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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'United States – Foreign relations – Public opinion'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.

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2

Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.

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Bélanger, Damien-Claude 1976. "Pride and prejudice : Canadian intellectuals confront the United States, 1891-1945." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100320.

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This study compares how English and French Canadian intellectuals viewed American society from 1891 to 1945. During the period under study, the Dominion experienced accelerated industrialization and urbanization, massive immigration, technological change, and the rise of mass culture. To the nation's intellectuals, many of these changes found their source and their very embodiment in the United States. America, it was argued, was the quintessence of modernity, having embraced, among other things, secularism, democracy, mass culture, and industrial capitalism.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Canadian hostility to the United States and continental integration was expressed in two conservative discourses: that of English Canadian imperialism and French Canadian nationalism. Despite their fundamental divergence on the national question; both imperialists and nationalistes shared an essentially antimodern outlook, and anti-Americanism was their logical point of convergence.
By contrast, the most passionate Canadian defenders of American society could be found among liberal and socialist intellectuals like F. R. Scott and Jean-Charles Harvey. They saw continental integration and Canadian-American convergence as both inevitable and desirable. Intellectual continentalism reached its summit of influence during the 1930s and 1940s.
The present study is based on the analysis of some 520 texts found essentially in the era's periodical literature. Each, at least in part, explores some aspect of American life or of the relationship between Canada and the United States. Unlike most previous scholarship, which has tended to view anti-American sentiment merely as an expression of Canadian nationalism, this study is more concerned with Canadian intellectuals as thinkers on the left, the right, and the centre.
The comparative, pan-Canadian nature of this study reveals that English and French Canadian intellectuals shared common preoccupations with respect to the United States. However, the tone and emphasis of their commentary often differed. In English Canada, where political institutions and the imperial bond were viewed as the mainstays of Canadian distinctiveness, writing on the United States tended to deal primarily with political and diplomatic issues, in Quebec, where political institutions were not generally viewed as vital elements of national distinctiveness, social and cultural affairs dominated writing on the United States.

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4

Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.

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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues. However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support. In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis. The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.

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5

Lu, Xiao. "American policy and the downfall of the Nationalist China : a survey of major American historical literature of China's civil war." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112040.

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As a so-called Old China Hand, I would suggest to the new administration that it study with great sincerity of purpose the idea that we "lost" China. It has been a phony idea all along peddled by the China Lobby. Let's drop it. Then and only then can the administration ... begin to evolve and pursue an objective and, we hope, effective policy regarding China.

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6

Young, Kelly M. "Nukespeak and psychic numbing metaphors in the academic texts of defense intellectuals." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1048397.

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This study analyzed defense intellectuals' metaphors to determine if the metaphors minimize or ignore the negative effects of nuclear war. The study specifically analyzed 30 texts from Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy with the metaphorical criticism method. Once the texts were analyzed, the findings suggested that defense intellectuals' metaphors describe nuclear war as ordinary and non-threatening, as a game or relationship. In addition, the study found that the defense intellectuals used metaphors that deflected responsibility for building and using nuclear weapons away from world leaders. The findings also suggested that the defense intellectuals are not numb to the effects of nuclear war, as others claim. Instead, the defense intellectuals' metaphors acted as cognitive blinders that prevented them from discussing the effects of nuclear war. Finally, the study found that each journal's metaphors were aligned with a particular world view of international relations; Foreign Affairs belonged to the realist school of thought, while Foreign Policy belonged to the neo-liberal institutionalist school of thought.
Department of Speech Communication

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7

Botes, Marina. "The public diplomacy of the United States of America in the war on terror." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11192007-141127.

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8

Gagle, Michael Todd. "A Bridge Across the Pacific: A Study of the Shifting Relationship Between Portland and the Far East." PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2655.

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After Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931, both Japan and China sought the support of America. There has been a historical assumption that, starting with the hostilities in 1931, the Japanese were maligned in American public opinion. Consequently, the assumption has been made that Americans supported the Chinese without reserve during their conflict with Japan in the 1930s. The aim of this study is to question the accuracy of that assumption in the case of Portland, Oregon. An analysis of newspapers and print material specifically focusing on Japan and China from before the conflict reveal that the general American opinion of Japan by 1931 had shifted from admiration to suspicion and fear. The American view of China, meanwhile, had shifted from contempt to pity. When Japan invaded China, both countries lobbied for support via books, articles, and public speakers. By analyzing the speeches and publications available, this study finds that the Japanese argued for security and economic benefit, while the Chinese argued for liberty and justice. In Portland, the public opinion was strongly supportive of Japan before the 1930s, and Japan's hostilities toward China did not immediately change the opinion. Instead, an analysis of The Oregonian, the Portland City Club, and a student summit at Reed college reveal that the opinion in Portland was far more forgiving of Japan than the general American outlook. Portlanders focused on how to ease the tensions between Japan and America, even supporting Japanese calls for an Asian League of Nations headed by Japan. Further complicating the discourse in Portland was the issue of communism. Portland -- and the Pacific Northwest in general -- had been very involved with socialism in the period before the First World War. After the war, support for socialism had diverged into support for communism, for those who remained radicals, and vehement distrust of communism, for those who did not. The tension between these two groups led to outbursts of violence that left a mark on the memories of the people of the Northwest. Those who supported communism remembered the slights, which would lead them to support the Bolsheviks in the 1930s. Those who distrusted communism remembered the real threat that communism represented. When the Japanese began their propaganda against China, one of their strongest claims was that the Chinese could not hold back the tide of communism, and that only Japan was properly prepared to do so in East Asia. This claim brought up old fears in the Portland populace, most of whom did not support communism. Thus, Japanese claims of working to prevent the communist threat, coupled with the assertion of an economic boon, helped maintain a more favorable view of Japan in Portland. Following the 1937 attack on Nanking, however, Japanese action was deemed reprehensible and Portland began to turn against Japan. By profiling the public opinion of Portland toward Japan in the 1930s, this study adds to the growing body of research on the complexities of the relationship between America and Japan during the twentieth century.

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9

Richardson, Erin L. "SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.

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10

Feinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences

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11

Sinkkonen, Marja E. "Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.

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This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.

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12

Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.

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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de cas
Recent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations

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13

Wang, Di. "How the China image changed in US media : a longitudinal analysis of reports in Time Magazine (1992-2008)." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2112296.

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14

McLaughlin, James A. "The Chavez corollary the new hegemony on the block /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491192.

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15

Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).

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16

Arredondo, Christina Marlene. "The affects [sic] of behavior on celebrity image." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2627.

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17

Hanpongpandh, Peeraya. "A comparison of perceptions of public relations, marketing, and advertising educators toward integrated marketing communications." Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917012.

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This thesis sought to answer the research question: How do the top educators in the area of public relations, marketing, and advertising perceive the concept of integrated marketing communications as compared to one another?The mail survey applying Q methodology was sent to 15 top educators in each of the three fields in the United States for a total sample of 45 educators. A total of twenty-five responses were returned representing 55.5 percent of the sample. When the respondents were analyzed by discipline, there were eight responses from the pubic relations educators, nine from the marketing educators, and eight from the advertising educators. As a result the responses from each disciplines comprised, respectively, 53.3 percent, 60 percent, and 53.33 percent of the total sample.The statements in Q-Sorting were collected from the review of literature and in interviews with the Ball State University advertising, and public relations professors. Each statement either agreed or disagreed with the perception of integrated marketing communications. Each educator was asked to indicate how strongly they agreed or disagreed with each statement.A computer program developed for Q-Methodology studies was used to extract the factors from the educators' responses. After the Q-Sorts were tabulated, the researcher identified two factors, Factor I, and Factor II. The majority of Factor I respondents were the marketing, and advertising educators. The majority of Factor II respondents were public relations educators.The researcher concluded that these two groups had clearly different attitudes toward IMC. Stated in another way, marketing educators and advertising educators had similar perceptions of IMC, while public relations educators perceived the IMC concept very differently. Public relations educators indicated that the concept of IMC would be acceptable if it should be viewed as a total organizational communications function.
Department of Journalism

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18

Zhang, Shu. "Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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19

Quan, Wei. "Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.

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20

Roy, Oindrila. "EXPLORING THE INFLUENCE OF FAITH ON FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES IN THE UNITED STATES." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1416593434.

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21

Dai, Ke. "Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.

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Zong, Jian Ping. "Climate change in Sino-U.S. relations : a catalyst of cooperation or conflict?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554512.

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23

Roach, John O. "Beliefs about racial differences : a converging methods, with subjects approach." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/30948.

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Cash, Dane J. "The forgotten debate: American political opinion journals and the Korean War, 1950-1953." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32878.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This dissertation is an examination of the foreign policy debates during and about the Korean War that played out in America's leading political opinion journals from 1950-1953. From left to right along the ideological spectrum, these journals include The Nation, The New Republic, Commonweal, The New Leader, The American Mercury, and The Freeman. Such an analysis uncovers some of most important ideological currents that ran through American political and intellectual life during the mid-20th century and challenges some long-standing historiographical assumptions about this period in American political and intellectual history. First, the foreign policy debates inspired by the Korean War were much more robust than is typically appreciated. Second, there was consistent and substantive disagreement between different camps of liberals, namely, between left liberals and hawkish liberals, to the point that hawkish liberals often favored positions more aligned with those of conservatives than with those of their fellow liberals. This tension between different strands of liberalism suggests that the notion that a "liberal consensus" reigned supreme in American political and intellectual life during the early years of the Cold War may be in need of qualification or revision. Third, the conservative arguments made in the pages of publications like The Freeman and The American Mercury reveal that the conservative movement was much more coherent and mature in the early 1950s, years before the emergence of William F. Buckley, Jr.'s National Review, than is generally thought. In sum, an examination of the "forgotten debate" about this forgotten war has much to teach us about the political and intellectual history of the United States in the mid-20111 century and beyond.
2031-01-01

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25

Keleová, Lenka. "NAFTA ? Canada?s Approach: Relations and Disputes." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2006. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-14801.

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Look, Christine T. "White racial identity : its relationship to cognitive complexity and interracial contact." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063213.

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This study was conducted in two parts. In the first part, two assumptions presented in Janet Helms' White Racial Identity (WRI) development model (1990) were tested. First, Helms theorized that one's stage of WRI development is positively related to increased cognitive complexity achievement and suggests that later stages require greater complexity. A second assumption of Helms' theory was that continued interracial contact is essential for advancement in WRI stage development. Part one of this study examined the relationship of cognitive complexity and interracial contact (both formal and informal) to WRI, and the relationship between cognitive complexity and interracial contact as they relate to WRI.Part two of this study consisted of a factor analysis of Helms' WRI measure followed by a second set of analyses examining the relationship between the new obtained factors with contact and cognitive complexity. This analysis allowed a comparison to be made between Helms' 5 WRI stages and the obtained factor solution from the factor analysis. It also allowed a comparison of the relationship between the stages and cognitive complexity and contact and the obtained factor solution and these same variables.Three hundred and sixty eight White undergraduates completed Helms' White Racial Identity Attitude Scale, a 4 x 6 Repertory Grid, measuring cognitive complexity in social settings, and an interracial contact measure, including a measure of both formal and informal types of contact. Results of part one of the analyses indicated that neither cognitive complexity nor cognitive complexity x contact were significantly related to WRI scores. However, contact was significantly related to WRI scores. WRI stage two was positively related and WRI stage four was negatively related to scores on formal contact. Stage 4 was negatively related and stages 2 and 3 were positively related to scores on informal contact.The results of part two indicated again that neither cognitive complexity nor cognitive complexity x contact were significantly related to the obtained WRI factors. However, contact once again was significant. The factor analysis produced a 5 factor solution that while similar in theme and number to the 5 stages, nonetheless indicated a different relationship with contact scores than the stages did. Factor 3 (representing stage 4) was positively related and factor 4 (representing stages 2 and 3) was negatively related to formal contact scores. However, factor 3 (representing stage 4) was positively related and factor 4 (representing stages 2 and 3) were negatively related to scores on informal contact. There were discrepancies across the two parts of the study as to the stages and direction of the relationships between interracial contact (formal and informal) and WRI scores. Some of these results were in opposite directions than either the theory or study expected.These discrepancies are dealt with in chapter 5.
Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

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Clark, Robin L. "Continuing education views and practices of members of the Financial Communications Section of the Public Relations Society of America." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/845927.

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The 221 members of the Financial Communications section of the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA) were surveyed about their continuing education views and practices through a mail survey. Out of the 221 members, 118 (53.4%) completed and returned the survey. Respondents were asked their opinions about the importance of different types of continuing education programs, how long it had been since they last participated, and what topic they would most like to see covered in a continuing education forum. The members were asked whether their companies encouraged involvement in continuing education by providing financial assistance and positive recognition. Respondents were also asked their number of years in the field, education, type of company, position level, age, income, and gender.It was concluded through the results of the study that the majority of members find continuing education important to themselves and to their profession. Most of the companies do encourage participation in continuing education and members feel that their companies' encouragement does influence their decision on whether to to participate.
Department of Journalism

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Lee, Sook-Young. "The interaction effect of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1124740.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability. A total of 73 international students who registered at Ball State University spring semester 1999 participated in the survey research project. MANOVA revealed a significant relationship between perceived vulnerability and television exposure. Although no significant relationship was found between perceived vulnerability and cultural identity levels, there was a significant interaction effect between television exposure and cultural identity. International students who were heavy viewers and had assimilated identity exhibited the greatest perceived vulnerability. Theoretical and methodological implications of the findings were discussed for future research.
Department of Speech Communication

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Hua, Yan Wen. "Mission impossible? : a study on Sino-American mutual strategic trust." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554478.

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Ayeni, Anthony. "Content Analysis Study of ABC News Presentations on Nigeria as an Example of Third World News Coverage." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500790/.

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The purpose of this study is to inquire if there are dispositions of any type. of newscast carried by ABC News about Nigeria and if these newscasts are positively or negatively inclined. The analysis quantified and verified that while the broadcast content of ABC News presentations on Nigeria have been objectively covered, the newscasts have taken stereotypical patterns. This, thereby establishes the need for ABC News, being an example of American network news, to diversify and cover stories of social and human interest in Nigeria and other Third World countries. The study concludes that a true maxim of news coverage is needed as a guide to unbiased, unslanted or cliched news presentations.

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Faherty, Douglas M. "Italian foreign policy : trends for the twenty-first century /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFaherty.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available online.

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Powell, Tyrone. "Dysfunctional marital beliefs and marital satisfaction : a multicultural analysis." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/955850.

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One hundred twenty African-American and Euro-American married individuals were asked to complete inventories measuring marital distress, dysfunctional beliefs about marital relationships, and socioeconomic status (SES). It was hypothesized there would be a negative relationship between the dysfunctional beliefs that married individuals held and their level of marital satisfaction; there would be no significant difference between the dysfunctional beliefs that married individuals held across gender and race; and finally, the dysfunctional beliefs of married individuals would provide a better prediction of marital satisfaction than SES, gender, age, or race.Results indicate that Disagreement is destructive (D), Mindreading is expected (M), Partners cannot change (C), Sexual perfectionism is a must (S), and The sexes are dramatically different (MF) each obtained a statistically significant negative association with marital satisfaction. Examining the relationship between gender and marital satisfaction, males reported higher levels of marital satisfaction than females. Furthermore, statistically significant differences were obtained for gender but not for race when considering all five dysfunctional marital beliefs simultaneously. Finally, the various factors considered in this study accounted for 30% of the variance in marital satisfaction.
Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

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Yang, Mu-Li. "A study of Chinese adult immigrants' television viewing motivations." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1218.

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Phares, Matthew H. "Combating insurgency can lessons from the Huk Rebellion apply to Iraq? /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490910.

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MacFarland, Susan May. "Anti-war women : the role of the Feminist-Pacifist-Internationalist Movement in American foreign policy and international relations, 1898-1930 /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.

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36

McQuilkin, Christopher R. ""An excellent laboratory"| U.S. foreign aid in Paraguay, 1942-1954." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1568769.

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After the United States entered World War II, the nation began a technical assistance program and a military aid program in Paraguay as part of its Latin American foreign policy. The U.S. rooted its technical assistance program in an idealized narrative of U.S. agricultural history, in which land-grant colleges and the agricultural reforms of the New Deal had contributed to prosperity and democracy. The extension of this American Way to other countries would strengthen prosperity, encourage democratic reforms, and prevent fascist and Communist subversion. The U.S. also extended military aid to Paraguay to draw Paraguay's military away from its fascist sympathies. Over the next twelve years, policymakers debated the relationship between technical assistance and military aid, their effects on Paraguay, and their compatibility with U.S. foreign policy. Initially, U.S. policymakers saw the programs as mutually reinforcing. By the mid-1950s, however, the promise of agrarian democracy remained unfulfilled in Paraguay.

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Lin, Chin-sheng, and n/a. "The One-China controversy, 1996-2002 : the impact of Taiwan�s democratisation on the cross-strait policies of Taipei, Beijing and Washington." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070220.142540.

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The one-China issue before the 1990s was not particularly complex as both sides of the Taiwan Strait claimed that there was only one China in the world and Taiwan was part of China. Nevertheless, after Taiwan accelerated democratisation in the early 1990s, and especially after 1996 when it entered a stage of democratic consolidation, the one-China issue has become a bitter controversy. Taiwan was transformed from an authoritarian regime to a democracy through the revision of the constitution and the reform of elections for the Legislative Yüan and the presidency between 1991 and 1996. Democratisation not only legitimised the government�s rule on Taiwan, but also brought about Taiwanese nationalism, which forced the government to defend the sovereignty to which its democratic and economic achievements now entitled it. As the PRC has always claimed sovereignty over Taiwan, the one-China controversy has thus focused on Taiwan�s international status since the 1990s. In order to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence, the PRC adopted a carrot and stick strategy, but failed. Its "peaceful reunification" policy and the "one country, two systems" formula could not attract the Taiwanese, and its military threats were blocked by the US, which has strongly demanded a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait disputes since 1979. As the US also needs the PRC�s cooperation in many international areas, it did not support Taiwan�s formal independence. Under such circumstances, maintaining the status quo of the Taiwan Strait becomes the best choice for the three sides. The one-China controversy is not expected to be resolved in the near future. Democracy has been promoted as a universal value since the Cold War. As Taiwan has not ruled out the possibility of future democratic unification with the Mainland, the best way to resolve the one-China controversy might be the successful democratisation of the PRC, which the international community would welcome.

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Sarvo, Joseph Evan. "A New Approach for Dealing with the Hermit Kingdom: Analysis of United States Foreign Policy with North Korea." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1241112242.

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39

Pan, Chengxin, and chengxin pan@deakin edu au. "Discourses of 'China' in International Relations: A Study in Western Theory as (IR) Practice." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050528.132232.

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This thesis is concerned with both the dangers and opportunities of Chinas relations with the contemporary world and with the U.S.-led West in particular. It takes an unconventional approach to these issues in critically examining mainstream Western studies of Chinese foreign policy as a particular kind of discourse. The thesis focuses, more specifically, on the two dominant Western perspectives on China, (neo)realism and (neo)-liberalism. In doing so, it engages the questions of how Western discursive practice has come to shape and dominate the ways we think of and deal with China in international relations, and how, as a result, China has often come to formulate its foreign policy in line with the prescribed meaning given to it by Western-based China scholars. In this context, the thesis argues that to deconstruct the processes by which China is given particular meanings by Western discoursesand by which those meanings are transformed into both Western and Chinese foreign policyis the key to a more profound understanding of Sino-Western relations and, perhaps, a first step towards ameliorating its problems and realising its potential for long-term peace and mutual prosperity.

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楊卓林. "中國知識分子的美國觀, 1949-1999 = Chinese intelligentsia's perception of the US, 1949-1999." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2002. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/468.

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Cronenwett, Megan R. "Accounting for the Role of the Public in Democratic States' Counterterrorism Policies: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Spain and the United Kingdom." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1303144037.

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Jacobs, Matthew D. "A “Psychological Offensive”: United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.

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Landroche, Tina Michele. "Chinese women as cultural participants and symbols in nineteenth century America." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4291.

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Chinese female immigrants were active cultural contributors and participants in nineteenth century America, yet Americans often simplified their roles into crude stereotypes and media symbols. The early western accounts concerning females in China created the fundamental images that were the basis of the later stereotypes of women immigrants. The fact that a majority of the period's Chinese female immigrants became prostitutes fueled anti-Chinese feelings. This thesis investigates the general existence of Chinese prostitutes in nineteenth century America and how they were portrayed in the media. American attitudes toward white women and their images of Chinese women created the stereotype of all Chinese female immigrants as immoral. Thus, they became unconscious pawns of nineteenth century American nativist forces wanting to limit and prevent Chinese immigration based on prejudicial and racist attitudes.

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Wong, Ka Kei. "The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554611.

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Liu, Yu-Chun. "Image restoration : an examination of denial strategy in media coverage during the first three months of the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal." Virtual Press, 2006. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1347731.

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This thesis analyzes President William Jefferson Clinton's self-defense during the first four months of 1998. The study focuses on Clinton's denial of the sex scandal with White House intern Monica Lewinsky when the story broke out in the Washington Post on January 21, 1998. William L. Benoit's theory of Image Restoration is used to examine each strategy's distribution. Benoit's framework consists of identifying strategies used by denial to clarify and repair a positive image despite negative public accusations.The study employed a content analysis as the research methodology. There were a total of 1,392 sentences contained in twenty-four articles from the Washington Post, only articlesfrom the Post were included in the initial search. Research was conducted using microfilm of the Washington Post full-text articles during the time period of interest: January 21, 1998 to April 20, 1998. The dependent variables were the number of sentences devoted to the amount of the Washington Post coverage given to the strategies utilized by Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Clinton's staff, Clinton' s lawyer, Clinton's friends, the media, Al Gore, and the Democratic Party. Meanwhile, the sentences were coded on the basis of image restoration theory and strategy categories defined by Benoit.The data showed the strategy of denial was employed at the highest rate among all strategies during the three selected time periods. Specifically, the denial strategy was used the most frequently with 348 quotations (25%). In the short run, Clinton's popularity among followers was not damaged, but in the long run, he faced impeachment proceedings. Therefore, the strategy of denial is not always a clarification action. This study indicates that the strategy of denial merely complicates and prolongs the whole process; therefore twisting Benoit's original definition.
Department of Journalism

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46

Slater, Graham. "Foreign Policy Evaluation and the Utility of Intervention." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3217.

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This dissertation identifies and explains the factors contributing to the presence and severity of U.S. foreign-policy blunders, or gross errors in strategic judgment resulting in significant harm to the national interest, since the Second World War. It hypothesizes that the grand strategy of preponderance and the overestimation of military power to transform the politics of other states have precipitated U.S. foreign-policy blunders since 1945. Examining the Vietnam War and Iraq War as case studies, it focuses on underlying conditions in the American national identity and the problematic foreign policy decision-making (FPDM) that corresponds to this bifurcated hypothesis, termed the overestimation/preponderance theoretical model (OPM). Four indicators operationalize the OPM: (1) how U.S. foreign policymakers estimated the capacity of military power to transform the political dynamics of the target state through intervention; (2) and (3) how U.S. actors and institutions affected the capacity of the partner state and hostile state and nonstate actors; and (4) how the foreign policy was justified and rationalized within the leadership of government and to the general public as it encountered disconfirming information. In each case, the grand strategy of preponderance instituted a bounded rationality of mission in the FPDM stage and the operationalization stage that precluded the inclusion of an unfavorable outcome. In each case, U.S. foreign policymakers greatly overestimated the capacity of the partner state to establish security and legitimacy and underestimated the capacity of hostile actors to mobilize and threaten the partner state. However, these preference-confirmation biases diametrically contradicted the assessment that victory would be easy to achieve; U.S. foreign policymakers promulgated this corresponding overestimation/underestimation even while inflating the threat far beyond what the actual threat to the national-security element of the national interest represented. The subsequent implementing of this inverted calculation created a national-security national interest where none was extant, then significantly harmed that new interest via intervention. This tactical application of the grand strategy of preponderance facilitated the strategic-tactical gap in U.S. foreign policy by creating monsters in order to have monsters to slay, consistent with the ideological tradition of the imperative of crusade in the modern history of American foreign relations.

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Kumar, Shivaji. "Explaining the India-U.S. Strategic Partnership: The Impact of Middle-Class Identity." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354732453.

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Hall, James. "Australia, March 2003 : the print media, democracy and the decision to invade Iraq." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/220.

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Models of mass media and democracy, as commonly discussed by media theorists, suggest there is a tight ideological relationship between the dominant discourse of mass media outlets and incumbent governments (Chomsky, 1997; Curran, 2002; Curran and Gurevitch, 2001; Curran and Park, 1996; Curran and Seaton, 1986; Herman and Chomsky, 1986; Herman and McChesney, 2001; Jacka, 2003; Schultz, 1998). In this thesis I analyse Australian print media opinion pages, and argue that the workings of Herman and Chomksy's Propaganda Model (1988, pp. 1-35) are evident in opinion page output on the Iraq issue. However, when applied to Australia and the Australian government's decision to invade Iraq in March 2003, as part of the Coalition of the Willing, I claim that the tight connection between mass media outlets and the dominant discourse of the government is not as evident. In other words, in this instance the dominant discourse that emerged from an analysis of print opinion pages was not as ideologically synchronised with the position of the Australian government as traditional theory would posit.

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Ndzuta, Akhona Amanda. "South African Festivals in the United States: An Expression of Policies, Power and Networks." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1554903391508711.

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50

Lins, Lindercy Francisco Tome de Souza. "To sell a product or to sell an idea: a propaganda oficial do Brasil nos Estados Unidos da América (1930-1945)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-24022016-013307/.

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Este trabalho analisa a propaganda oficial do Brasil nos Estados Unidos da América, de 1930 a 1945, no anseio de entender como o governo capitaneado por Getúlio Vargas estabeleceu uma política de promoção da imagem do Brasil naquele país. A organização da propaganda externa contou com atuação dos seguintes órgãos: Departamentos de publicidade/propaganda, principalmente o Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Escritório de informações brasileiras nos EEUU, ligado ao Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio; postos diplomáticos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores; além dos órgãos norte-americanos: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) do governo estaduninse; e American Brazilian Association, de natureza privada. Destaca-se o fato de que cada órgão brasileiro, a sua maneira, concebia e realizava, com relativa autonomia, ações de promoção da imagem positiva do País nos Estados Unidos. Os elementos em comum às formas de propaganda desses órgãos foram as ações empregadas, a exemplo do envio de notícias aos jornais, análise das matérias sobre o Brasil, acolhida de personalidades, promoção de intercâmbios artísticos, educacionais e científicos, fomento a publicações informativas sobre o País como as revistas Brazil, Brazil Today e Travel in Brazil. Destaca-se a contratação, de maneira informal, do famoso redator da coluna Washington Merry-Go-Round, Drew Pearson, como agente de imprensa do Brasil. Essas ações detinham também um mesmo público-alvo, composto de jornalistas, empresários, políticos, intelectuais, militares e demais personalidades consideradas formadoras de opinião; ou seja, pessoas que podiam, de algum modo, interferir ou influenciar os rumos dos interesses nacionais nos assuntos externos dos EUA
This study analyzes the Brazilians government propaganda in the United States, from 1930 to 1945, which to aim to understand how the government headed by President Getúlio Vargas established a Brazil\'s image in that country. The organization of the Brazilian propaganda abroad featured by performance of the following agencies: Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Brazilian Information Bureau, diplomatic posts owned by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Itamaraty; and the American organizations: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) of U.S government; American and Brazilian Association, a private agency. Noteworthy is the fact that every Brazilian agency, in its way, conceived and performed with relative autonomy, actions to promote the positive image of the Brazil in the U.S. The common elements of forms of propaganda were employed, such as sending news to American newspapers, analysis of news about Brazil in the American Press, welcoming American personalities, promotion of artistic, educational and scientific exchanges, fostering informative publications about Brazil, such as magazines Brazil, Brazil Today and Travel in Brazil. The Brazilian government hired, informally, Drew Pearson, the editor of the famous column Washington Merry-go-round, as press agent of Brazil. These actions held by the same audience, composed of journalists, businessmen, politicians, intellectuals, military and other persons considered public opinion makers; that is, people who could in any way interfere with or influence the direction of national interests in foreign affairs in U.S.

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