Journal articles on the topic 'United States – Foreign relations – Psychological aspects'

Russia under Vladimir Putin’s leadership has assumed a personalised character which has drastically transformed its domestic and defence policy as well as its global grand strategy. The main contour of the grand strategy is a strategic rebalancing in the places of its influence including its near abroad and its area of interest including Asia, Asia Pacific and the Middle East. Putin’s leadership and psychological orientation have a fundamental role in the materialisation of this transformation and the study of this factor serves as a lens to explain Russia’s resurgence and also provides a guide to Russia’s future foreign policy. One of the significant aspects of the strategic rebalancing is Russia’s increasing influence in South Asia and the projects of building transport and trade corridor. While China remains another significant powerful player with similar geostrategic and geoeconomic plans; states such as Pakistan foresee great challenges as well as opportunities which emerge as a result of the increasing influence of Russia and China in the region and the lingering dissonance in Pakistan’s relations with the United States of America.

The article outlines the concepts "nurse", "professional ethics of nurses." The professional ethics of nurses has been defined as a component of medical ethics which studies moral consciousness, moral and ethical aspects of professional activity, moral principles and values that regulate the moral relationship between s nurse and s patient, the patient's family, other members of the medical community and community. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian experience of formation of nurses’ professional ethics gives grounds to characterize the quality as a set of interrelated cognitive, praxeological, communicative components; their presence allows to interact productively with the professional and social environment on the basis of professionally important ethical knowledge, skills, professional important qualities that are aimed at the effective organization of the medical-preventive process and the solution of professional tasks. The content of the professional ethics of a future nurse consists of ethical categories and professionally important ethical qualities such as: professional duty, responsibility, dignity, conscience, honor, respect, mercy, empathy, tolerance.The peculiarities of educational programs of future licensed younger nurses training (LPN) in the United States aimed at the formation of professional ethics have been outlined. A review of the linguistic- cultural aspect of the formation of nurses’ professional ethics at American higher education institutions has been conducted. The experience of classes on "Nursing Ethics", "Foreign Language" at Cherkasy Medical Academy has been presented; they are aimed at understanding the world of the profession, the culture of communication in medical community, ethical behavior, moral relations, prevention of conflict situations, and provision of psychological support.

У статті обґрунтовано актуальність вивчення чинників акультурації та мовної адаптації у контексті дослідження специфіки прояву прокрастинації іноземними студентами. Висвітлено особливості операціоналізації вказаних понять у сучасній науковій літературі. Вибірку дослідження склали іноземні студенти (n=41), які навчаються за освітнім рівнем «бакалавр» у двох вищих навчальних закладах України. Результати кореляційного аналізу свідчать про позитивний взаємозв’язок прокрастинації із загальним рівнем прояву стресу акультурації (r = 0.43, p<0,01), а також такими його аспектами як акультураційний страх (r = 0.46, p<0,01), сприйнята дискримінація (r = 0.37, p<0,05), почуття провини (r = 0.31, p<0,05). Вагоме значення аспектів мовної інтеграції у контексті вивчення тематики прокрастинації підтверджено зафіксованими прямими значущими кореляційними зв’язками із загальною шкалою мовної тривожності (r = 0.59, p<0,001), страхом негативної оцінки (r = 0.62, p<0,001), страхом спілкування (r = 0.62, p<0,001) та складання іспитів (r = 0.47, p<0,01). Література References Грабчак О. Особливості академічної прокрастинації студентів-першокурсників// Педагогіка і психологія професійної освіти. 2016. № 4. С. 210-218 Колтунович Т.А., Поліщук О. М. Прокрастинація – конфлікт між «важливим» і «приємним»// Young Scientist. 2017. Вип. 5, № 45. С. 211-218. Ряднова В. В., Безега Н. М., Безкоровайна І. М., Воскресенська Л. К., Пера-Васильченко А. В. Психологічні особливості процесу адаптації й організації навчання студентів-іноземців// Актуальні питання медичної (фармацевтичної) освіти іноземних громадян: проблеми та перспективи. Збірник наукових статей. 2018. С. 74-76. Balkis, M., Duru, E. (2019). Procrastination and Rational/Irrational Beliefs: A Moderated Mediation Model. Journal of Rational-Emotive & Cognitive-Behavior Therapy. doi:10.1007/s10942-019-00314-6 Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29(6), 697-712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.07.013 Chowdhury, S.F., Pychyl, T.A. (2018). A critique of the construct validity of active procrastination. Personality and Individual Differences, 120, 7-12. DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.paid.2017.08.016. DuBow, F. McCabe, E., Kaplan, G. (1979). Reactions to Crime: A Critical Review of the Literature, Unpublished report. Center for Urban Affairs, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL. Ferrari J.R., Crum K.P., Pardo M.A. (2018), Decisional procrastination: Assessing characte­rological and contextual variables around indecision. Current Psychology, 37(2), doi: 10.1007/s12144-017-9681-x. Ferrari, J. R., Johnson, J. L., McCown, W. G. (1995). The Plenum series in social/clinical psychology. Procrastination and task avoidance: Theory, research, and treatment. N.Y.: Plenum Press. doi: 10.1007/978-1-4899-0227-6 Ferrari, J. R., O'Callaghan, J., Newbegin, I. (2005). Prevalence of Procrastination in the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia: arousal and avoidance delays among adults. North American Journal of Psychology, 7(1), 1-6. Gamst-Klaussen, T., Steel, P., Svartdal, F. (2019). Procrastination and personal finances: Exploring the roles of planning and financial self-efficacy. Frontiers in Psychology, 10, 1-10. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00775 Goldin, C., Katz, L. F., Kuziemko, I. (2006), The homecoming of American college women: The reversal of the college gender gap. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 20(4), 133-157. Haghbin, M. (2015). Conceptualization and operationalization of delay: Development and validation of the multifaceted measure of academic procrastination and the delay questionnaire. (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis). Carleton University, Ottowa, Canada. Hashemi, M., Abbasi, M. (2013). The role of the teacher in alleviating anxiety in language classes. International Journal of Applied and Basic Sciences, 4(3), 640-646. Horwitz, E. K., Horwitz, M.B., Cope, J. (1986). Foreign language classroom anxiety. The Modern Language Journal, 70(2), 125-132. Klingsieck, K. B. (2013). Procrastination: When good things don’t come to those who wait. European Psychologist, 18(1), 24-34. doi: 10.1027/1016-9040/a000138 Kornienko, A. A., Shamrova, D. P., Kvesko, S. B., Kornienko, A. A., Nikitina, Y. A., Chaplinskaya, Y. I. (2016). Adaptation Problems Experienced by International Students in Aspect of Quality Management. The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioral Sciences, 48, 358-361 doi: 10.15405/epsbs.2017.01.48 Kráľová, Z., Sorádová D. (2015). Foreign Language Learning Anxiety. In: Teaching Foreign Languages in Inclusive Education: (A teacher-trainee´s handbook), Nitra: Constantine the Philosopher University. doi: 10.17846/SEN.2015.91-100 Lee, S. (2008). Relationship between selected predictors and adjustment/acculturation stress among East Asian international students. (Doctoral dissertation). University of Kentucky, Lexington. Lindblom-Ylänne, S., Saariaho, E., Inkinen, M., Haarala-Muhonen. A., Hailikari., T (2015). Academic procrastinators, strategic delayers and something betwixt and between: An interview study. Frontline Learning Research, 3(2), 47-62. Markiewicz, K. (2018). Prokrastynacja i prokrastynatorzy. Definicja, etiologia, epidemiologia i terapia. Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, 31(3), 195-213. Markiewicz, K., Dziewulska, P. (2018). Procrastination Predictors and moderating effect of personality traits. Polskie Forum Psychologiczne, 23(3), 593-609 doi: 10.14656/ PFP20180308 Pychyl, T.A., Sirois, F. M. (2016). Procrastination, emotion regulation, and well-being. In: Procrastination, Health, and Well-Being, (pp. 163-188). Academic Press, Rorer, L. G. (1983). “Deep” RET: A reformulation of some psychodynamic explanations of procrastination. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 7, l-10. Russell, J., Rosenthal, D., Thomson, G. (2010). The international student experience: Three styles of adaptation. Higher Education, 60, 235-249 Sandhu, D. S., Asrabadi, B. R. (1994). Development of an acculturative stress scale for international students: Preliminary findings. Psychological Reports, 75(1,2), 435-448. doi: 10.2466/pr0.1994.75.1.435 Schouwenburg, H. C., Lay, C. H., Pychyl, T. A., Ferrari, J. R. (Eds.). (2004). Counseling the Procrastinator in Academic Settings. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. doi: 10.1037/10808-000 Sirois, F.M., Pychyl, T.A. (2013). Procrastination and the Priority of Short-Term Mood Regulation: Consequences for Future Self. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(2), 115-127. Steel, P. (2007). The nature of procrastination: a meta-analytic and theoretical review of quintessential selfregulatory failure. Psychological Bulletin, 133, 65–94. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.133.1.65 Steel, P., Ferrari, J. (2013). Sex, education and procrastination: An epidemiological study of procrastinators’ characteristics from a global sample. European Journal of Personality, 27(1), 51-58. doi: 10.1002/per.1851. Tibbett, T. P., Ferrari, J. R. (2015). The portrait of the procrastinator: Risk factors and results of an indecisive personality. Personality and Individual Differences, 82, 175–184 Van Eerde, W., Klingsieck, K. B. (2018). Overcoming procrastination? A meta-analysis of intervention studies. Educational Research Review, 25, 73-85. Zhanibek, A. (2001). The relationship between language anxiety and students’ participation in foreign language classes. (Master thesis). Bilkent University, Ankara. References (translated and transliterated) Hrabchak, O. (2016). Osoblyvosti akademichnoji prokrastynaciji studentiv-pershokursnykiv [Academic procrastination features in first-year students]. Pedaghohika i Psykholohiya Profesiynoyi Osvity, 4, 210-218 Koltunovych, T.A., Polishhuk, O.M (2017). Prokrastynacija – konflikt mizh “vazhlyvym” i “pryjemnym” [Procrustination - the conflict between “important” and “pleasant”]. Young Scientist, 5 (45), 211-218. Riadnova, V.V., Bezeha, N.M., Bezkorovaina, I.M., Voskresens’ka, L.K., Pera-Vasylchenko, A.V. (2018). Psykhologhichni osoblyvosti procesu adaptaciyi i orghanizaciyi navchannia studentiv-inozemtsiv [Psychological features of the process of adaptation and organization of international students’ training]. Issues of Medical (Pharmaceutical) Education of International Citizens: Problems and Prospects. Book of abstracts (74-76). Poltava, Ukraine. Balkis, M., Duru, E. (2019). Procrastination and Rational/Irrational Beliefs: A Moderated Mediation Model. Journal of Rational-Emotive & Cognitive-Behavior Therapy. doi:10.1007/s10942-019-00314-6 Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29(6), 697-712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.07.013 Chowdhury, S.F., Pychyl, T.A. (2018). A critique of the construct validity of active procrastination. Personality and Individual Differences, 120, 7-12. DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.paid.2017.08.016. DuBow, F. McCabe, E., Kaplan, G. (1979). Reactions to Crime: A Critical Review of the Literature, Unpublished report. Center for Urban Affairs, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL. Ferrari J.R., Crum K.P., Pardo M.A. (2018), Decisional procrastination: Assessing characte­rological and contextual variables around indecision. Current Psychology, 37(2), doi: 10.1007/s12144-017-9681-x. Ferrari, J. R., Johnson, J. L., McCown, W. G. (1995). The Plenum series in social/clinical psychology. Procrastination and task avoidance: Theory, research, and treatment. N.Y.: Plenum Press. doi: 10.1007/978-1-4899-0227-6 Ferrari, J. R., O'Callaghan, J., Newbegin, I. (2005). Prevalence of Procrastination in the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia: arousal and avoidance delays among adults. North American Journal of Psychology, 7(1), 1-6. Gamst-Klaussen, T., Steel, P., Svartdal, F. (2019). Procrastination and personal finances: Exploring the roles of planning and financial self-efficacy. Frontiers in Psychology, 10, 1-10. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00775 Goldin, C., Katz, L. F., Kuziemko, I. (2006), The homecoming of American college women: The reversal of the college gender gap. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 20(4), 133-157. Haghbin, M. (2015). Conceptualization and operationalization of delay: Development and validation of the multifaceted measure of academic procrastination and the delay questionnaire. (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis). Carleton University, Ottowa, Canada. Hashemi, M., Abbasi, M. (2013). The role of the teacher in alleviating anxiety in language classes. International Journal of Applied and Basic Sciences, 4(3), 640-646. Horwitz, E. K., Horwitz, M.B., Cope, J. (1986). Foreign language classroom anxiety. The Modern Language Journal, 70(2), 125-132. Klingsieck, K. B. (2013). Procrastination: When good things don’t come to those who wait. European Psychologist, 18(1), 24-34. doi: 10.1027/1016-9040/a000138 Kornienko, A. A., Shamrova, D. P., Kvesko, S. B., Kornienko, A. A., Nikitina, Y. A., Chaplinskaya, Y. I. (2016). Adaptation Problems Experienced by International Students in Aspect of Quality Management. The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioral Sciences, 48, 358-361 doi: 10.15405/epsbs.2017.01.48 Kráľová, Z., Sorádová D. (2015). Foreign Language Learning Anxiety. In: Teaching Foreign Languages in Inclusive Education: (A teacher-trainee´s handbook), Nitra: Constantine the Philosopher University. doi: 10.17846/SEN.2015.91-100 Lee, S. (2008). Relationship between selected predictors and adjustment/acculturation stress among East Asian international students. (Doctoral dissertation). University of Kentucky, Lexington. Lindblom-Ylänne, S., Saariaho, E., Inkinen, M., Haarala-Muhonen. A., Hailikari., T (2015). Academic procrastinators, strategic delayers and something betwixt and between: An interview study. Frontline Learning Research, 3(2), 47-62. Markiewicz, K. (2018). Prokrastynacja i prokrastynatorzy. Definicja, etiologia, epidemiologia i terapia. Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, 31(3), 195-213. Markiewicz, K., Dziewulska, P. (2018). Procrastination Predictors and moderating effect of personality traits. Polskie Forum Psychologiczne, 23(3), 593-609 doi: 10.14656/ PFP20180308 Pychyl, T.A., Sirois, F. M. (2016). Procrastination, emotion regulation, and well-being. In: Procrastination, Health, and Well-Being, (pp. 163-188). Academic Press, Rorer, L. G. (1983). “Deep” RET: A reformulation of some psychodynamic explanations of procrastination. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 7, l-10. Russell, J., Rosenthal, D., Thomson, G. (2010). The international student experience: Three styles of adaptation. Higher Education, 60, 235-249 Sandhu, D. S., Asrabadi, B. R. (1994). Development of an acculturative stress scale for international students: Preliminary findings. Psychological Reports, 75(1,2), 435-448. doi: 10.2466/pr0.1994.75.1.435 Schouwenburg, H. C., Lay, C. H., Pychyl, T. A., Ferrari, J. R. (Eds.). (2004). Counseling the Procrastinator in Academic Settings. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. doi: 10.1037/10808-000 Sirois, F.M., Pychyl, T.A. (2013). Procrastination and the Priority of Short-Term Mood Regulation: Consequences for Future Self. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(2), 115-127. Steel, P. (2007). The nature of procrastination: a meta-analytic and theoretical review of quintessential selfregulatory failure. Psychological Bulletin, 133, 65–94. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.133.1.65 Steel, P., Ferrari, J. (2013). Sex, education and procrastination: An epidemiological study of procrastinators’ characteristics from a global sample. European Journal of Personality, 27(1), 51-58. doi: 10.1002/per.1851. Tibbett, T. P., Ferrari, J. R. (2015). The portrait of the procrastinator: Risk factors and results of an indecisive personality. Personality and Individual Differences, 82, 175–184 Van Eerde, W., Klingsieck, K. B. (2018). Overcoming procrastination? A meta-analysis of intervention studies. Educational Research Review, 25, 73-85. Zhanibek, A. (2001). The relationship between language anxiety and students’ participation in foreign language classes. (Master thesis). Bilkent University, Ankara.

The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.

It is not generally appreciated that Francis Mann was not an international lawyer at all by training. His thesis at Berlin University was in company law. It was only after he had been in England for some time that he began to write about private international law,1 and his interest in public international law was developed as a result of his friendship with Sir Hersch Lauterpacht. It was not until 1943 that he published anything about public international law, and in that year he published a substantial article in two parts on the relationship between national law and international law, in which he built on the previous work on Judicial Aspects of Foreign Relations by Louis Jaffe2 and on acts of state by Sir William Holdsworth.3 Subsequently he came to make this subject his own, at least in England,4 where the subject has never attracted the attention which it has attracted in the United States.5

Should the United States go to war with Cuba? If not, what should be the policy of the US government toward Cuba? What should be Cuban policies toward the United States and the Soviet Union? Should Cuba increase or decrease its worldwide commitments and should it emphasize formal or informal foreign policy instruments? These have been the central questions affecting US-Cuban relations during the past quarter century. This essay endeavors to address some of the aspects they raise for US-Cuban relations for the remainder of the decade.

This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.

The article examines the main aspects of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire concerning the seizure of the Philippine Islands by the United States during the Spanish-American War of 1898. This event did not affect the vital interests of the Russian Empire and Russia during this war avoided taking any steps that could damage the friendly relations with the United States. On the other hand, while pursuing an active foreign policy in the Pacific region in those years, St. Petersburg feared the strengthening of the positions of the British and German Empires in the Far East. That is why the seizure of the Philippine Archipelago by the United States Russian diplomacy met with understanding and this step did not cause any objections in Saint Petersburg.

As a child of immigrants, I have always been interested in issues facing the foreign-born, particularly to the United States. Being exposed to immigrants from around the world helped me understand the different factors that motivated my parents' migration to the United States while realizing that others throughout the world were also heavily impacted by ineffectual home governments. As I delved into political attitudes, international relations, and public policy, my attention continued to turn back to the ways in which policies and attitudes in the United States affect the lives of immigrants. Identifying aspects of social policy that enhance immigrant life in the United States became central to my research interests.

Abstract This article describes the creation and development of the Restatement of the Law (Fourth): The Foreign Relations Law of the United States from the perspective of its coordinating reporter. The article first describes how the American Law Institute goes about creating restatements of the law, emphasizing aspects of the process that a European audience might find unfamiliar. It looks at aspects of the US legal system, especially the significant role of the judiciary as authors of law, and explains how this role shapes a document that has US judges as one of its significant audiences. It then discusses how conflict over the content of foreign relations law and the role of international law in US domestic law affects the Restatement and how the reporters seek to navigate these troubled waters. Finally, it explores the areas where the new Restatement (Fourth) parts company with its famous predecessor, the Restatement (Third), supervised by the late professor Louis Henkin. The article argues that the changes represent two things: a transformation of the world of foreign relations in the 35 years since the earlier work and a corresponding move towards modesty on the part of the professors who made this Restatement.

The relevance of the study lies in the necessity of developing the remote forms of counselling work with foreign students during the adaptation period. In this regard, the purpose of the present study is to analyse the programmes of remote counselling of international students at HEIs in the US to determine the potential for extrapolation of foreign experience into the higher education systems of other countries. We applied a number of methods, such as analysis, synthesis, abstraction, the method of moving from abstract to concrete, which enable a comprehensive review of the issue of remote counselling of international students. The article studies the aspects of online counselling of international students. Psychological support has been observed to be an element of the acculturation triad and therefore should be considered in the context of the education process. The article emphasises that since international students are exposed to the negative influence of the phenomenon of “culture shock”, and they should participate in relevant initiatives aimed at the development of skills for overcoming emotional and psychological issues. We have analysed the programmes, courses, and seminars of the University of Minnesota and the Florida International University, which allowed determining the algorithm for the development of the online counselling system, namely providing international students with informational reference materials (including reading materials and videos) for their personal guidance and general understanding of the challenges relevant for foreign students; holding personal meetings between a student and a counsellor via video conferences, which allows discussing the existing psychological issues and build interpersonal relationships. The practical benefits of this study reside in the fact that the development of remote programmes, courses and seminars (with the introduction of foreign experience to such activities) will have a positive impact on the psychological support system at the country level and will facilitate further development of remote education systems and ensure the increased use of modern ICTs in education and other areas

The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.

Foreign policy of the USA is one of the topical areas in contemporary historical and geopolitical research. The interest of scientists in this topic is due to the fact that the United States is the leader of the world community at the present stage, both in economic and geopolitical aspects. The state continues to actively develop economically and technologically, increases its military potential, actively spreads its culture all over the world, that determines its global role. The phenomenon of the world leadership of the USA, as well as the historical factors that have determined this status, are the subject of research of scientists in the historical, geopolitical, politological, sociological, cultural, and other scientific fields. A particularly topical issue in the history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century is the concept and specificity of American „shuttle diplomacy” and its effectiveness in the foreign policy of the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the concept of the American geographer S. Cohen, as well as the peculiarities of its implementation in the political activities of R. Nixon and H. Kissinger. It has been proved that S. Cohen's geostrategic concept played an important role in the foreign policy of the United States in the 1970s. Its principles were implemented in the policy of H. Kissinger and R. Nixon, the important results of which were the establishment of United States-China relations and the softening of relations with the Soviet Union.

The authors present complex analysis of US–Russia relations under the Biden Administration. W. Mead’s methodology (typology of foreign policy ideology) and S. Gunnitsky and A. Tsygankov’s theoretical framework (Wilsonian approach) are used. The article examines the motives of Russian and American foreign policies towards each other, as well as the outcomes for the Russia factor in US domestic politics and its impact on the bilateral relations. The authors identify the nature of ideological and political confrontation of the two nations which stems from their mutual perceptions and interpretations of the world order. It is revealed that the strengthening of ideological motivation of US foreign policy under the Biden Administration is aimed to rally Western countries behind the rivalry with illiberal regimes (Russia and China). At the same time, Russia perceives the current confrontation with the United States as an existential threat since it challenges its geopolitical power and national identity. The research looks into such aspects of US–Russia relations as sanctions against Russia, climate change interaction, global security and arms control. The authors conclude that US–Russia ideological confrontation is systematic; steps towards cooperation are aimed at preventing possible escalation. In the near future, US–Russia relations can be considered as a combination (i.e. sanctions, supporting Russian opposition, countering Russia in the post-Soviet region) and selective dialogue and cooperation on such issues as strategic stability, arms control, cybersecurity and climate change. US–Russia relations are not likely to undergo fundamental changes until at least 2024, when new electoral cycles start both in Russia and in the United States. Under current conditions, the management of the US–Russia confrontation remains the major goal for the sides.

The world unrivaled position of the United States, a country which determines many aspects of global policy, attracts a lot of interest as regards underlying objectives for US decisions in the field of external relations. The consequence with which the US acts on the international arena raises questions concerning objectives of the US activity and goals they would like to achieve. e American foreign policy provides basis for establishing national foreign policies for several countries, including Poland. us, interest is growing concerning the policy, as well as its nature, directions and priorities.

Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.

Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.

This article reviews three recent books critical of America's new “imperial” foreign policy, examines whether the United States can properly be compared to empires of the past, and identifies three aspects of contemporary American policy that may well be called imperialist. It also addresses some of the main objections to recent U.S. foreign policy made by American realist scholars and argues that traditional interstate realism can no longer readily apply to the problem ofAmerican unipolar preponderance over an anarchical, nuclear-armed world.

This article describes and analyzes transatlantic relations during the presidency of Donald Trump; summarizes main problematic aspects of US-European cooperation in such important areas as economy, energy and security; indicates reasons of difficulties concerning the dialogue between the US and the EU and suggests a search for ways of further cooperation. The United States of America and EU-members have been allies since the beginning of the Cold War. However, the more the policy of the European Union becomes independent, the more White House seeks to increase its influence on the European region. Donald Trump’s presidency has exacerbated a number of already existing contradictions between the United States and the European Union in three main areas of cooperation. This article makes an assumption that the personality of Donald Trump is one of the key factors that complicate US-European relations, but not the only since the Russian factor and the desire of the European Union to become one of the centers of power on the world stage are significantly weakening the transatlantic relationship.

Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.

This article examines the status politics in Chinese foreign policy and its implications on China-U.S. relations. The analysis of status recognition and the role it plays in Chinese diplomacy reveals the motivating factors behind China’s quest for respect in the international arena and the centrality of national identity in China’s status aspiration. Viewed from the socio-psychological perspective, China’s tenacious struggle to gain a prominent international status is a social action aimed at forging its identity security, whereby the Chinese “self” will interact on equal terms with the foreign “other.” Based on the argument, this paper compares Chinese and American role conceptions and dissects the status dilemma between the two powers by exploring the dynamics of disrespect in their status relations. The two nations’ distinctive self-role conceptions and their role expectations of the interacting parties have led to a widening gap between China’s international status that entitles it to equal treatment and the one accorded by the United States. The disquieting condition of this status dissonance has motivated Beijing to disrupt the asymmetric hierarchy wherein it used to exhibit deference to Washington. The effort of the established hegemon in upending the defiance of the status contestant has exacerbated the status dilemma, which has given rise to the current China-U.S. malaise.

The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.

Abstract The paper reflects on the conception of the phenomenon of fear employed in the international relations theory. A critique of understanding of fear as a rational incentive of conventional international relations theories paves the way for the notion of fear as an emotion. It is argued that the behaviour of states in international politics should be explained via their psychological and emotional aspects. The paper proposes to connect the arising of and experiencing fear with collective memory and the imagery entrenched in nations’ subconscious. It also proposes to distinguish the two levels of arising of and experiencing the emotion of fear, namely the attempt to consciously arouse fear and its nonconscious experience. On the first level, mnemonic-emotive agents consciously activate collective emotions via the nation’s collective memory. On the second, once the contents/imagery of the society’s subconscious are activated, the aroused emotions are nonconsciously experienced by the society. The paper offers a case study from the Lithuanian foreign policy: its relations with Russia. Discourse analysis of Lithuania-Russia relations, where President Dalia Grybauskaitė plays an active and important role in discourse formation, suggests that the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy, with regard to Russia, is affected by the emotion of fear.

This study explored relations between conformity to masculine norms, gender role conflict, hope, and psychological well-being among a sample of 389 men from a university, with a predominantly White student body, located in the Midwestern United States. Bivariate correlations revealed that men’s conformity to masculine norms and gender role conflict were positively correlated. Bivariate correlations revealed no significant relations between conformity to masculine norms, trait hope, and psychological well-being. Gender role conflict was associated with decreased hope and psychological well-being. Results of path analysis explained relations between conformity to masculine norms, gender role conflict, trait hope, and psychological well-being. This indicates that gender role conflict may contribute to lower trait hope and psychological well-being for college men. Although several aspects of conformity to masculine norms had positive associations with hope, these relations were significant and negative when men experienced gender role conflict. This work fills an important gap in the literature by examining the unique relations of conformity to masculine norms and gender role conflict to men’s positive functioning. Results are discussed within the context of positive psychological theories including Frederickson’s broaden and build theory of positive emotions, hope theory, Ryff’s model of psychological well-being, and self-determination theory. Implications and future directions are discussed.

The author discusses the relationships between the demographic processes taking place in the leading countries of the world, particularly the United States, Russia, India, countries in North-East Asia, and the prospects of the evolution of their domestic and foreign policies. The principal features of the great powers’ evolution are picked out, including steadily ageing of the population, slowing down of economic growth and even its absolute reduction. In the author’s view, in the future this will reduce the material possibilities and socio-psychological inclination of aging states to pursue power politics. This may contribute to the creation of preconditions for a “demographic peace”.

The United States has in recent years come under considerable criticism for its apparently cynical attitude towards international law. While the US administration refers often to the importance of the international rule of law it appears unwilling to itself be bound by that law. While the US took the lead in the post World War II years in establishing international law and institutions it has in recent years appeared unwilling to give those same institutions its full support. This article begins by examining a range of explanations for the seemingly undesirable US attitude towards international law. Dismissing each as inadequate on its own, the article demonstrates how what often appear to be contradictory aspects of the United States' relationship with international law can in fact be reconciled through the application to United States' behaviour of the basic tenets of classic modern realism as it pertains to the conduct of foreign policy. This is surprising since international law and realpolitik are more often contrasted. The United States' ‘attitude’ towards international law is better explained not as a post-Cold War anomaly but as having been an integral aspect of the rise of the United States to sole superpower status.

The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.

Abstract In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China and its multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US–China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US–China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US–China relations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacific is the focal point of US–China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US–China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US–China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US–China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.

Abstract A change in administration is bound to produce changes in the drawing and conducting of foreign policy. However, the transition from the Obama administration to that of Donald Trump is taking its toll on the manner of making American foreign policy. The calm and relaxed view of Barack Obama was replaced with the ill-tempered view of President Trump, who seemed eager to impress a more rigorous perspective of foreign policy, aiming to turn the United States into an isolationist country. Far from being an appeaser, Obama managed to pursue a pro-active foreign policy, establishing a working relation even with rogue states. On the other hand, Trump is attempting to bolster the state’s foreign policy, by reasserting sovereignty and entering competition with rogue leaders, rather than focusing on dialogue.The aim of the present article is to analyse the foreign policy of both administrations, on a compare and contrast basis, focusing on several aspects, such as the perspective on the role to be played within NATO, the relations to rogue states, the need to further engage in conflicts worldwide in order to bring along peace and security, and the reassertion of state sovereignty

Abstract Chapter 5 of the Restatement of the Law (Fourth): The Foreign Relations Law of the United States provides a systematic, discerning and accessible account of the US law of foreign sovereign immunity as laid down in the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA), accompanied by consistent comparative reference to the international and foreign domestic law of state immunity. From the perspective of a non-US reader, however, where Chapter 5 adds greater value in its own right is in the attention it pays in the comments and reporters’ notes to a range of preliminary issues of domestic law on the determination of which the provisions of the FSIA turn but that the latter do not regulate. These issues, although superficially peculiar to the US law of foreign sovereign immunity, arise similarly in connection with the corresponding international and foreign domestic rules. In this way, what are ostensibly the most particular aspects of Chapter 5 may be those of most universal interest.

This article reports on the findings of what appears to be the first content analysis of all aspects of Canadian press coverage of Canadian foreign relations. Six major/newspapers were chosen on the basis of national significance and linguistic and regional considerations: the Halifax Chronicle-Herald, Le Devoir (Montréal), La Presse (Montréal), the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto Globe and Mail and the Vancouver Sun. During the period studied (the last quarter of 1982), these newspapers averaged nearly nine items per issue on Canadian foreign relations and relied predominantly on Canadian sources for their material. However, there was a relative lack of analytic coverage and only a limited number of items that adopted supportive or critical positions on the various issues in Canadian foreign policy. Commercial matters received both the most extensive and the most sophisticated treatment, while the reporting of political subjects was generally less detailed and often superficial. In terms of relationships, that with the United States was arguably the only one to receive adequate coverage, while from the standpoint of issues there were several that received insufficient attention, such an environmental problems in relations with the United States, Canadian concerns at the United Nations, and international developmental matters. One of the most notable differences in coverage among the papers studied was the variation found in the attention paid to the international role of Quebec, which received only scant attention in the English-language press but was the single most frequently coded theme in the Quebec newspapers. While analytic coverage was found to be more extensive and profound in the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse than in the other three papers, the authors in general agree with De Montigny Marchand that Canadian newspapers are "an uncertain intellectual force in the definition and interpretation of Canadian foreign policy".

The author reviews history and peculiarities of the legal regulations of lobbying in USA and Canada, points out the tendencies of the legislation development. USA and Canada are among the first countries, which included legal regulations on the lobbying relations in the state government. The author explores the evolution of development of the lobbying legislation in the USA, and in particular reviews the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act of 1976, Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995, as well as evolution of the Canadian legislation, where the Act on Lobbying of 1989 is in force, which had substantial changes during the last ten years. Taking into consideration the territorial form of state, the author reviews not only the federal legislation, but also laws on the level of states and provinces of these federations. Besides, the author covers the activity of the control bodies, order of registration and reporting by lobbyists of their professional activity, reveals pro and cons of the legal regulations of such institution as lobbying. In the article there is the list of information, which should be provided by lobbyists to the control bodies and the author correctly mentions that this list in USA is much wider, comparing to Canadian regulations. In the article the author reviews the liability for violations of lobbying legislation. In particular, in the USA the criminal liability is applied up to 5 years of imprisonment and financial penalties up to 200 thousand US dollars. Based on the USA and Canada experience the author reveals the key issues, which should be fixed by the legal regulations in the country and in particular: the clear definition of the lobbying and lobbyist, necessity of disclosure on the information about client and amounts paid, fixing in the control mechanisms and liability.

AbstractDiplomatic representation, both as a concept and in terms of its structures and processes, does not receive the attention that it deserves. This is surprising given that it forms a central concern for both analysts and practitioners of diplomacy, with the latter confronting multiple challenges in adapting modes of representation to changes in their international and domestic political environments. One facet of this can be identified in responses to factors that have assumed a significant place in the development of diplomacy — namely distance and proximity. To the growth of proximity in both spatial and issue-oriented terms, the challenge of the 'special relationship' is added in specific contexts. Both factors come together in the case of Canada's attempts to manage its policies towards the United States. Here, strategies have moved through distinct phases responding to domestic and international changes. The latest phase, which is associated with substantial rethinking of the role and structure of Foreign Affairs Canada, assumes the form of what has been labelled the Enhanced Representation Initiative (ERI). The ERI is interesting not only in the Canadian-US context, but because it reveals more general problems for governments seeking to manage the pressures of proximity and a growing number of relationships that assume aspects of 'specialness'.

AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the formation of US Far Eastern policy in the early twentieth century. The author identifies the transformation of the country's foreign policy from isolationism to active action as key aspects of the study. Determining the strategic need of the United States to gain a foothold in the Far East reveals the main foreign policy vectors. A special role in this was played by US President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay, who were the ideologues of the new, "Pacific era" and "open door" policy, particularly in China, which should have led to the beginning of the "American century". Achieving these goals was possible by maintaining friendly relations with Britain and Japan as opposed to Russia. Such a strategy weakened the position of the latter in the region and, as a consequence, increased US trade with the countries of the Far East. The article also considers the main events that led to the beginning of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and the role of the United States in it, which sought to gain a foothold in the Far East through flexible diplomacy. The author notes the main successes in this direction, in particular, the assessment of the talks between the US Secretary of Defense W. Taft and the Prime Minister of Japan T. Katsura both at the official and unofficial levels. Particular attention is paid to the economic component in the relationship between the Far East (including China) and official governmental and private organizations in the United States. The author notes that, in fact, US policy in China and Japan did not differ from the policy of Western European countries, but the forms and methods of their expansion were different. The study of this problem is important both for studying the peculiarities of US policy in Asia in the past, and for understanding current international relations in the Far East.

The article highlights the premises of cooperation and further development of relations between the Republic of Cuba and a number of key stakeholders in the global stage. The article analyzes the materials on this issue and reveals the trends in the country’s position on the subject of economic, political, social and other types of cooperation.The article points out the prerequisites and ways of developing the Republic of Cuba foreign policy, with the participation of which positive results were achieved on a number of international issues, in particular on the issue of international conflicts in a number of countries. The article reviews the characteristics of relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, characteristic of the declared time period. The article focuses the reader’s attention on such aspects as: the position of Cuba on key international issues, the signing of agreements with actors in international relations and the Cuba pivotal international interests.The article summarizes the positive dynamics of the relations development at the present stage with the countries of the Caribbean, African countries, as well as cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region in countries such China, which, in general, stresses of the growing influence of the Republic of Cuba at the world level.

This research looks at attempts by Arab Gulf states to lobby the US government effectively. It explores aspects of their lobbying behaviour in order to identify the factors that lead to success and those that lead to failure from their lobbying endeavours. In this respect, it utilizes two case studies: one in which Arab Gulf state lobbying was successful, and another in which lobbying failed. For each case study, the different elements involved in lobbying are analyzed and factors that lead to success as well as to failure are inferred. In tandem with an analysis of the strategies, or lack of them, behind Arab Gulf states’ lobbying, the research examines additional relevant factors such as the organization and activism of the US Arab American community, the strategic value of the Arab Gulf to the United States, and the negative image of Arabs in America. The research considers the obstacles facing the establishment of an effective Arab Gulf lobby in the United States, mainly the absence of a grassroots base of Arab Americans that is committed to foreign policy issues.

The article analyzes the international course of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the first decade of the 2000s. The author believes that considering this particular period of the recent history of Venezuela as an integral part of the world historical process, is particularly important since the formation of the Hugo Chavez regime with its peculiar foreign policy and foreign economic steps took place precisely in the first half of the first decade of the 21st century. With the constitutional rise to power of the charismatic leader Hugo Chavez, the country's foreign pol-icy acquired a multi-vector character embracing all regions of Earth. Hugo Chavez strengthened the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, in collaboration with Fidel Castro founded the "Bolivarian Alternative for America" (ALBA), which united the left-wing radical regimes of the continent; he established contacts with many leaders of the Third World, has confronted the United States, established friendly relations with China and a strategic partnership with Russia. This arti-cle is devoted to some, albeit very significant, aspects of Chavez’s for-eign policy.

This article looks at this new relationship, in the light of two concurrent trends: the pluralization of actors with stakes in foreign policy; and an active presidential diplomacy (CASON AND POWER 2009). We argue that, more than just a battlefield of ideas, Brazil’s most prominent media vehicles have played an active role against Lula’s foreign policy, although they had but a limited agenda-setting capacity. To this end, the text will be divided in four sections. The first one deals with the recent developments of foreign policymaking in Brazil, and seeks to understand how the introduction of new actors and institutions has affected the political balance behind the country’s external relations. The second provides an overview of Lula’s foreign policy strategies and their relationship with presidential diplomacy. The third offers some data on the behavior of two selected newspapers, Folha de São Paulo (FSP) and O Estado de São Paulo (OESP), on foreign policy issues. The third and final section compares media reactions to Brazil’s relations with the United States, most specifically regarding negotiations on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and to some aspects of Brazilian South-South cooperation, and discusses the most relevant results.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the US foreign policy in the Middle East. The study analyzes the military-political, energy and information aspects of the offensive and defensive models of the Middle East policy of the United States at the present stage. The purpose of the study was to examine the results of the implementation of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects of the United States in the Middle East, taking into account the influence of the information factor and the Russian-American confrontation in the region. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach. The historical approach, statistical methods, event analysis, case-study method, analysis, comparison, induction and deduction were also applied. The novelty of the work lies in considering the offensive and defensive models of the US political course in the Middle East and the results of expansionist and exploitative geopolitical projects in specific regional situations. Attention is paid to the consequences of Washington's offensive foreign policy on the example of the invasion of Iraq and the occupation of Syria. The article considers the defensive model of US policy in the Persian Gulf with an emphasis on US-Saudi relations against the background of the visit of the US president to the region in July 2022. Examples of Russia's successful creative policy in the Middle East are given. The conclusion is made about the destructive nature and low effectiveness of both offensive and defensive models of the US geopolitical strategy in the Middle East. Against the background of Washington's weakening influence on regional processes, the sovereignty of states is gradually increasing, and it becomes possible for them to pursue an independent political course. The turn of a number of traditional Middle Eastern partners of the United States towards Russia and the system of multipolarity world order proposed by Moscow is becoming more and more noticeable. A change in the balance of power in the Middle East region in the future may lead to a gradual decrease in information influence and a deterioration in Washington's image, with a very likely continuation of conflict interaction between Russia and the United States.

This article summarizes the development of United States, Japan and other foreign combine threshing part monitoring system. Meanwhile it analyses the research status of China from two aspects of fault diagnostic and the relationship with feed rate. Which is specifically illustrated the present researching status of the fault alarm, fault warning, troubleshooting, and the relationship be-tween feed rate and travel speed, roller torque, the drive pulley oil pressure relations. At last it con-cludes the insufficiency in the present studies and points out the direction of the strengthened re-search that is model of real-time controlling about feed rate.

The global spread of coronavirus infection has given States the task of taking decisive measures to respond quickly and on a large scale to the challenge of existing management systems. China has demonstrated successful mobilization mechanisms to combat the negative effects of the pandemic: the necessary measures have been taken to inform the population and stop panic, control and prevent coronavirus, and mitigate the impact on the economy. However, the weak side was the inability to take priority measures in the face of uncertainty, which did not prevent the development of the epidemic at its initial stage. This provoked a search for those responsible among the Chinese leadership, becoming another source of tension in relations between China and the West. Despite the relative success of the measures taken, the situation in China itself remains tense: it faces challenges to prevent a re-outbreak of infection and to restore the economy in the face of information and economic pressure from the United States. In this context, the authors analyze the features of information support for measures taken in China to combat the spread of coronavirus infection and their impact on the domestic and foreign policy situation.

The paper is devoted to the study of anti-Russian sanctions imposed by the United States of America and foreign states and international organizations that have joined them, as well as the analysis of measures aimed at countering unfriendly actions undertaken against the monetary system of the Russian Federation. The paper examines the historical aspects of the anti-Russian policy of Western countries, analyzes provisions of regulatory legal acts and other official documents adopted by the United States and the countries of the European Union, aimed at destabilizing payment and currency relations in Russia. The authors investigate the counter-sanctions policy and measures aimed at ensuring the stability of the Russian monetary system in general and the national payment system in particular. It is concluded that the use of the dollar and the euro as a weapon of sanctions war, the practice of confiscating reserves and assets of countries pursuing policies that do not correspond to the interests of the United States and dependent states, restricting access of financial institutions of “rogue countries” to American and European financial resources, disconnecting credit institutions from SWIFT, and other sanctions inevitably lead to the formation of a parallel international financial system, of which a fundamentally new international monetary system will become a part.

In this article the author examines the process of revising the Latin American vector of US foreign policy under the presidency of Donald Trump. In particular, the paper analyzes the economic and political aspects of a new US policy in the Latin American region. The main focus of the research is on the reorganization of US economic relations with the countries of the region and cancellation of various financial aid programs and multilateral agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement. The main hypothesis of the paper is that US foreign policy under the 45th president underwent a profound change towards diminishing the role of the Latin American region among other foreign policy priorities of the United States. Vivid confrontation with China and the Russian Federation became the center of the contemporary foreign policy course of Washington, making relations with Latin American countries of secondary importance. This shift created a certain power vacuum in the region and opened additional opportunities for extraregional players. China could arguably become one of such players as it is known to have utilized Washington’s weakening grip on the region to its own economic and political benefit, expanding the “One belt, one road” initiative.

Why did the United States and Iraq find themselves in full-scale conflict with each other in 1990–91 and 2003, and in almost constant low-level hostilities during the years in-between? The situation was neither inevitable nor one that either side, in full possession of all the relevant information about the other, would have purposely engineered: in short, a classic instance of chronic misperception. A combination of the psychological literature on perception and its pathologies with the almost unique firsthand access of one of the authors to the decisionmakers on both sides—the former deputy head of the United Nations weapons of mass destruction inspection mission in the 1990s, the author of the definitive postwar account of Iraqi WMD programs for which he and his team debriefed the top regime leadership, and a Washington insider in regular contact with all major foreign policy agencies of the U.S. government—reveals the perceptions the United States and Iraq held of each other, as well as the biases, mistakes, and intelligence failures of which these images were, at different points in time, both cause and effect.

Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.

Introduction. The Trump administration defined China and Russia as a “revisionist powers”, which challenge to American power, influence and interests. Such a perception affected the U.S. policy in Latin America. Major alarmist sentiments come from the U.S. military, which regularly notes the growth of foreign presence in the region. Methods and materials. The author conducted a critical analysis of Chinese and Russian footprint aspects in Latin America, which cause U.S. establishment concerns. Information was gathered from doctrinal documents, economic statistics and indicators of arms exports. Analysis. President Trump administration hasn’t created a credible barrier against the rise of foreign influence in this region. The causes lie in the specifics of the current U.S. foreign policy, which lacks positive incentives and representativeness. As a result, foreign influence is constrained by three main factors. First, the investment climate in Latin America continues to deteriorate. Second, most governments of the Latin American countries don`t intend to spoil relations with the United States. Thirdly, today there are no alternatives to the United States in the military-strategic aspect. Results. Washington involuntarily promotes expanding and strengthening of other world powers’ footprint in Latin America. It happens not just because of Trump administrations’ protectionism and its skepticism about multilateral formats. Latin American continue to be considered in the context of Monroe Doctrine. American establishment doesn’t seek to invest its political capital in expanding the U.S. influence in the region. That’s why a high level of representativeness in promoting initiatives and new formats of cooperation has become an advantage of foreign actors.

The article discusses the feasibility of a ban on gambling and the main shortcomings in the legislative regulation of public relations in this area. The causes of criminalization of the activity of gambling business in Ukraine are investigated and legal and practical assessment of the consequences of such criminalization is given. Possible ways of solving the problem of the shadow economy in Ukraine by overcoming illegal gambling business by example of the leading states of Europe are analyzed. The authors highlight the main problematic aspects of the existence of the gambling business outside the law and analyze the determinants that provoke such a gambling business. The authors analyze the main negative and positive aspects of the possible legalization of the gaming industry and its impact on civil society. Bills on legalization of gambling business in Ukraine are also analyzed. The article also examines the positive foreign experience of some foreign countries in legalizing the gambling business. In particular, some aspects of legalization are noted based on the experience of Finland, Sweden and Germany. The authors propose to introduce the experience of these states in the legislative regulation of gambling in Ukraine, in particular with regard to the creation of registers of debtors who would not be allowed to gambling, partial legalization of gambling in non-segregated territories, high license fees for gambling and high tax rates. Also important is the fact that the authors outline the regulatory and legal aspects of regulating gambling in Ukraine, and indicate the types of liability that are currently applied to the said offense. The authors also outline a number of legal conflicts, which are in the legal acts that regulate public relations in the field of gambling. Also relevant to the article is the fact that the authors analyzed the psychological aspect of gambling, which has a negative impact on civil society and noted the factors (determinants) of the said negative phenomenon, which generate and stimulate the development of offenses in this area.

The aim: The aim of the research is to study the medical, social and psychological aspects of providing assistance to families of military personnel who performed combat missions in extreme conditions and to develop the main directions for improving the organization of providing psychological assistance to such families in Ukraine. Materials and methods: The research material is the legislation of Ukraine, foreign and domestic experience in providing psychological assistance to families of military personnel, statistical information. In the course of the study, the method of systematization, the comparative method, content analysis, the research of products of activity, concretization, abstraction and generalization of statistical data were applied. Conclusions: The study of foreign and current domestic experience in providing psychological assistance to families of military personnel shows that today the need for its integration with such an important area as medical and social work is not fully taken into account. The break in unity between these areas significantly impairs the effectiveness and completeness of the rehabilitation of servicemen, violates the integrity and staged provision of all-round assistance to the families of Ukrainian combatants. Along with this, it should be noted the increasingly significant role that the work of specialists in the field of Civil-Military Cooperation takes, who, among other tasks, in special cases are obliged to organize work with members of the families of military personnel. To design the main directions for improving work with families, we analyzed the ramified structure of state and non-state organizations and institutions, volunteer and research centers, support groups for military personnel, veterans and their family members, which today operate in the United States. Proceeding from this and the realities of solving the problem in Ukraine, the main directions and proposals for the organization of medical, social and psychological assistance to the families of Ukrainian military personnel who performed combat missions in extreme conditions were formulated.

The article revolves around the Three Seas Initiative, a project launched in 2015 by the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Poland, aimed at the development of cooperation and international relations between its 12 member states in the sphere of energy, digitalization and transport. Special emphasis is put on the development of Croatia’s foreign policy in the energy sector within the aforementioned Initiative, which can be achieved through the country’s participation in the construction of an LNG terminal on the island of Krk in Croatia. Moreover, both positive and negative aspects of the Initiative are presented in the article, considering the fact it has attracted not only the attention of western EU countries, but also the United States and Russia. Croatia’s participation in the projects of the Three Seas Initiative as one of its founders is considered to be one of the biggest steps in the country’s recent foreign policy, and if successfully put into practice, the Initiative could provide Croatia an opportunity to strengthen its geopolitical position in Europe.