters, gliders, and other flying apparatuses, resulting in a total of 14 142 individuals.

Conflicts over citizenship and military service became a central issue in Italian-American relations in the early twentieth century. The United States and Italy founded their concepts of citizenship on two different bases, jus soli and jus sanguinis. As a consequence of this difference and the swelling number of Italian immigrants naturalized in America, the two governments' policies about naturalization and military service collided until 1918. The Italian government's policy put Italian Americans' loyalty to the United States in jeopardy, especially for men who wished to return to Italy for business or educational purposes. Thus, the study of Italian Americans' experiences in the context of the policies of both countries illustrates a key aspect of the relationship between the United States and Italy, both in terms of social experience and public policy.

Let us keep a place where real research men can find quiet, keen intellectual stimulation, freedom from any outside distraction." This was the response of a prominent North American naturalist opposed to a 1924 proposal to build facilities for women at the Barro Colorado Island Biological Laboratory in Panama. In the first decades of the twentieth-century, in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War and as the United States built the Panama Canal, the American tropics became a major focus for North American politics and natural history, with government funding and logistical support from the military for scientific expeditions. As the North American western frontier closed, the New World tropics—or Neotropics—assumed the role that the West had played for an earlier generation of nineteenth-century explorers. In a post-Darwinian world, a field trip to the tropics with its rich biodiversity had become a rite of passage and a route to fame for young North American naturalists. And in the decades during and after the successful campaign for women's suffrage in the United States, tensions between men and women ran high, in the home, at the ballot box, and at the field station.

The South African War, also known as the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902, was one of the most important armed conflicts of the age of imperialism. The war evoked an immense public response in Russia; not even the power circles remained unmoved. Russian public opinion supported the struggle for the independence of the Boer republics, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. For their part, the governments of the two republics convinced their fellow citizens that the Russian Empire, as the initiator of the Hague Peace Conference and the only great power that never had colonies in Africa, would be able to unite other states of Europe and the United States to help the Boers in countering British imperialism. By June 1900, it had become clear that the Great Powers would not take military action in defence of the South African republics. Moreover, they were unable to overlook their geopolitical differences in order to offer collective mediation or good offices to the belligerents. On behalf of the official Boer delegation, who was visiting the United States, the Transvaal envoy conveyed to the foreign offices of Russia and its ally France a request for a joint protectorate over the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. Documentary evidence of this demarche, which has not yet received sufficient coverage in historiography, has been preserved in the archive of the Transvaal envoy Leyds, as well as in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. Appealing to Russia and France, the Boer delegates assumed that these powers, for humanitarian reasons, would provide friendly guardianship to the two republics in South Africa. However, the European governments of the period understood protectorate as a form of colonial dependence. Besides, Russia and France did not want a military confrontation with the mighty British Empire for the sake of the Boer states that were outside the sphere of their political and colonial interests. The attempt of the representatives of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State to secure a Russo-French protectorate for their republics was predestined to fail.

When the united states embarked on a campaign of overseas colonial conquest a century ago, it was for some Americans an unquestionably righteous venture in political tutelage. “[God] has made [the English-speaking and Teutonic peoples] adept in government that we may administer government among savage and senile peoples,” proclaimed Indiana Senator Albert J. Beveridge. “And of all our race He has marked the American people as His chosen nation to finally lead in the regeneration of the world” (Snyder 1962). The largest and most important U.S. colony was of course the Philippines, where a campaign of military conquest began in 1898 and continued into the early years of the new century.

Pacelties spārnos, pārvarot Zemes pievilkšanās spēku, un lidot ir bijis sens cilvēku sapnis, kas īstenojās 20. gadsimta pirmajā desmitgadē, pateicoties dažu Eiropas un ASV konstruktoru projektiem un praktiskiem eksperimentiem. 1911. gada sākumā vairāku tūkstošu pilotu, tostarp lidmašīnu konstruktoru, darbība piesaistīja ne tikai plašu sabiedrības uzmanību, bet arī militāro iestāžu interesi. Rakstā analizēti nozīmīgi dati par 13 369 konstruktoriem un pilotiem no 51 pasaules valsts no 1900. līdz 1914. gadam – valsts piederība, militārais rangs, sertifikācijas datums un vieta, lidmašīnu ekspluatācijas vieta, iekšzemes un ārvalstu lidmašīnu tipi, bojā gājušo skaits utt. Šai grupai pievienoti helikopteru, ornitopteru, planieru un citu lidojošo aparātu konstruktori, apzinot 14 142 personu datus. Flight heavier-than air, despite speculations long back in history, made its breakthrough during the first decade of the 20th century, based on the designs and practical experiments of at first a handful of constructors in Europe and the United States. Already by early 1911, the activities of several thousand aviators, constructors of airplanes included, attracted not only wide public attention but also the interest of military establishments. The article analyzes significant data – nationality, profession, military rank, date and location of certification, location of airplane operations, domestic and foreign airplane types, and fatalities – for 13 369 constructors and aviators from 51 countries worldwide and active between 1900 and 1914. Added to this group are the constructors of helicopters, ornithopters, gliders and other f lying apparatus, resulting in a total of 14 142 individuals.

This article argues that the disaster relief efforts following hurricanes in Puerto Rico in 1899 and Galveston, Texas, in 1900 represent a watershed in American military history. These two cases highlight a critical juncture where the U.S. Army became the lead federal agency in imperial and domestic disaster relief and established a precedent that lasted well into the twentieth century. By declaring martial law, directly overseeing relief efforts, and plugging into existing social hierarchies, the Army and local elites completely reconstructed the political, economic, and social order of both locales. As this was a relatively new role for the Army, they relied on the local social hierarchy as a matter of expediency because of the absence of any existing doctrine to guide their disaster relief efforts. These Army relief efforts culminated in fostering two antidemocratic governments: a colonial regime in Puerto Rico and the first commission-style government in Galveston that upheld Jim Crow policies that were eventually replicated throughout the United States.

The Panama Canal was one of the largest public investments of its time. In the first decade of its operation, the canal produced significant social returns for the United States. Most of these returns were due to the transportation of petroleum from California to the East Coast. The United States also succeeded in leveraging the threat of military force to obtain a much better deal from the Panamanian government than it could have negotiated otherwise.“I took the Isthmus.” President Theodore Roosevelt, 1904“Why, it's ours, we stole it fair and square.” Senator Samuel Hayakawa, 1977

Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?

Abstract Japanese food first became the focus of serious attention in the United States during the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), when Japan’s victory over the Russian empire signaled that nation’s arrival as a new world power. This newfound interest had nothing to do with gastronomy. The conviction driving it was that diet and preventative health care in the Japanese military, which had been critical to its unexpected success, could serve as models for the United States. Military doctors, home economists, dietitians, businesses, vegetarians, and physical fitness fans joined this discourse, each with their own agendas. Many participants were women whose advocacy linked the supposed innate feminine propensity for nurturing and care giving with a shared faith in science to solve the problems facing the modern world. All believed Japan’s rice, vegetable, and fish-based diet contributed to the exceptional physical strength and stamina of the Japanese people because, unlike their own, “it was plain, rational, and easily digested, metabolized and assimilated.” More enthusiasm than knowledge in their claims, but this mattered little since the goal was not to popularize Japanese culinary culture, but to reform U.S. eating habits. This article examines the American discourse on Japanese food and health and how it shaped and reflected domestic political, social, and economic priorities in the 20th Century’s first decade.

SummaryThis international comparison firstly examines labour market organization, casual labour and work mentality in North American seaports and in Hamburg. By contrast to British ports, these ports finally dispensed with casual labour between the world economic crisis and the Second World War, and labour markets there were centralized. Secondly, the industrial militancy of mobile dockworkers without permanent jobs is examined through a consideration of syndicalist organizations (1919–1921), and interpreted as an interplay of experiences with power in the network of labour market, workplace and docklands. The study refers repeatedly to the decisive dividing line between regularly and irregularly employed dockworkers. National differences in trade union representation and dispute behaviour are analysed by reference to dockworkers' direct actions.

The United States gained authority over the Philippine Islands as a result of the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Treaty of Paris (1899), which recognized American wartime territorial gains. Prior to that time the Spanish had general authority over the northern region of the Islands down to the Visayas, which they had ruled from their capital at Manila on Luzon for nearly three hundred years. The population in that Spanish zone was Christianized as a product of deliberate Spanish policy during that time frame. The area to the south, encompassing much of the island of Mindanao and all of the Sulu Archipelago, was under Spanish military control at the time of the Spanish American War (1898), having been taken over in the previous fifteen years by a protracted military campaign. This southern territory was held by the presence of Spanish military units in a series of strong forts located throughout the settled areas, but clear control over the society was quite weak and, in fact, collapsed after the American naval victory at Manila Bay. The United States did not establish its own presence in much of the southern region until 1902. It based its claim over the region on the treaty with the Spanish, and other colonial powers recognized that claim as legitimate.

Dr. Charles Bernard Puestow (1902–1973) was an American surgeon who is well known for developing the longitudinal pancreaticojejunostomy, which is known as the “Puestow procedure” in his honor. Puestow served in the American military during the Second World War and commanded the 27th Evacuation Hospital, which provided medical and surgical services to wounded individuals in Europe and North Africa. In 1946, he founded the surgical residency training program at the Hines Veterans Hospital, which was the first such program in the United States based at a veterans hospital.

ABSTRACT Military applications of geology became apparent within the United Kingdom during the nineteenth century, and were developed during the First World War and more extensively during the Second, incidentally by some officers with links to Canada. In the nineteenth century, three Royal Engineer major-generals with geological interests had served there briefly: Joseph Ellison Portlock (1794–1864) helped to stem invasion of Upper Canada by the United States Army in 1814, pioneer geological survey in Ireland from 1826, and promote knowledge of geology amongst British Army officers; Frederick Henry Baddeley (1794–1879) helped to pioneer geological studies in south-east Canada in the 1820s; Richard John Nelson (1803–1877) served in Canada after mapping the geology of Jersey in 1828 and making geological observations in Bermuda. During the First World War, Tannatt William Edgeworth David (1858–1934), a Welsh-born Australian and from 1916 to 1918 the senior of two geologists serving with the British Army on the Western Front, had a Canadian military family link through his mother; and Reginald Walter Brock (1874–1935), Dean of Applied Science at the University of British Columbia and a distinguished Canadian geologist, interrupted his career for infantry service in Europe but was used as a geologist from mid-1918, in Palestine. During the Second World War, the British military geologist Frederick William Shotton (1906–1990) provided geological advice to, amongst other units, Canadian forces who generated thematic maps for parts of northern France that predicted ‘going’ (conditions affecting cross-country vehicle mobility) to follow the D-Day Allied landings in Normandy. In 1943, Thomas Crawford Phemister (1902–1982), Professor and Head of the Department of Geology and Mineralogy at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland but from 1926 to 1932 an associate professor at the University of British Columbia, as an ‘emergency’ Royal Engineers captain founded the Geological Section of the Inter-Service Topographical Department, a unit whose reports and thematic maps provided terrain intelligence for Allied forces in both Europe and the Far East from a base in England, within the University of Oxford. John Leonard Farrington (1906–1982), an undergraduate student from 1923 to 1928 of Brock and/or Phemister at the University of British Columbia, co-founded the Section and soon succeeded Phemister as its head, from 1944 to 1945 in the rank of major. Soon after 1945, military geologists became established in continuity within the British Army.

The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.

Leland Donald, Aboriginal Slavery on the Northwest Coast of North America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, US$40). Pp. 379. ISBN 0 520 20616 9.George W. Dorsey, The Pawnee Mythology (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997, £20.95). Pp. 546. ISBN 0 8032 6603 0.Frederic W. Gleach, Powhatan's World and Colonial Virginia: A Conflict of Cultures (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997, £52.50). Pp. 241. ISBN 0 8032 2166 5.Richard G. Hardorff (ed.), Lakota Recollections of the Custer Fight: New Sources of Indian-Military History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997, £9.50). Pp. 211. ISBN 0 8032 7293 6.Michael E. Harkin, The Heiltsuks: Dialogues of Culture and History on the Northwest Coast (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997, £38). Pp. 195. ISBN 0 8032 2379 X.Jean M. O'Brien, Dispossession by Degrees: Indian Land and Identity in Natick, Massachusetts, 1650–1790 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, £35, US$49.95). Pp. 224. ISBN 0 521 56172 8.Allen W. Trelease, Indian Affairs in Colonial New York: The Seventeenth Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997, £15.95). Pp. 379. ISBN 0 8032 9431 X.In the contemporary United States there are 556 American Indian groups in 400 nations. Given that survival story, the tired myths of the disappearing redman or wandering savage which have distorted our understandings of Indian history are being revised. The reasons for our nearly four-century-long gullibility are manifold. The religion of winners and losers, saints and sinners, combined effectively with the scientific racism inherent sine qua non in the secular beliefs of winners and losers expressed through Linnaean and Darwinian conceptions of order and evolution. After colonizers cast their imperial gaze through lenses made of the elastic ideology of “City Upon a Hill,” “Manifest Destiny,” “Young America,” and “White Man's Burden,” most Euro-Americans rationalized a history and present in survival of the fittest terms. By 1900, the near-holocaust of an estimated ten million Indians left only 200,000 survivors invisible in an overall population of 76 million. The 1990 census count of two million Native Americans affirms resilience not extinction.

Introduction. This article is devoted to studying the influence of the Soviet “economic offensive” factor in the 1950s on the formation of the New World Economic Order by the American by the American ruling elite in general and the use of such an important tool as foreign assistance in particular in the framework of this process. The reconstruction of this process makes it possible to clarify the specifics of the foreign policy decision-making mechanism in the United States, to identify the ideological approaches of main political interest groups to the goals and methods of building a new world order. Methods and materials. The study uses a group analysis approach as well as American executive and legislative documents, press material, speeches by key politicians, etc., to identify the reasons for the differences among representatives of the three leading interest groups in interpreting the nature of the Soviet “economic offensive” in the Third World countries. Analysis. These differences were primarily due to the possibility of using the factor of the Soviet “aggression” for conducting domestic propaganda campaigns as part of the interest groups struggle for control over the foreign assistance program. Thus, the representatives of the atlantists group claimed that the main threat from the Communist world remained in the military sphere; the globalist-oriented progressives insisted that the Soviet “economic offensive” was a critical danger to U.S. interests, while conservatives declared that the “myths” about the Soviet-communist threats to the United States in the Third World were invalid. Results. In the second half of the 1950s the group of progressives used the factor of the Soviet “economic offensive” more effectively in the framework of their campaigns (there were four of them), which allowed them to take control over the foreign assistance program and begin to reorient the American strategic course from the prevailing ideology of “mutual security” towards the global developmentalism.

RESUMENEl riesgo de morir en duelo fue consustancial a la cultura del honor. Incluso en países, como Francia o España, donde la muerte en duelo no era habitual. El nexo entre honor y vida, o entre sus contrarios, deshonor y muerte, permeaba el imaginario cultural de las élites liberales. La épica de los duelos giraba en torno a la probabilidad de que un combatiente pereciera, y aun cuando la muerte no fuese el objetivo buscado en el lance, siempre pesaba la incertidumbre: la amenaza de recibir una estocada dolorosa o la eventualidad de una lesión grave. La muerte planeaba sobre los desafíos y que acudiera, o no, al campo del honor dependía de diversas variables: la fogosidad de los rivales, la habilidad de los padrinos al concertar el duelo, que uno de los contendientes fuese militar, la naturaleza de la ofensa o que esta girara en torno a una mujer… También se cernía sobre el duelista la amenaza de la muerte eterna, pues la Iglesia condenaba los lances de honor y prohibía que los caídos en combate sin confesión recibieran sepultura sagrada. De todo lo anterior tratan las siguientes páginas, centradas en la cultura del duelo en España, enmarcada en el contexto internacional, y en la presencia en ella de la muerte. Palabras clave: honor, muerte, duelos, masculinidadTopónimos: España, EuropaPeriodo: Siglos xix y xx ABSTRACTThe risk of dying in a duel was consubstantial to the culture of honor, even in countries such as France or Spain, where death in a duel was not usual. The link between honor and life, or between their opposites, dishonor, and death, permeated the cultural imaginary of the liberal elites. The epic of duels revolved around the probability that a combatant would perish; and even when death was not the intended objective of the duel, uncertainty always weighed heavily: the threat of receiving a painful thrust or the eventuality of a serious injury. Death hovered over the challenges and whether it would come to the field of honor depended on several variables: the fierceness of the rivals, the skill of the godfathers in arranging the duel, whether one of the contenders was a military man, the nature of the offense or whether it revolved around a woman... The threat of eternal death also hung over the duelist, since the Church condemned duels and prohibited those who fell in combat without confession with receiving a sacred burial. 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The turn of the twentieth century radically renewed industrial organization across the United States. Early American corporations -- centralized manufacturing hubs with journeymen and apprentices laboring under one roof -- were seldom prepared for the transformations that scientific management and structural reorganization would bring to social relations. At the helm of World War 1, DuPont became the epitome of broader national restructuring. Through a close relationship with American military industries and legislatures, the DuPont brothers came to represent Business as an inseparable component of the State. While labor historiography has primarily focused on organizers’ relationship with regulators, important segments of its inverse -- the relationship between Industry and lawmakers -- have been ignored. In the history of DuPont’s growth lies the story of American labor’s disintegration and the organized dismantling of the civil rights campaigns. The reasons for the supposed failure of American workers to build a mass socialist party cannot be discovered in the structures of accumulation or labor markets alone, but in the insinuation of industrial change into the total sphere of American life. This paper dissects the evolution of DuPont along with American labor. The important question is why and how a corporate-state came to possess such a pervasive and socially dominant nature. DuPont is the ideal case study to analyze how capitalism transformed and joined American politicians in suppressing labor movements, writing policy, and engineering social attitudes between 1902 and 1917.

The turn of the twentieth century radically renewed industrial organization across the United States. Early American corporations -- centralized manufacturing hubs with journeymen and apprentices laboring under one roof -- were seldom prepared for the transformations that scientific management and structural reorganization would bring to social relations. At the helm of World War 1, DuPont became the epitome of broader national restructuring. Through a close relationship with American military industries and legislatures, the DuPont brothers came to represent Business as an inseparable component of the State. While labor historiography has primarily focused on organizers’ relationship with regulators, important segments of its inverse -- the relationship between Industry and lawmakers -- have been ignored. In the history of DuPont’s growth lies the story of American labor’s disintegration and the organized dismantling of the civil rights campaigns. The reasons for the supposed failure of American workers to build a mass socialist party cannot be discovered in the structures of accumulation or labor markets alone, but in the insinuation of industrial change into the total sphere of American life. This paper dissects the evolution of DuPont along with American labor. The important question is why and how a corporate-state came to possess such a pervasive and socially dominant nature. DuPont is the ideal case study to analyze how capitalism transformed and joined American politicians in suppressing labor movements, writing policy, and engineering social attitudes between 1902 and 1917.

The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.

In the article, the author conducts a comparative analysis of the situation with nutrition and the state of gastronomic culture in the USSR and some foreign countries (mainly in the USA, as the ancestor of the world crisis of 1929). The chronological framework is defined by the period of the 1920s-1930s. The author explores to a greater extent the famine in the USSR, since it is one of the most controversial issues in science, especially in history, since the question is still being raised: was it the genocide of the Ukrainian people or a universal problem of the peoples of the USSR. However, the article does not pursue the purpose of research and preparation of an answer to this question, therefore, the paper presents the opinions of scientists on how nutrition was carried out during that period, both the Ukrainian people and other SSR. I would especially like to note the participation of the state in the formation of such a situation, since the forcible rejection of market relations and the "construction" of communism, in our opinion and the opinion of other scientists, led to total hunger in some areas of the Union, and to a lack of nutrition in others. Therefore, as the author concludes, during this period, the gastronomic culture can be called a culture of hunger – all the actions of the population were aimed at survival, a number of representatives returned to taboo ways of eating (cannibalism), there were certain rules in the actions and analysis of their behavior (seemingly primitive). The situation was different in foreign countries. As the analysis showed, the famine in Europe and the United States was caused by other reasons – the economic crisis. At the same time, the leaders of foreign states tried to adjust the nutrition of the population by organizing a centralized body. A similar situation developed in the USSR, only the All-Union Society of National Nutrition was called not to correct, but to control the consumption of food by the population. As for the state of gastronomic culture in foreign countries, the author believes that its orientation was indicated by the need to survive in conditions of austerity and lack of livelihood. But at the same time, the culture associated with nutrition still existed – middle–class people, marginals, the military - all these categories ate in their own way, there was differentiation, unlike the population in the USSR

El presente trabajo se propone realizar un análisis de la relación bilateral de Colombia y los Estados Unidos durante los inicios de la guerra fría, para demostrar como dicha relación influyo directamente en las dinámicas (políticas, jurídicas y electorales) anticomunistas desatadas en Colombia entre 1950 y 1966, en las cuales tendría su origen el conflicto armado colombiano. En este contexto, se consolida el bipartidismo, la autonomía militar frente al control civil y anticomunismo se convierte en el centro de las políticas de seguridad, además se desarrollan los primeros grupos de autodefensas campesinas comunistas que darían origen a las FARC-EP, y se presentan los primeros quiebres dentro del Partido Comunista Colombiano, originados por la posición de este último, frente a la Revolución cubana y la lucha armada como vía de acceso al poder.

AbstractIn Nigeria, Britain asserted its post-colonial security role during and immediately after the transfer of power, and remained responsible for assisting the Nigerian armed forces. While the Americans recognized Nigeria's potential as an important partner in the Cold War, they preferred to focus on development aid. Washington was thus supposed to complement British assistance, while leaving the responsibility for the security sector to London. But with the escalation of the Cold War in Africa, the Nigerians’ efforts to reduce their dependency on the United Kingdom, and Nigeria's growing significance for the United States in African affairs, this Anglo-American burden-sharing was increasingly questioned in Washington. The United States thus eventually decided to militarize its aid policy towards Nigeria. In analysing the militarization of US aid policy towards Nigeria, this article will, first, assess the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s; secondly, position Nigeria in American Cold War policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa; thirdly, question the role of military assistance in Washington's policy towards Nigeria and Africa; and fourthly, discover the regional and local factors that influenced policy-makers in Washington and London.

Protestant churches in the early twentieth century were vexed by dwindling attendance, a clear sign of their declining social authority. The Reverend William C. Skeath complained about “the masses of the passively religious who have closed their ears to the sermon subject and their doors to pastoral visitation.” Likewise, inHow to Fill the Pews, Ernest Eugene Elliott said that because no more than two-fifths of church members went to church on any given Sunday, the church had ceased to be the chief forum in American public life.