Journal articles on the topic 'United states history - 19th century - civil war'

The only time in American history that the United States has ever fought against each other was the Civil War. How did the Civil War start? Why did the North abolish slavery? What impact did the Civil War have on the American economy? This paper analyzes the background of the American Civil War and the measures taken by the North and South during the war, and puts forward some opinions about the influence of the Civil War on the American economy. The Civil War was a watershed or a turning point in the development of American capitalist economy. However, the success of American economy in the 19th century was not decided by the sudden change brought by a "war" or a "revolution". It was actually the result of the long-term development of a variety of factors that could not be covered by the civil War, this study offers some references for the research of American economy.

Introduction. The Civil War in the United States (1861–1865) has been of considerable interest to historians, lawyers, economists, and political scientists for more than 150 years. The internal political struggle that broke out in the middle of the 19th century between the two regions of the young democratic state seems to be a valuable object of research. However, scientific approaches to the study of the causes of the “inevitable conflict”, their transformation and rebirth depending on the historical period and the political situation are of even greater interest. This article attempts to summarize the main trends in the historiography of the causes of the Civil War in the United States, mainly in foreign historiography. Methods of research and materials. The methodological basis of the study was made up of general scientific and private scientific methods. The historical-legal, comparative method, as well as sociological, concrete-historical and systemic methods are used. The theoretical basis of the study was the work of mainly foreign historians, lawyers, political scientists and state historians. Analysis. Without denying the centrality of slavery among the causes of the Civil War, researchers identify religious, economic, political and social factors as the key determinants of the separatist movement in the South. A special place in American studies is occupied by the consideration of the role of African Americans in inciting conflict, the personality factor of A. Lincoln, as well as the influence of the abolitionist movement and journalists on the growing confrontation between the North and the South. At the same time, all directions, one way or another, boil down to the fact that it was slavery that was the fundamental cause of the Civil War. The peculiarities of the formation of each of the scientific directions were determined by the socio-economic and political conditions that took place in a particular historical period. Results. The periodization of scientific approaches to the study of the causes of the Civil War in the United States in the historical and legal literature can be carried out by dividing the research into three main periods: the “confrontational” (second half of the 19th century); the “socio-economic” (beginning – middle of the 20th century); the “industrial” (middle of the 20th century – the beginning of the 21st century). In the period from the beginning of the 21st century to the present, there is an obvious consensus on the central role of slavery among the determinants of war, but approaches to this problem in recent years have been characterized by interdisciplinarity, complexity, taking into account completely different sides of the conflict. Each of these areas has contributed to the formation of a holistic view of the causes of the Civil War, allowing us to realize the complex, multifaceted nature of the causes of the conflict and to reject two-dimensional approaches to their understanding. Key words: American Civil War, causes of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln, slavery in the United States, the Missouri Compromise, abolitionists, history of the USA.

This article analyzes the process of formation of historical science and social thought in Mexico in the 19th century. The author focuses on the important works of some of the most famous researchers of Mexican history, which laid the foundation for Mexican historiography. The au-thor notes that the origin and formation of Mexican national historiog-raphy and social thought was associated with key political events in the country's history: War of Independence 1810-1824, creation of the first liberal constitutions, Mexican-American War 1846-1848. and territorial disputes with the United States, bourgeois reforms, the civil war of 1854–1860, the Anglo-French-Spanish intervention, the liberation war of the Mexican people of 1861–1867. These events occupied an im-portant place in the works of the first Mexican historians, who often personally took part in the process of the political formation of an in-dependent state and became the starting points around which the historical concepts of the Mexican history of the national period were formed. these events primarily attracted the attention of historians and became the starting points around which the historical concepts of the Mexican history.

ABSTRACT In America, Dr. Thomas Antisell (1817–1893) is best known for his work as a geologist with the Pacific Railroad Survey under Lt. Parke. Prior to his participation with the survey, his background was in medicine, chemistry and geology, with accomplishments in all three areas, notably writing on the geology and soils of his native Ireland. As a political outcast, his arrival in America in 1854 found him teaching chemistry and practicing medicine, until his relationship with fellow Irish botanist and physician John Torrey landed him a position as geologist with that part of the survey exploring portions of southern California, notably the Coastal Range, and southern portions of Arizona and New Mexico. Although his involvement with the survey would be his last large-scale federally-sponsored geological endeavor, he would continue to pursue interests in applied geology, among his other varied interests in medicine and chemistry. These interests would include federal positions as Chemical Examiner with the United States Patent Office, Capital Chemist with the United States Department of Agriculture, surgeon during the Civil War, consultant as a Foreign Advisor in Japan, and Professor at Georgetown University, among other schools of medicine. Although many early American geologists received their academic education at medical schools, and were physicians that made career moves to geology and remained professional geologists throughout their career, Antisell was primarily a physician, with varied interests in applied chemistry and applied geology as evident from his writings. Thus, Antisell is one of America’s early Medical Geologists; a term that would not become familiar and commonplace to the geological community until the 1990s. Moreover, as with other geologists of his time, he got some things right, and others not so, but his work set a geological foundation in new regions of the country, and raised questions that would eventually be addressed more fully by later investigators.

In Ohio, during the Civil War, one Thomas H. Hanner imposed himself upon a Revenue Officer of the 19th district as a special agent of the Bureau of Internal Revenue and made “decisions as to the effect of the law, giving directions as to the management of cases involving large amounts and borrowing money upon the strength of his alleged position.”1 Another usurpation of identity occurred in Philadelphia where a person named Gillepsie collected taxes in the city. In many States, an impostor under the name of Thomas Glanner also sought to collect federal taxes.

Abstract 45The industrialization of the United States throughout the 19th century resulted in the exploitation of millions of acres of timberland across the country. Logging during that era was described by critics as “cut out and get out” because the land was usually abandoned after the merchantable timber was exhausted. Concern about future timber supplies and the effect of logging on watersheds spurred the development of professional forestry after the Civil War. The first forestry leaders, including Bernhard Fernow and Gifford Pinchot, encouraged private non-industrial forest owners to sustainably manage their woodlands and specifically warned against destructive logging practices—including “cutting the best and leaving the rest”—aka high-grading. During the 1920s and 30s both the Forest Service and SAF spurred initiatives to encourage sustainable timber harvesting practices on private forestland. Although great progress has been made in forest management, logging on most private non-industrial forest land in the east has not changed significantly since the 19th century. Landowners usually sell timber without using the services of a forester, allowing the buyer to selectively cut the most valuable trees in the woodlot. Although this can reduce future value by 70-90%, it remains common practice because both the landowner and the timber buyer maximize short term income. The timber value and productivity of millions of acres of woodland throughout the United States have been significantly degraded as a result. This paper will trace the history of high-grading as described by forestry leaders from the 19th century through the 21st and will show that much work remains unfinished.

As conventional thinking once had it, Vormärz Prussia and the antebellum United States mapped out opposite ends of a “strong-state, weak-state” spectrum. But several decades of research have rendered both images increasingly untenable. Revisions began on the American side in the 1940s when a group of scholars set out to re-evaluate the state governments' role in antebellum American industrialization. These studies of state legislation and political rhetoric—the first to take federalism seriously, one might say—collectively laid to rest the myth of laissez-faire during the antebellum period. Since then scholars of the antebellum political economy have examined the American state from another angle, shifting attention to the role of the state and federal courts in economic growth. Others, mean-while, have taken a closer look at the federal government's role before the Civil War and discerned interventionist tendencies in the federal legislature and executive as well. The cumulative effect is clear: it has become impossible to speak of laissez-faire in the antebellum American context. On the Prussian side, too, historians have begun to rethink the state's role in industrialization as mounting evidence has undermined the conventional image. Initially, few historians questioned the extent of the state's involvement in economic activity during the first half of the 19th century; instead, they debated its consequences—beneficial or not, intended or not. On balance the first round of revisions judged Vormdrz Prussian policies to have been rather contradictory in nature, some encouraging industrialization but others either hampering economic change or proving irrelevant.5 Historian Clive Trebilcock has gone a step further, however, debunking what he labels “myths of the directed economy” in nineteenth-century Germany.

Scattered accounts of the treatment of pain by aboriginal Canadians are found in the journals of the early explorers and missionaries. French and English settlers brought with them the remedies of their home countries. The growth of medicine through the 18th and 19th centuries, particularly in Europe, was mirrored in the practice and treatment methods of Canadians and Americans. In the 19th century, while Americans learned about causalgia and the pain of wounds, Canadian insurrections were much less devastating than the United States Civil War. By the end of that century, a Canadian professor working in the United States, Sir William Osler, was responsible for a standard textbook of medicine with a variety of treatments for painful illnesses. Yet pain did not figure in the index of that book. The modern period in pain research and management can probably be dated to the 20 years before the founding of the International Association for the Study of Pain. Pride of place belongs toThe management of painby John Bonica, published in Philadelphia in 1953 and based upon his work in Tacoma and Seattle. Ideas about pain were evolving in Canada in the 1950s with Donald Hebb, Professor of Psychology at McGill University in Montreal, corresponding with the leading American neurophysiologist, George H Bishop. Hebb's pupil Ronald Melzack engaged in studies of early experiences in relation to pain and, joining with Patrick Wall at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, published the 1965 paper in Science that revolutionized thinking. Partly because of this early start with prominent figures and partly because of its social system in the organization of medicine, Canada became a centre for a number of aspects of pain research and management, ranging from pain clinics in Halifax, Kingston and Saskatoon - which were among the earliest to advance treatment of pain - to studying the effects of implanted electrodes for neurosurgery. Work in Toronto by Moldofsky and Smythe was probably responsible for turning ideas about fibromyalgia from the quaint concept of 'psychogenic rheumatism' into the more fruitful avenue of empirical exploration of brain function, muscle tender points and clinical definition of disease. Tasker and others in Toronto made important advances in the neurophysiology of nociception by the thalamus and cingulate regions. Their work continues while a variety of basic and clinical studies are advancing knowledge of fundamental mechanisms, including work by Henry and by Sawynok on purines; by Salter and by Coderre on spinal cord mechanisms and plasticity; by Katz on postoperative pain; by several workers on children's pain; and by Bushnell and others in Montreal on cerebral imaging. Such contributions reflect work done in a country that would not want to claim that its efforts are unique, but would hope to be seen as maintaining some of the best standards in the developed world.

The literary topic of Siamese twins is not unfamiliar. American literary history tells us of the genealogy from Mark Twain’s pseudo-antebellum story The Tragedy of Pudd’nhead Wilson and the Comedy Those Extraordinary Twins (1894), Karen Tei Yamashita’s postmodern metafiction “Siamese Twins and Mongoloids: Cultural Appropriation and the Deconstruction of Stereotype via the Absurdity of Metaphor” (1999), down to Shelley Jackson’s James Tiptree, Jr. award winner Half-Life (2006). Rereading these works, we are easily invited to notice the political unconscious hidden deep within each plot: Twain’s selection of the Italian Siamese twins based upon Chang and Eng Bunker, antebellum stars of the Barnum Museum, cannot help but recall the ideal of the post-Civil War world uniting the North and the South; Yamashita’s figure of the conjoined twins Heco and Okada derives from Hikozo Hamada, an antebellum Japanese who made every effort to empower the bond between Japan and the United States, and John Okada, the Japanese American writer well known for his masterpiece No No Boy (1957); and Jackson’s characterization of the female conjoined twins Nora and Blanche Olney represents a new civil rights movement in the post-Cold War age in the near future, establishing a close friendship between the humans and the post-humans. This literary and cultural context should convince us that Yamashita’s short story “Siamese Twins and Mongoloids” serves as a kind of singularity point between realist twins and magic realist twins. Influenced by Twain’s twins, Yamashita paves the way for the re-figuration of the conjoined twins not only as tragi-comical freaks in the Gilded Age but also as representative men of magic realist America in our Multiculturalist Age. A Close reading of this metafiction composed in a way reminiscent of Jorge Luis Borges, Stanislaw Lem and Bruce Sterling will enable us to rediscover not only the role conjoined twins played in cultural history, but also the reason why Yamashita had to feature them once again in her novel I Hotel (2010) whose plot centers around the Asian American civil rights movement between the 1960s and the 1970s. Accordingly, an Asian American magic realist perspective will clarify the way Yamashita positioned the figure of Siamese Twins as representing legal and political double standards, and the way the catachresis of Siamese Twins came to be naturalized, questioned and dismissed in American literary history from the 19th century through the 21st century.

American trade strategy is defined by a combination of economic interest groups and competition between political parties. In the economic acts passed by Congress the almost infinitely divisible nature of the tariff, which often allowed the charges to be tailored to particular producers, created a norm of mutual noninterference and a process of legislative award in which virtually all claimants could be satisfied. As a result, the American tariff aimed for equality and uniformity in universally applied taxes. The role of political parties fluctuates depending on the interest group. The Republicans, who had an electoral base in the Northeast and Midwest, were identified as the party of protection, and the Democrats, relying increasingly on the traditionally trade-dependent South, asserted themselves as the party of free trade. From this perspective, tariff fluctuations were explained by changes in party dominance. There were multiple rapid and dramatic changes in American trade strategy; after the Civil War and before 1887, the United States was a relatively passive and highly protectionist nation-state. The rates set were high, non-negotiable and non-discriminatory. The transition from America's passive protectionism of the mid-19th century to its active liberalism of the mid-20th represents an extreme turning point. During the period 1890-1909, there was no unidirectional position regarding American trade strategy on a regular or periodic basis. Rather, trade strategy oscillated and was inferred from debates over tariff policy, the central trade issue of the age and the main instrument through which the strategy was implemented. Trade strategy is, however, different and more general than tariff policy; two (or more) tariff acts may differ in their details, but reflect a single commercial strategy. During this period, five tariff acts were passed by Congress: McKinley Tariff (1890), Wilson-Gorman Tariff (1894), Dingley Tariff (1897) and Payne-Aldrich Tariff (1909).

The rapid transformation of the current world order excites renewed interest of the expert community in the phenomenon of empire (as a form of the organization of political life). And since the United States plays a central role in this transformation, the history of the Pax Americana, its formation and development, both at the level of the idea and in the field of real politics is of particular relevance. The author argues that clarification of the role and significance of the colonial background in the projection of US military-political power in the late 19th — early 21st centuries allows for better understanding of the theory and practice of international relations both in the era of ‘high imperialism’ and world wars of the 20th century, and in the context of transition from global colonial empires to nuclear superpowers. It may also be instrumental in addressing the deepening contradictions between advocates of a ‘global leadership’ concept and proponents of a multipolar world during the post-Cold War period. In this regard, the paper examines the works of the US military theorists of the late 19th − first half of the 20th centuries that focused on the colonial experience of the leading European powers, as well as the experience gained from interventions involving the US Army and Marine Corps. Special emphasis is given to the concept of ‘small wars’. Building on a wide array of primary sources, presented both by the works of military experts, direct participants in various counterinsurgency operations in the colonies, as well as by the teaching materials and field manuals of the US Marine Corps, the author traces the evolution of this concept which implied establishment of external management and/or control through military and police measures. This allows the author to restore the historical genealogy of current models of internal security promoted in American foreign policy in conditions of proliferating, protracted, and increasingly hybrid civil conflicts. The author concludes that in the interwar period the US law enforcement agencies pragmatically implemented the relevant experience of global empires in Latin American countries within the framework of the Monroe Doctrine, while regarding European powers as political rivals. It is noted that conflicting imperatives of asymmetric and conventional threats to US national security urge researchers and practitioners to revisit after a post-Vietnam period of neglect the approaches of colonial empires to the conduct of small wars and to adapt them to modern conditions. The findings broaden the understanding of the modern leading powers’ approaches to internal security models transfer, as well as of its limits.

Aim: This is the first of a two part paper that illustrates how cognitive-behavioral factors, the disregard of prior epidemiological data, and misfortunate timing contributed to the failure of National Prohibition in the United States. Methods: This first paper gives a detailed historical and cultural review of the early colonial, the post-revolutionary war, pre-civil war, and post-Civil-War, drinking patterns in the United States. It addresses the origins of the temperance movement, its evolution into a prohibition movement, and the post–civil war, prohibition in Kansas. Findings: Attribution theory shows a cognitive bias in the early 19th century temperance and late 19th century prohibition thinking. Scapegoat theory pointed out that the 19th century reformers targeted alcohol itself as the main source of social suffering and, by and large, neglected the context in which it was consumed. Conclusion: Nineteenth century attribution bias, cognitive errors, and failure to evaluate prior experience set the stage for 20th century, National Prohibition, a disastrous, preventive intervention.

The United States has the oldest written constitution in the world. Its staying power has proved remarkable, with the same brief document (fewer than ten printed pages) serving as the nation’s fundamental law since 1787 with only twenty-seven amendments (the first ten adopted immediately after its adoption, the three most important modifications coming after the Civil War in mid-19th century, and merely 11 ratified in the twentieth century, none after 1992). The basic principles embodied in the constitutions have remained constant, with separation of powers along with checks and balances and federalism shaping the basic structures of government.

Abstract: This essay introduces the special forum on transpacific connections in the Civil War era. The forum investigates how US interaction with Asia and the Pacific shaped race relations, gender ideology, diplomacy, and legal rights in the United States during the second half of the nineteenth century. By examining the first Japanese diplomatic mission to the United States, the experience of Black migrants in Japan, Chinese women's habeas corpus litigations, and the naturalized citizenship of Chinese Americans, the forum integrates Asia and the Pacific into Civil War–era scholarship. Conceptually, the forum is informed by three strands of historiography: the international history of the Civil War era, the American West during the Civil War era, and the history of the Pacific World.

In its October term 1882, the United States Supreme Court handed down a decision which aborted federal efforts to deal with anti-black violence in the states of the old Confederacy. At issue in the case of United States v. Harris was the constitutionality of a federal statute, Section 5519 of the Revised Statutes of the United States of 1874, which made it a crime for private persons to conspire to deprive other individuals of the equal protection of the laws. A group of white Tennesseeans had been convicted under the statute for assaulting and badly beating a group of black criminal defendants in the custody of local authorities. The court held that there was no foundation in the Constitution for the federal law and voided it, thus overturning the convictions. The 14th Amendment, the purported basis for the statute, was aimed, according to the court, at state action and did not empower Congress to legislate against purely private conduct. It was the same line of reasoning that would lead the court in its following term, in the celebrated Civil Rights Cases, to declare unconstitutional Section 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which established civil and criminal penalties for racially motivated interference with anyone's full and equal enjoyment of public accommodations and conveyances.

Early medical school development in the United States was considerably more robust than is usually appreciated. Most histories include only that portion of medicine known as regular or allopathic medicine. To fully understand developments in the country, it is necessary to include the various medical sects that developed in the country in the early 19th century. It is also important to realize that the impetus for medical school development came not from established academic institutions but from the medical community itself. Medical schools in the United States developed at a time and place that hospitals, as we know them, did not exist. The melding together of the preceptorship (apprenticeship), didactic lectures, demonstrations, and clinical/hospital experience evolved slowly. The move from heroic medicine occurred somewhat reluctantly as in Europe. In the United States, in contrast to the situation in Europe, the majority of medical practitioners were called “doctor.” The development of medicine and medical education is usually discussed as a progression of knowledge. It has been fashionable to ignore the development of the various medical sects. Even within regular medicine, no uniformity of thought existed by this time. The American Medical Association was born of this. Change within a segment of society always reflects, and is reflected by, change in society at large. The rapid increases in geographic area and the huge population growth must be understood. Times changed as the character of the population changed. Perception of gender and freedom were important aspects of this change. A number of prominent African American physicians also emerged.

The AirLand Battle doctrine is often seen as an epoch-making new concept that changed how the United States approached war and warfare. The doctrine is also referred to as the adaptation of the principles of Auftragstaktik into the American military theory. The Auftragstaktik is the product of the great military theorists of the German school of military science in the 19th Century – Scharnhorst, Clausewitz, and Moltke. This idea created the highest level of decentralized mission command. But the Auftragstaktik is more than a tactical theory, it is an institutional culture. In contrast, the AirLand Battle doctrine uses a more conservative concept of command and control. Although it gives officers more freedom than before, it seeks to standardize the execution of missions and tasks.

The emancipation of enslaved people after the Civil War dramatically altered the perception of immigrants in the United States. This paper explores legal and social changes that took place in America after the Reconstruction period and analyzes the effect of those changes by comparing the treatment of the Irish in the mid-19th century with that of immigrants who arrived later in the century. It focuses on three main topics: the evolution of immigration laws, the rising popularity of post-war pseudo-scientific theories on race in the late 19th century, and immigrant groups assimilation rates. The study demonstrates how these concepts are interrelated to illustrate the impact of the Civil War on immigration trends. It concentrates on Irish and Italian families since they share many traits: both groups came from poor, rural backgrounds, both took jobs away from Americans and lowered wages, both immigrant groups practiced Catholicism, and both came in waves from Europe. Despite these similarities, Italians, like Asian and Jewish immigrants fleeing their homelands between the 1880s and early 1900s, faced more virulent forms of nativism and more restrictions than Irish newcomers a few decades earlier, in part because of the 14th Amendments definition of birth-based citizenship and post-Reconstruction discrimination that was intended to subordinate newly freed African Americans.

Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.

From the beginning, public tests and examinations were instruments of policy. The Imperial Chinese examination was created to permit the emperor to replace the patronage system by which powerful lords were choosing their own candidates to be mandarins. The Jesuit schools in 17th-century France introduced a weekly testing system to allow central control of classroom teaching. In 19th-century England, Thomas Macaulay argued for employing the Chinese principle in selecting cadets for the Indian Civil Service; a similar system was later used for the British Civil Service. A primary school examination system was set up in England at the end of the 19th century to serve the same purpose of achieving quality control and accountability in public schools as was proposed for the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) that is being bitterly disputed in 21st-century United States. Chauncey's primary goal after World War II in developing the Scholastic Achievement Test for admission to elite U.S. universities was to replace the children of the wealthy establishment with highly qualified students who would see their role as contributing to public service.

Between the Civil War and World War I the American economy was reshaped by the forces of industrialization. In 1870 the United States was still a predominantly rural and agricultural society concentrated in the area east of the Mississippi River. By the early twentieth century it had become a largely urban and industrial society of continental proportions. The growth of railroads, cities, mines, and factories, along with shifts in the sectoral and geographic patterns of economic activity, required the mobilization of vast quantities of capital and labor (Perloff et al. 1965: chap. 14). The formation of efficient factor markets capable of responding to these demands was an important ingredient in the rapid economic growth of the postbellum United States. The evolution of financial market institutions in response to the demands of late-nineteenth-century industrialization has been studied in some detail (Davis 1965; Sylla 1969; James 1978; Snowden 1987, 1988), but relatively little is known about the history of labor market institutions after the Civil War.

The American Century: A History of the United States Since the 1890s is a powerful book that comes from a noted press and is written by well-respected authors. This sixth edition text includes new online content and updated material on the 1990s through the present. Unlike many texts for the second half of the United States history survey that begin either at the end of the American Civil War in 1865 or at the end of Reconstruction in 1877, The American Century begins in the 1890s.

With the great wave of global integration in economy, society and culture, historiography began to acknowledge the importance of interpreting the past at the highest - world level. Under the influence of numerous historians (primarily in the United States and Western Europe) during the 19th century, and to a much greater extent after 1945, rather innovative directions of world, global and transnational history were created trying to overcome contradictions and a narrow interpretation of the history of international relations, national states and local communities. These focused both on local identities and on states as key factors in the past. In the search for phenomena that permeated world societies, historians, under the influence of other social sciences, began to recognize capitalism as par excellence supranational, that is, a world phenomenon. Although it may seem that the interest in capitalism as a building block of global history (that is, the world system as Immanuel Wallerstein said) is more recent and under the influence of the post-Cold War era, the world-historical significance of this phenomenon was first recognized by authors from the turn of the 19th to the 20th century. Among them, the German economist, sociologist and historian Werner Sombart (1863-1941) has a special place, since he devoted several decades of his career to the study of this phenomenon.

The bunkerization of Europe is a Cold War story that has continued to resonate into the 21st century through foreign policy, the built environment, and cultural traces both material and imaginary. This essay explores the physical, ideological, and cultural bunkerization of Switzerland, one of the most heavily fortified countries in the world, through its military and civil defense history, the spatial manifestations of that history, and the cultural responses to these manifestations during and after the Cold War. The essay compares the unusually democratic process of the Swiss civil defense infrastructure and its ramifications for thinking about the spatial legacy of the Cold War with the bunker fantasy in the United States and the rest of Europe.

"The present article is built on the premise that both the British Empire in the 19th century (during its rivalry with Russia, known as the Great Game) and the United States in the 20th century treated Afghanistan as a means to an end in their quest to fulfil their strategic interests, without much concern for the country’s people, history and traditions, which ultimately contributed to their failure: Britain was forced to accept Afghanistan’s independence in 1919 at the end of the third Anglo-Afghan war, while the US withdrew its troops in August 2021, putting an end to what proved to be an unwinnable war. The article’s main body examines the British and American presence in Afghanistan through the lens of a historical comparison meant to highlight the similarities and differences in their approaches, while the conclusion contains a few lessons the US should learn from Afghanistan that might, ideally, inform its future interventionist strategies. Keywords: Afghanistan, Taliban, United States, Britain, Great Game. "

Little scholarly attention has been paid to the role of Scots law in the development of the post-Revolutionary law and legal system of the United States. This neglect stems largely from the fact that Scots law has had little apparent permanent influence on American law. However, during the “formative era of American law” from the Revolution to the Civil War, a notable effort to introduce America to civil law concepts took place. Furthermore, the impact of the Scottish enlightenment on the fledgling United States in higher education, philosophy, and medicine is well documented. Scottish Enlightenment thought arguably had a significant impact on the Declaration of Independence, which was signed by at least two native-born Scots and an American who was a graduate of the University of Edinburgh.

The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.

During a decade of constant turmoil in the 1870s, immigrant textile workers from Lancashire, England seized control of labor politics in the southern New England region of the United States. They were men and women who had immigrated in successive waves before and after the American Civil War to the United States, specifically to the textile cities of Fall River and New Bedford, Massachusetts and to the mill villages north of Providence, Rhode Island.

Abolition forced planters in the post-Civil War US South to consider new sources and forms of labor. Some looked to Spanish America for answers. Cuba had long played a prominent role in the American imagination because of its proximity, geostrategic location, and potential as a slave state prior to the Civil War. Even as the United States embraced abolition and Cuba maintained slavery, the island presented Southern planters with potential labor solutions. Cuban elites had been using male Chinese indentured workers (“coolies” or colonos asiáticos) to supplement slave labor and delay the rise of free labor since 1847. Planters in coastal Peru similarly embraced Chinese indentured labor in 1849 as abolition neared. Before the Civil War, Southerners generally had noted these developments with anxiety, fearing that coolies were morally corrupt and detrimental to slavery. However, for many, these concerns receded once legal slavery ended. Planters wanted cheap exploitable labor, which coolies appeared to offer. Thus, during Reconstruction, Southern elites, especially in Louisiana, attempted to use Chinese indentured workers to minimize changes in labor relations.

Despite its Current Obscurity today, overshadowed by higher-voltage conflicts such as the Civil War and World War II, the U.S.–Mexican War was an almost unqualified triumph for the United States. In terms of military and geopolitical goals, the United States far exceeded even its own expectations. As well as scoring some pretty impressive victories, up to and including storming Mexico City, the United States succeeded in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which concluded the war, to annex huge tracts of land from Mexico for what was even then a bargain-basement price: more than half of Mexico's territory (including Texas, California, New Mexico, Arizona, and significant chunks of Colorado, Nevada, and Utah) for only fifteen million dollars. The advantage of this deal to the newly expanded United States became clearer as only a year after the treaty was signed gold was discovered in California and, within two decades, there was also a thriving silver-mining industry in Nevada.At the time, of course, the war was huge news. The U.S.–Mexican War generated innumerable items of propaganda and related material. As Ronnie C. Tyler has shown, a huge market in chromolithographs of the war emerged, representing “bravery, nobility, and patriotism” (2). The leading lithographers of the day, such as Nathaniel Currier, Carl Nebel, and James Baillie, sold thousands of oversized lithographs of battle scenes, war heroes, and sentimental themes (Baillie's Soldier's Adieu and Currier's The Sailor's Return were particular favorites). Even more numerous were written and performed reports of the war, from the hundreds of newspaper reports from the front to dime novels, songs, poems, broadsheets, plays, and minstrel shows, as well as the typical 19th-century round of essays, sermons, and oratory.

In this essay, I respond to three readers of my book, Henry Ford's War and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech, by embracing the opportunity to reconsider the book's theoretical and historiographical frames. I synthesize the contributions that Clyde Spillenger, Carroll Seron, and Aviam Soifer make in their deep readings of the book and respond to their criticisms. I then place the book into a new interpretive frame that is emerging in the field of the “new civil rights history,” as it is now being conceptualized in the work of Risa Goluboff, Kenneth Mack, Tomiko Brown‐Nagin, and others writing on civil rights advocacy in the twentieth‐century United States.

This article explores the diplomatic negotiations that U.S. Navy Commander Richard W. Meade conducted in Samoa in 1872. The resulting agreement that came to be known as “the Meade Treaty” was the first the United States negotiated with Samoa, but scholars usually have not explored the details of it and the process that produced it because the U.S. Senate rejected the treaty. Meade’s motivations and actions in Samoa provide a case study in how the interactions of naval officers, business leaders, islanders, and diplomats converged to produce early U.S. diplomacy in the Pacific. The article sketches the situation in Samoa in 1872 when Commander Meade and his ship, the uss Narragansett, arrived. The role of the United States in the Pacific was changing in the last third of the 19th Century, and Commander Meade’s motivations, influences, and actions illustrate the new wave of U.S. Pacific expansion during the years after the American Civil War.

The term humanitarianism finds its roots in 19th-century Europe and is generally defined as the “impartial, neutral, and independent provision of relief to victims of conflict and natural disasters.” Behind this definition lies a dynamic history. According to political scientists Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss, this history can be divided into three phases. From the 19th century to World War II, humanitarianism was a reaction to the perceived breakdown of society and the emergence of moral ills caused by rapid industrialization within Europe. The era between World War II and the 1990s saw the emergence of many of today's nongovernmental and intergovernmental organizations. These organizations sought to address the suffering caused by World War I and World War II, but also turned their gaze toward the non-Western world, which was in the process of decolonization. The third phase began in the 1990s, after the end of the Cold War, and witnessed an expansion of humanitarianism. One characteristic of this expansion is the increasing prominence of states, regional organizations, and the United Nations in the field of humanitarian action. Their increased prominence has been paralleled by a growing linkage between humanitarian concerns and the issue of state, regional, and global security. Is it possible that, in the 21st century, humanitarianism is entering a new (fourth) phase? And, if so, what role have events in the Middle East played in ushering it in? I seek to answer these questions by focusing on regional consultations that took place between June 2014 and July 2015 in preparation for the first ever World Humanitarian Summit (WHS), scheduled to take place in Istanbul in May 2016.

Today, the values of human rights, civil rights and especially the issue of gender equality (men and women equal rights) have become an urgent and decisive requirement for social progress. However, throughout the centuries, women's legal discrimination has been a historically common phenomenon on a global scale. Even in a country as proud of its democratic traditions as the United States, women are considered “second-class” citizens and their contributions seem to “disappear” in history. It was not until the 1960s - 1970s, under the influence of the Civil Rights Revolution, that the study of American women's history as an independent field attracted the attention of scholars. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing two main issues: understanding the “second-class” status of American women in legal terms and trying to explain what causes inequality to exist. world in such a persistent way throughout the modern period (16th - 19th centuries) in the history of this country. From there, it helps readers to systematically and objectively view the efforts of American women in the struggle for their legal citizenship later.

Morrison’s 1987 novel Beloved is one of the most prominent recent depictions of the still unhealed wound of slavery which is deeply imbedded into the fabric of American society. Through the literary critical theory of New Historicism, this novel, a fictional piece of literature, can be considered a historical document in its own right, in which the author, although dealing with the 19th century Reconstruction period of the antebellum Civil War, presents, both consciously and subconsciously, her own contemporary notions of this period of America’s past. In other words, this novel has inner voices which desire to express a certain political, historical and social stance, both in accordance with the author’s wishes, but also “independently” so, as the author cannot help but be influenced, in various ways, by the contemporary views on this topic. Thus, Beloved becomes a document of its time, namely the 1980s United States, and represents sometimes conflicting voices regarding the factual and fictional past of the slavery period in question, but also of the present in which it was created. Keywords: Morrison; Beloved; Slavery; Civil War; Reconstruction; New Historicism

Despite growing reliance on census data for historical research in the United States, there has been little systematic evaluation of census quality. This article relies on back-projection methods, new estimates of nineteenth-century mortality, and the 1850–1940 Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) samples to estimate age- and sex-specific net census underenumeration of the native-born white population in the United States in the 1850–1930 censuses. National and section of birth estimates are constructed. In general, the results suggest slightly higher net undercounts for native-born white males relative to native-born white females, slightly higher net undercounts in the South, and a modest trend toward greater census coverage over time. A few censuses stand out as anomalous. The 1870 census suffered a higher net rate of omission than any other census. The net undercount was especially high in the South, probably reflecting the unsettled conditions in the aftermath of the American Civil War. The net undercount was not nearly as great as nineteenth-century observers speculated and subsequent historians have long believed, however. The 1880 census appears to have achieved the most complete coverage of the native-born white population before 1940.

In “The Pornography of Death,” an essay originally published in 1955 and later incorporated into a book-length study, anthropologist Geoffrey Gorer was the first to document a dramatic shift between Victorian and contemporary attitudes toward sexuality and death. Victorian society viewed death as a natural, integral part of life, while sexuality was considered obscene and pornographic, a topic unfit for polite conversation and social discourse. In the 20th century, however, Gorer locates an “unremarked shift in prudery; whereas copulation has become more and more ‘mentionable,’ particularly in the Anglo-Saxon societies, death has become more and more ‘unmentionable’ as a natural process” (195). Responding to Gorer's provocative argument, other scholars have confirmed this cultural shift from acceptance to fear and denial of death, and as popular interest in this phenomenon has developed in the United States, a credible canon of study has formed to fill the previous void in scholarship regarding the historical, psychological, and cultural dimensions of death that simultaneously fascinate and silence Americans. As a result, death in recent decades has become an acceptable field of scholarly inquiry. However, although often viscerally aroused by abstract death and irresistibly drawn to its depiction, Americans as a society remain uncomfortable with death's immediate implications and, in many contexts, avoid contemplating its relationship to their own lives and the lives of those around them.In contrast, as Charles O. Jackson observes, “The popular mind of antebellum America was saturated with open concern about death,” a concern prompted not only “by ‘actuarial prevalence’ but by ‘existential proximity’ Life expectancy throughout the century remained limited, measured against today's standards, approximately forty years in 1850 and forty-seven at the close of the century” (61).

Abstract This contribution outlines a case for reconsidering US history in the nineteenth century. The standard approach tells the “story of the nation” after 1783 from an internal standpoint that minimizes external connections. Historians of empire, however, distinguish between formal and effective independence and trace the lines of continuity that lead from one to the other. If applied to the newly decolonized United States, this perspective reveals that important ties of commerce, finance, politics, and culture with the former colonial power remained both vibrant and persistent. Some contemporaries formulated alternatives that would reduce Britain’s informal influence; others cooperated with what would later be called neocolonialism. The ensuing debate set out arguments and policies that were to be carried forward into the twentieth century. Effective independence, defined as the recovery of key aspects of sovereignty, was not achieved until the late nineteenth century, after the Civil War, and when industrialization increased the power and confidence of the newly united nation. This argument suggests that existing studies need revising to recognize that the United States was the first important decolonized state in what was becoming the modern world; as such, it was the precursor of states in other parts of the world that were to follow its lead.

Abstract Polarization is a critical problem confronting American politics and society today. The history of the Netherlands serves as both a warning and an opportunity for the United States in its quest to solve pernicious partisanship. The eighteenth-century Dutch Republic demonstrates how continued division without compromise can easily lead to revolution and civil war. In contrast, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of the Netherlands show how a pluralist political culture created a society of compromise and tolerance. This article suggests several ways in which the United States can start to create a similar society of E pluribus unum and mitigate some of the effects of polarization in contemporary American politics.

The article analyzes the origins and causes of public resistance in the United States about the issue of preservation of monuments, symbolizing the period of the Confederacy in the U.S. South during the Civil war (1861-1865). Indicates that the main factor in the confrontation was a victory in the presidential elections of 2016 of D.Trump, who in the minds of his Democratic Party supporters is associated with racial ideas of “white supremacy”. With the coming to power of D. Trump in the U.S. relatively powerful movement emerged, mainly in the southern States for the demolition and dismantling of Confederate monuments, which symbolize, in the opinion of left-liberal forces, the ideas and theories of superior and inferior races, who were believed to be sunk into oblivion after the adoption in the 1960-s of civil rights laws. Currently in the U.S. there are more than 1.5 thousand artifacts relating to or symbolizing the period of the Confederacy and glorify its military leaders. The specific histories of the dismantling of monuments of the Confederation in various States are outlined. However are considered and the counteractions of the opponents of dismantling the legacy of the Confederacy are considered, which created in the recent years the strong legal barriers for the protection of Confederate monuments under the pretext of protecting the cultural heritage of past historical periods. It is stated that in retrospect, the current wave of dismantling of the Confederate monument is to some extent а justified step because for the first 30 years of the twentieth century these monuments were erected as political symbols of the segregation-racist regime of apartheid established in 26 U.S. States after the adoption of the so- called laws of “Jim Crow” at the turn of XIX-XX centuries. In the conclusion it is stated that under the President D. Trump the severity of the problem of the removal/preservation of Confederate monuments and other monuments of the past American history will remain in the foreseeable future.

This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.

A drive by Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on a warm summer day will convince you that many people think of old battlefields as a vacation destination. These same places, however, are excellent outdoor classrooms to teach and learn about history. In the United States Civil War battlefields were preserved intentionally as places to instruct officers of the militia and regular army, as well as to honor those who fought and fell there. The U.S. Army began to place interpretive markers on several battlefields more than a century ago and army officers still visit those same battlefields today to study military history. Today's military visitor prepares for a close examination of a Civil War battlefield using an old educational technique called the staff ride.

This article, which emphasizes the importance of transnational history, tracks the influence of E. Stanley Jones, a missionary to India in the early twentieth century, on evangelicals in the United States. It contends that global encounters pushed Jones to hold integrated ashrams, conduct evangelistic crusades, and participate in the Congress on Racial Equality. During his time abroad, he discovered that racial segregation at home hurt the causes of missions and democracy abroad. Using this Cold War logic, Jones in turn provoked American evangelicals to consider more fully questions of racial inequality.

Since the middle of the 19th century, a period of real progress in the field of public health began, government obligations towards health expanded; quarantine, isolation and other measures were introduced by the international community aimed to ensure in the first place safe trade, but also the health of the population of large Western European cities. The article examines the three new international structures in the field of health created before and after the First World War. The first in time was the Office international d’hygiène publique (OIHP), created in 1907. Shortly before the war in 1913, the International Department of Health (IHD) of the Rockefeller Foundation was founded in the United States, and straight after the war in 1920, the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO) appeared. Despite the cooperation at certain points, the relationship between the LNHO and the OIHP was largely marked by rivalry and the reluctance of the OIHP to become part of the League of Nations. In 1920 the Epidemic Commission was founded and its first head became a well known Polish medical scientist Ludwik Rajchman. The authors also pay attention to the first epidemiological actions in Bulgaria, made possible by the activities of the Rockefeller Foundation in South-Eastern Europe.

The impact of the industrial revolution in the United States on the relationship between its two economic and political regions – the North and the South – was discussed. In the first half of the 19th century, the interests of some regions diverged as the country proceeded with its economic development. This turned out to be a primary cause of contradictions between the North and the South that led to the Civil War of 1861–1865. The development of trade, industry, and transport system during the period under consideration was analyzed. Their role in the conflict was revealed. Special attention was paid to the land question, around which the disputes among industrialists of the North, farmers, and plantation owners of the South revolved. The problem of slavery as a reason for the disagreement between the two regions was emphasized. Based on the literature data, it was shown that the issue of slavery was a minor one. It was used to merely provide cover for the actual economic problems. The conclusion was made that the industrial revolution in the United States triggered political changes, which resulted in the formation of the Republican Party and in the split within the Democratic Party.

Scotland's Unionist culture has already become a world we have lost, investigation of which is hampered by the misleading notion of a ‘Celtic fringe’. Nineteenth-century Lowland Scots were not classified as Celts; indeed they vociferously projected a Teutonic racial identity. Several Scots went so far as to claim not only that the Saxon Scots of the Lowlands were superior to the Celts of the Highlands, but that the people of the Lowlands came from a more purely Anglian stock than the population of southern England. For some Scots the glory of Scottish identity resided in the boast that Lowlanders were more authentically ‘English’ than the English themselves. Moreover, Scottish historians reinterpreted the nation's medieval War of Independence – otherwise a cynosure of patriotism – as an unfortunate civil war within the Saxon race. Curiously, racialism – which was far from monolithic – worked at times both to support and to subvert Scottish involvement in empire. The late nineteenth century also saw the formulation of Scottish proposals for an Anglo-Saxon racial empire including the United States; while Teutonic racialism inflected the nascent Scottish home rule movement as well as the Udal League in Orkney and Shetland.

This article explores a tension at the core of the concept of herd immunity that has been overlooked in public and scientific discussions—namely: how can immunity, a phenomenon of individual biological defenses, be made relevant to populations? How can collectives be considered “immune”? Over the course of more than a century of use of the term, scientists have developed many different understandings of the concept in response to this inherent tension. Originating among veterinary scientists in the United States in the late 19th century, the concept was adopted by British scientists researching human infectious disease by the early 1920s. It soon became a staple concept for epidemiologists interested in disease ecology, helping to articulate the population dynamics of diseases such as diphtheria and influenza. Finally, though more traditional understandings of the concept remained in scientific use, in the era after World War II, it increasingly came to signal the objective and outcome of mass vaccination. Recognizing the complexity of scientific efforts to resolve the paradox of herd immunity may help us consider the best distribution of immunity against severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2).

Population control, as a major international development strategy, is a relatively recent phenomenon. However, its origins reach back to social currents in the 19th and early 20th centuries, culminating in an organized birth control movement in Europe and the United States. The conflicts and contradictions in that movement's history presage many of today's debates over population policy and women's rights. Eugenics had a deep influence on the U.S. birth control movement in the first half of the 20th century. After World War II private agencies and foundations played an important role in legitimizing population control as a way to secure Western control over Third World resources and stem political instability. In the late 1960s the U.S. government became a major funder of population control programs overseas and built multilateral support through establishment of the U.N. Fund for Population Activities. At the 1974 World Population Conference, Third World governments challenged the primacy of population control. While their critique led population agencies to change their strategies, population control remained a central component of international development and national security policies in the United States.

The largest federal intervention in bicycle transportation policy in the 20th century damaged the popularity and prospects of adult cycling in the United States. But in contemporaneous publications and in historical accounts, the World War II “Victory Bike” program has been described positively and fondly, even by bicycle advocates. Using the methodology of the discipline of history, this paper contrasts published literature on the Victory Bike against the unpublished, archival records of the federal government’s Revised Ration Order 7 of July, 1942. A first-ever close analysis of month-by-month rationing demonstrates the deeply restrictive nature of that program, which contradicts both early promises and later accounts. By the end of the war, civilian bicycle production and sales had halted completely, the industry had been decimated, and adult cycling was increasingly associated with wartime sacrifice and deprivation. Recovering this 20th century policy history is a necessary part of understanding American bicycle culture in the 21st, partially explaining the comparative lack of adult bicycle commuting today.

Scholars of the Middle East and North Africa are only too familiar with the momentous changes set in motion by the events of World War I. Given the number of new states and political movements that emerged in the war's aftermath, it seems only fair to describe it as “the single most important political event in the history of the modern Middle East.” Elizabeth F. Thompson recently likened the war's impact on the Middle East to that of the Civil War in the United States. To be sure, the passing of a century hardly proved sufficient for coming to terms with the legacy of either war. In fact, analyses and discussions of World War I in the Middle East have remained highly politicized, in school curricula, in academia, and in popular culture and the arena of public memory. History and historical interpretations are always contested, of course, and there is little reason to believe that accounts of World War I in the Middle East and North Africa will become less so anytime soon.