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1
Burn, Adrian E. "From containment to detente : aspects of American foreign policy under Johnson and Nixon." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114553.
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The years from 1963 to 1974 were a turbulent and eventful period in American
life . From the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the resignation of
Richard Nixon, the period was characterized by social and political
upheaval. After the stability and predictability of the Eisenhower years
and then the optimism and excitement generated by the youthful President
Kennedy, the years o f Johnson and Nixon saw a sharp growth in domestic
political dissent , unprecedented attacks on political institutions and civil authorities , and a deep questioning of many of the foundations of American foreign policy.
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Doppler-Speranza, François. "Civils et militaires : les aspects culturels de la présence américaine en France, 1944-1967." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAC028.
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Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967
3
Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
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Soto-Marquez, Victor. "Whites' physiological and psychological reactions toward affirmative action programs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3313.
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Discrimination has many effects on the individual/group being discriminated against regardless of the reasons for the discrimination. Further exploration on discrimination processes and their relationships to physiological and psychological outcomes, both of which, over time may become problematic and affect the health and well-being of individuals.
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Powell, Tyrone. "Dysfunctional marital beliefs and marital satisfaction : a multicultural analysis." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/955850.
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One hundred twenty African-American and Euro-American married individuals were asked to complete inventories measuring marital distress, dysfunctional beliefs about marital relationships, and socioeconomic status (SES). It was hypothesized there would be a negative relationship between the dysfunctional beliefs that married individuals held and their level of marital satisfaction; there would be no significant difference between the dysfunctional beliefs that married individuals held across gender and race; and finally, the dysfunctional beliefs of married individuals would provide a better prediction of marital satisfaction than SES, gender, age, or race.Results indicate that Disagreement is destructive (D), Mindreading is expected (M), Partners cannot change (C), Sexual perfectionism is a must (S), and The sexes are dramatically different (MF) each obtained a statistically significant negative association with marital satisfaction. Examining the relationship between gender and marital satisfaction, males reported higher levels of marital satisfaction than females. Furthermore, statistically significant differences were obtained for gender but not for race when considering all five dysfunctional marital beliefs simultaneously. Finally, the various factors considered in this study accounted for 30% of the variance in marital satisfaction.Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services
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Baum, Chris W. "Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.
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One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.
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Peng, Nian. "Myanmar's China policy since 1988 : a neoclassical realist approach." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/594.
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This thesis argues that Myanmar's China policy since 1988 has been jointly determined by systemic imperatives and domestic factors. To make this argument logically acceptable, I create a neoclassical realism model of 'strategic preference'. The strategic preference is the intervening variable which decides the state's reactions to external environments. It assumes that states will adopt active diplomacy if they have an 'integration' strategic preference, and that otherwise, they will to be neutral about foreign affairs or isolated from the world. The external environments are divided into inclusive and restrictive ones, where the former means economic and political competition between great powers, while the latter refers to military confrontation between them. The hypothesis is that states are more likely to hedge against the threatening state when they have an 'integration' strategic preference and are faced with an inclusive external environment. Alternatively, states will keep their distance from the threatening state. In the case of Myanmar, it formulated an 'integration' strategic preference in 1988 because the domestic politics remained stable and moderate leaders were in charge of foreign affairs. Meanwhile, it faced a high threat from the US and great opportunity of gaining benefits from China. Given this, Myanmar engaged closely with China and thus resisted the US. However, Myanmar switched to the 'isolation' strategic preference after 2004 and confronted moderate Sino-US competition, thereby keeping both China and the US at a distance. Myanmar then revived the 'integration' strategic preference in 2011 and was faced with high risks of over-depending on China and a good chance of re-approaching the US. Hence, Myanmar improved relations with the West and fostered relations with ASEAN, India, and Russia to balance the rising Chinese influence. It also attempted to reduce its over-dependence on China by decreasing Chinese investment and slowing down its strategic partnership with China. The successive NLD government inherited the 'integration' strategic preference and faced strong US criticism. Therefore, it enhanced engagement with China to relieve the US pressure while strengthening relations with neighbouring countries to balance China's influence. Myanmar has stabilised bilateral ties and won the support of China through the high-level exchanges between the two countries; it has benefited greatly from the close bilateral economic and defence cooperation. Nevertheless, Myanmar has expanded the country's trade and investment partners and aid resources, diversified its foreign relations, and promoted defence cooperation with other military powers, thereby selectively reducing its reliance on China. However, Myanmar's balancing act is a highly restrained one because of its vulnerability and limited access to external resources, especially the strong political support and economic assistance from other great powers, such as the US in particular. In the near future, Myanmar will continue to give top priority to engagement with China, while gradually expanding its balancing act.
8
Young, Kelly M. "Nukespeak and psychic numbing metaphors in the academic texts of defense intellectuals." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1048397.
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This study analyzed defense intellectuals' metaphors to determine if the metaphors minimize or ignore the negative effects of nuclear war. The study specifically analyzed 30 texts from Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy with the metaphorical criticism method. Once the texts were analyzed, the findings suggested that defense intellectuals' metaphors describe nuclear war as ordinary and non-threatening, as a game or relationship. In addition, the study found that the defense intellectuals used metaphors that deflected responsibility for building and using nuclear weapons away from world leaders. The findings also suggested that the defense intellectuals are not numb to the effects of nuclear war, as others claim. Instead, the defense intellectuals' metaphors acted as cognitive blinders that prevented them from discussing the effects of nuclear war. Finally, the study found that each journal's metaphors were aligned with a particular world view of international relations; Foreign Affairs belonged to the realist school of thought, while Foreign Policy belonged to the neo-liberal institutionalist school of thought.Department of Speech Communication
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Apple, Angela L. "Apocalypse how? : a generic criticism of on-line Christian Identity rhetoric as apocalyptic rhetoric." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1100451.
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This study explores the complex relationship between radical right rhetoric and the genre of apocalyptic rhetoric. The radical right consists of the White Nationalist and Patriot movements, two common "hate group" movements in the United States. The Klanwatch (1998d) explains that the number of hate groups in the United States grew by 20 percent in 1997. They attribute much of this growth to the movement's use of the Internet. Although these hate groups are highly diverse, Christian Identity is a common theology to which many members of the radical right adhere.This study analyzes two artifacts representational of Christian Identity rhetoric. These artifacts were found on the Web site of the Northwest Kinsmen, a radical right group from the Pacific Northwest. Christian Identity is a "pseudo-Christian" theology that claims that white Christians are the true Israelites and that Jews are actually "children of Satan." Christian Identity followers believe that there will be a racial war (i.e., racial apocalypse) in which white Christians will triumph over the forces of evil (Abanes, 1996).This study utilizes the rhetorical method of generic criticism to determine that the Christian Identity rhetoric present on the Northwest Kinsmen's Web site is apocalyptic rhetoric. Generic theory, the theoretical foundation of this study, argues that rhetorical genres have common situational, substantive, and stylistic features and a common "organizing principle" that unifies the genre. Therefore, this study compares the key features of apocalyptic rhetoric to the Northwest Kinsmen artifacts. Through this study, a greater understanding of the social reality, beliefs, attitudes, and values of the radical right, Christian Identity rhetors is obtained.This study discovers that the Christian Identity rhetoric found on the Northwest Kinsmen's Web site is apocalyptic rhetoric. This study illustrates that these Christian Identity rhetors believe that they are living in a chaotic world of inexplicable problems. Through apocalyptic rhetoric, the rhetors help explain the "crises" facing the audience and therefore restore order in their lives. Specifically, this study shows how these apocalyptic rhetors utilize conspiracy theories to restore order. Additionally, it illustrates how the rhetorical strategies associated with apocalyptic rhetoric (i.e., typology, transfer, and style and language) are used to enhance the credibility of the rhetor and the legitimacy of even the most racist assertions. Finally, this study provides insight into the use of the Internet by radical right groups.Department of Speech Communication
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Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. "September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.
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The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
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Jacobs, Matthew D. "A “Psychological Offensive”: United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.
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Harland, Michael Ian. "Democratic Vanguardism: Modernity, Intervention and the making of the Bush Doctrine." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10365.
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The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.
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Canel, Deniz. "Intergroup anxiety of African-American and international students." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1177971.
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Stephan and Stephan (1985) introduced intergroup anxiety theory which encompasses situations in which people interact with individuals from different racial, ethnic, cultural backgrounds, namely the "outgroup". In the present study, the researcher aimed to compare intergroup anxiety of International students and African-American students when they expected to interact with ingroup members versus outgroup members, namely White-American students. The participants were presented with pictures and demographic information of hypothetical participants and were told that they would interact with these other participants in a nonverbal game. It was expected that intergroup anxiety would be lower when participants expected to interact with ingroup members, compared to the condition when they expected to interact with outgroup members. The results indicated that anxiety towards ingroup members was not significantly different from the anxiety towards outgroup members. It was found that African-American students had significantly lower levels of trait anxiety compared to International students.Department of Psychological Science
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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan." [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Oliveira, Alyne Viana de [UNESP]. "Grupos de interesse na formulação da política externa norte-americana: o lobby da indústria farmacêutica." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152978.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participação de grupos de interesse na definição da política externa norte-americana ao defenderem seus interesses econômicos. Com base no modelo do jogo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, considera-se o impacto dos atores domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão na política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos. Sob tal perspectiva, analisaremos como lobby da indústria farmacêutica norte-americana se organizou e quais estratégias foram adotadas por eles para fazer valer os seus interesses e influenciar a formulação da política externa do país, utilizando seus recursos financeiros e influência política junto a instituições governamentais responsáveis pela definição da política comercial para pressionar o governo norte-americano em suas negociações internacionais por regulamentações que beneficiassem o setor. Assim, o estudo de caso das negociações do acordo TRIPS (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) no âmbito do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstra como a estratégia do lobby farmacêutico se revelou eficiente.
The present work aims to analyze the participation of interest groups in the definition of the American foreign policy when defending their interests. Based on the two-level model proposed by Robert Putnam, it considers the impact of domestic actors in the decision-making process of the US foreign trade policy. From this perspective, we analyze how the pharmaceutical industry lobby is organized and its strategies to assert their interests and influence the formulation of the country's foreign policy, by using its financial resources and channels of influence with governamental institutions responsible for the definition of trade policy to pressure the US government in its international negotiations for regulations that would benefit the sector. Thus, the case study of the TRIPS Agreement (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) negotiations under GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstrates how the pharmaceutical lobby strategy proved to be efficient.
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Oliveira, Alyne Viana de. "Grupos de interesse na formulação da política externa norte-americana : o lobby da indústria farmacêutica /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152978.
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Orientador: Carlos Gustavo Poggio TeixeiraResumo: A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participação de grupos de interesse na definição da política externa norte-americana ao defenderem seus interesses econômicos. Com base no modelo do jogo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, considera-se o impacto dos atores domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão na política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos. Sob tal perspectiva, analisaremos como lobby da indústria farmacêutica norte-americana se organizou e quais estratégias foram adotadas por eles para fazer valer os seus interesses e influenciar a formulação da política externa do país, utilizando seus recursos financeiros e influência política junto a instituições governamentais responsáveis pela definição da política comercial para pressionar o governo norte-americano em suas negociações internacionais por regulamentações que beneficiassem o setor. Assim, o estudo de caso das negociações do acordo TRIPS (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) no âmbito do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstra como a estratégia do lobby farmacêutico se revelou eficiente.
Abstract: The present work aims to analyze the participation of interest groups in the definition of the American foreign policy when defending their interests. Based on the two-level model proposed by Robert Putnam, it considers the impact of domestic actors in the decision-making process of the US foreign trade policy. From this perspective, we analyze how the pharmaceutical industry lobby is organized and its strategies to assert their interests and influence the formulation of the country's foreign policy, by using its financial resources and channels of influence with governamental institutions responsible for the definition of trade policy to pressure the US government in its international negotiations for regulations that would benefit the sector. Thus, the case study of the TRIPS Agreement (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) negotiations under GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) demonstrates how the pharmaceutical lobby strategy proved to be efficient.
Mestre
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Ferreira, Kelly de Souza 1987. "China e a Ásia Central : petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279377.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e CruzDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
Abstract: In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
Mestrado
Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Matsubara, Nao. "The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm4344.pdf.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime
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Praphruitkit, Thira. "The Relationships Among English Oral Communication Apprehension, Social Interest, and Locus of Control of Far Eastern Students." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330917/.
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This study determined the relationships among English oral communication apprehension, social interest, and locus of control of Far Eastern students, and examined whether differences exist in these variables, compared to gender, age, academic classification, major field of study, employment status, and length of study in the United States. Four instruments, including a demographic questionnaire, the Adapted Personal Report of Communication Apprehension-24 (AFRCA-24), the Social Interest Scale (SIS), and the Rotter's Internal-External (I-E) Scale, were used to collect data from the sample of 240 Far Eastern students enrolled at North Texas State University in the fall semester of 1986.
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Howell, Ellen Sook Hyang. "Life experiences that influence language acquisition in generation 1.5 students." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3100.
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The study examines the life and educational experiences of five Generation 1.5 students at California State University, San Bernardino and analyzes how the first cultural socialization affects later English academic language learning. The study used three methods of gathering data: a survey questionnaire, participant-observation, and one-on-one interviews. The study also reviews other case studies that describe life and educational experiences as well as the language and cultural connections of Generation 1.5 students. An analysis of lexical, structural and interactional differences of the spoken and written modes of the English language is also included. The study's findings indicate that learning the vocabulary of the written language was a key factor in being a member of the academic community.
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Harris, Linda H. "On Human Migration and the Moral Obligations of Business." UNF Digital Commons, 2008. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/296.
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This work addresses to what extent businesses in the United States and the European Union have a moral obligation to participate in social integration processes in areas where they operate with the use of migrant laborers. It begins with the presupposition that a common framework as to what constitutes ethical behavior in business is needed and beneficial. It argues that the very industry that creates a need for migrant labor ought to also be involved in merging this labor successfully into the existing community and specifies that a discourse on business ethics and migration is gravely needed. This must be one that considers how businesses can become more engaged in resolving the social issues that arise both for the migrants and for the local community in which the businesses operate. The purpose would be to fill a social and humanitarian need that government alone cannot. More importantly, it will be to exercise beneficence and display responsible and sincere corporate citizenship. It is claimed that businesses that fail to encourage and participate in integration processes display a moral flaw. Cosmopolitan business ethics are proposed as a way to look at ethical business conduct and it is claimed that businesses that act as cosmopolitan citizens are morally praiseworthy.
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Quessard-Salvaing, Maud. "Propagande, information et diplomatie publique pendant la guerre froide : les stratégies de l'USIA en Europe d'Eisenhower à Reagan." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030124.
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Pendant plus de quarante cinq ans l’atout maître de la diplomatie publique américaine a été l’Agence d’information des Etats-Unis (l’USIA, United States Information Agency), établie en 1953 à l’apogée de la guerre froide pour répondre à la propagande soviétique anti-américaine et coordonner les programmes culturels et d’information à l’étranger. En privilégiant une approche comparative, notre thèse se propose d’apporter un éclairage sur le rôle longtemps ignoré de la diplomatie publique au sein de la machine de la politique étrangère américaine en se concentrant sur trois Administrations présidentielles, Eisenhower, Kennedy et Reagan qui se distinguent comme des périodes charnières. Dans ce cadre, notre étude tente de déterminer le rôle qu’ont pu jouer les stratégies de la diplomatie publique américaine élaborées depuis Washington telles qu’elles furent pratiquées par les agents des services d’information (USIS) dans les pays de « la zone cruciale » (France, Italie et Allemagne) en Europe de l’Ouest, ou dans les nations captives. Notre thèse démontre que des premières campagnes de propagande des combattants de la guerre psychologique, dans les années 1950, aux émissions high-tech des champions de l’information et de la désinformation des années 1980, l’USIA fut au cœur des stratégies de persuasion de la puissance américaine en Europe. Au regard des succès et des échecs des activités officielles et officieuses pour lesquelles l’USIA a œuvré, nous abordons la délicate question de la réception des programmes d’information officiels et de l’efficacité des stratégies d’influence américaines dans les batailles européennes pour la libertéFor 46 years, the centrepiece of U.S. public diplomacy was the United States Information Agency (USIA) established in 1953 at the height of the Cold War to counter anti-American propaganda from the Soviet Union and coordinate foreign information dissemination programs. The purpose of my dissertation - a comparative study - is to try to shed a new light on the too long neglected role of public diplomacy in the American foreign policy process over the course of three key presidential Administrations- Eisenhower, Kennedy and Reagan. Therefore in the course of my dissertation, through field centered case studies, I investigate the strategies set up by the USIA in Washington and by the USIS [United States Information Services] in the field for “the crucial zone” (defined as France, Italy and Germany), and for key “captive nations” (such as Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). In my dissertation I argue that since the first propag! anda campaigns of the cold warriors to the high-tech broadcastings of the champions of information and disinformation, USIA was at the core of the American strategies of persuasion and power in Europe. Indeed, in the field, between 1953 and 1991 the psychological warfare between the US and the USSR turned into a cultural Cold War and a war of information in which both public and private networks were involved. Considering the success and failures of the covert and overt activities of the USIA I may tackle the tricky issue of the effectiveness of American strategies of influence in the European battle for freedom
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Shih, Ching-Yi. "A study of the interlanguage of apology by Taiwanese English-Language learners." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2793.
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This thesis presents a study of the interlanguage of the speech act of apology by Taiwanese learners of English. It compares the way Taiwanese learners apoologize in English and how they apologize in Mandarin Chinese, as well as how native speakers of American English apologize.
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VERBEEK, Bertjan. "Anglo-American relations 1945-1956 : a comparison of neorealist and cognitive psychological approaches to the study of international relations." Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5417.
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Defence date: 16 March 1992Examining board: Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Michael W. Doyle, Princeton University ; Prof. Hans Keman, Vrije Universiteit ; Prof. Steve Smith, University of East Anglia ; Prof. Susan Strange, European University Institute (supervisor)
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GHALEHDAR, Payam. "The origins of overthrow : hegemonic expectations, emotional frustration, and the impulse to regime change." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35422.
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Defence date: 20 March 2015Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (supervisor); Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute; Professor Roland Bleiker, University of Queensland; Professor Michael Cox, London School of Economics.
Why has regime change, defined as military intervention aimed at forcibly transforming a target state's domestic political authority structure, been a long-standing practice in US foreign policy, used roughly two dozen times since 1900 despite its limited success in producing peace, stability and/or democracy? Extant theories fail to provide sound answers. Realist approaches, for example, under-predict the recurrence of regime change if great powers should have no reason to intervene in weaker states, or over-predict it if anything goes under anarchy. Similarly, democracy promotion arguments overstate the causal importance of the US desire to expand liberty globally. This dissertation presents a novel explanation for the recurrence of regime change in US foreign policy, arguing that the practice of regime change is predicated upon what I call 'emotional frustration', an anger-arousing emotional state that is brought about by a foreign leader's obstructive behavior perceived to be rooted in implacable hatred. While obstruction is ubiquitous in interstate interactions, I claim that the combination of hegemonic expectations towards a target state and the perception of hatred shape the extent to which a foreign leader's conduct evokes an emotional response on the part of foreign policy elites. Once emotionally frustrated, regime change becomes an attractive foreign policy instrument to decision-makers who seek a way to confront and put a stop to the obstruction of a menacing target state. It enables frustrated leaders both to permanently get rid of a perceivedly hostile foreign leader and to discharge their frustration through the use of force. Illustrating the importance of emotional frustration, I conduct four historical case studies based on primary sources, spanning almost one hundred years of US history. Regime changes in Cuba (1906), Nicaragua (1909–12), the Dominican Republic (1965), and Iraq (2003) reveal overlooked patterns of emotional frustration that have time and again animated regime change decisions.
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Doppler, François. "Civils et militaires : les aspects culturels de la présence américaine en France, 1944-1967." Thesis, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAC028.
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Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967
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Rose, Glenda Lynn 1969. "Language acculturation anxiety in Spanish speaking adult immingrants learning English in the United States." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3938.
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The principle question of this study pertained to the nature of the relationships between foreign language anxiety, acculturation, and acculturative stress as it is experienced by adult Spanish speaking immigrants living in the United States. In addition to the nature of the relationships between the constructs, the ways in which they are experienced by adult English learners were also investigated. Three inventories were adapted for delivery via a multimedia website. The English Language Anxiety Scale (Pappamihiel, 1999) adapted from the Foreign Language Classroom Anxiety Scale (Horwitz, Horwitz & Cope, 1986) was adapted for measuring anxiety. The Stephenson Multigroup Acculturation Scale (1999) was selected for measuring the degree of acculturation, and the Multidimensional Acculturative Stress Inventory (Rodriguez, Myers, Bingham Mira, Flores, & Garcia-Hernandez, 2002) was selected for measuring acculturative stress. From the ninety-five original surveys that were begun on the website, fifty-five cases were selected for analysis. Results showed no significant correlations between the major constructs; however, interesting correlations among various individual items in the scales existed. Additionally, combined with the analysis of six semi-structured interviews, results indicate that the concept of foreign language classroom anxiety should be moved beyond the perimeter of the classroom for the case of adult immigrants learning English in an English-speaking country. Results further indicate that language acquisition in the adopted country when accompanied by the regular processes of acculturation may produce higher levels of language anxiety, not only in the degree of anxiety but also in the proportion of students dealing with anxiety when speaking English. The construct of language acculturation anxiety is proposed to identify the combined effect of language anxiety, acculturation, and acculturative stress. Implications for the instruction of adult English students are made, as well as recommendations for future studies, including considerations when using a computer mediated delivery with this population.text
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Liou, Shwu-ru 1963. "The relationships between collectivist orientation, perception of practice environment, organizational commitment, and intention to leave current job among Asian nurses working in the U.S." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3343.
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Estimates indicate that Asian nurses have become the majority of international registered nurses (RNs) working in U.S. Studies have shown that differences in values exist between members of collectivistic cultures, such as those in Asian countries, and members of individualistic cultures, such as those in most Western countries. The purpose of this study was to understand factors related to turnover among Asian RNs working in the U.S.: level of collectivist orientation; perception of practice environment; degree of organizational commitment, and intention to leave current job. The research design was cross-sectional, correlational, and descriptive. A temporally ordered model was developed using the research literature and well-established instruments measured Asian RNs' level of collectivist orientation (Collectivist Orientation Scale), perception of practice environment (Practice Environment Scale of the Nursing Work Index), organizational commitment (Organizational Commitment Questionnaire), and intention to leave current job (Anticipated Turnover Scale). A snowball of 120 RNs was obtained. Descriptive, Pearson correlation, hierarchical regression, and the Sobel test were used to analyze data. Results showed that Asian nurses were highly collectivist-oriented. Generally, they had high levels of satisfaction with their practice environment and organizational commitment, but had low intention to leave their current jobs. Collectivist orientation, perception of practice environment, and organizational commitment were significantly and positively correlated to each other, but were significantly and negatively associated with intention to leave. The strongest predictor of intention to leave was organizational commitment. Organizational commitment mediated the relationship between perception of practice environment and intention to leave. It is important for administrators to understand characteristics of members of collectivist cultures and their organizational commitment. This may be crucial for administrators to lower the rate of turnover among Asian RNs. Future research should focus on longitudinal and controlled interventional studies to understand Asian nurses' satisfaction with their practice environment and their organizational commitment.
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Naughten, Barry Ronald. "U.S. foreign energy policy and grand strategy choice : the challenge of global and regional systemic crises." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150615.
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U.S. foreign energy strategy is here situated relative to a choice between an entrenched 'global hegemonism' and an alternative grand strategy geared to a multi-polarising world. This broader strategic alternative is characterized as a form of 'cooperative realism' or 'off-shore balancing', but extended to provide a sound basis for addressing a series of interconnected global, regional and domestic systemic crises.The first of these crises is in the global security system itself. The comparative lack of external 'checks and balances' on U.S. power in the present unipolar system is unstable and dangerous, not least in exacerbating real threats from Islamist extremism. An unreconstructed U.S. hegemonism might defer some multi-polarising trends militarily, but without proper regard to costs and with often counter-productive consequences. Underlying this postulated strategic binary choice has been internationally uneven economic development complicated by the global financial-economic crisis since late 2008, originating especially in the US itself and with important energy-related causal features. A third systemic crisis, with a longer time-scale, is that of 'dangerous' climate change, requiring imposed limits on greenhouse gas emissions-especially from the global energy sector, itself a fourth system in crisis. Effective management of these four global crises requires the U.S. also to address a series of critical issues in domestic policy. These require reforms in budgetary and economic policy (budgetary and national debts and deficits), but also in domestic energy policy, interacting as it does with foreign (energy) policy and with commitments to avert 'dangerous' climate change. Reciprocally, an alternative grand strategy of international retrenchment and 'cooperative realism' could be essential to address domestic problems. The U.S. also has scope to gain from technology and policy leadership by (domestic) example in such fields as energy strategy and averting climate change. The global energy system is characterized by the rising demand for oil, including various alternatives to conventional crude, especially from strongly growing China and India. These demand trends run up against supplies increasingly from a few regions characterized by instability, leading to disruptive price shocks in tight oil markets. The supply-side focus thus turns to the oil-and gas-rich Persian Gulf and U.S. management or mismanagement thereof. Analysis then moves to the oil-related causes and consequences of the 2003 Iraq war, and to energy-related aspects of the problem of Iran-the strategic position of which seems to have been strengthened as an unintended effect of that U.S.-initiated war. As the world's second largest source of natural gas, also well located in relation to Asian markets, Iran could supply China with gas, cost-effectively reducing its CO2 emissions, but this option is blocked by the long-standing US-Iranian confrontation. The broader Eurasian regional context includes both important markets for oil and gas as well as the dominant global sources. The region includes the major rising powers driving the trend to multipolarity. An alternative U.S. grand strategy toward Eurasia, so broadly defined, thus also should prompt a re-think of U.S. energy strategy. The conclusion includes a review of energy-related US constituencies potentially supportive of such an alternative grand strategy.
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Hoskins, Ty. "United States grand strategy and Taiwan : a case study comparison of major theories." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3792.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Many authors, critics, and policy makers question the presence of a unified grand strategy with which the United States has striven toward in recent years. This is a topic worthy of pursuit since such a strategy is responsible for identifying how this nation intends to accomplish its goals. This thesis defines what, if any, grand strategy the United States is currently pursuing. It observes several prominent theories of grand strategy, from both the realist and liberal perspectives. This analysis is set in context of historical grand strategy decisions since World War II and uses the framework of Taiwan as the case study. The thesis then compares the three theories, Selective Engagement, Offshore Balancing, and the Liberal Milieu and their recommendations to real-world activities of the United States with a focus primarily on military deployments and national objectives. The study reveals that of the three in question, the Liberal Milieu grand strategy is the only one that is supported by ongoing deployments in the East Asia region as well as by the national rhetoric which define our policy objectives.
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"Jake, thank you! the whole world is watching this one: a case study of Hu Jintao's 2011 U.S. visit as an international political media event." 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549133.
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胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件，作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體，尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻，中美關係發揮顯著作用。本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國，並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件，說明政府在建構新聞語霸權，且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題，媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。
這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係，是突顯社會的政治背景，導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件，形成一個變贏的和平競賽，以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。
胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點，說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重，雙羸 ，和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。
Hu Jin Tao’s U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world’s two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil.
This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu’s U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration.
The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu’s state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a progressive change in the middle of the coverage to focus on mutual benefits, converting from enemies to partners. And that the differences and conflicts can be worked out from common fate or can even put aside. The discursive journalistic tone of the coverage was from abrasive in the very beginning and progressively changes to a peaceful celebrative tone.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Ng, Oi Yan.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-136).
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Abstract
Chapter Ch.1 --- Introduction and Background of Study --- p.5-22
Chapter Ch.2 --- Hu Jintao’s State Visit Arrival Ceremony as a Ritualistic Showcase --- p.23-46
Chapter Ch.3 --- Obama and Hu’s Joint- Press Conference as a Contest --- p.47-75
Chapter Ch.4 --- The Splendid State Dinner as a Celebrative End of the Win-Win Contest --- p.76-100
Chapter Ch.5 --- Closure of Hu Jintao’s U.S. State Visit as an International Political Media Event --- p.101-117
Chapter Ch.6 --- Conclusion --- p.118-130
References
32
Markle, Robert G. "Signals intelligence and the Washington Naval Conference: one element in the decision-making process." 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/27491.
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Elliott, Rebecca Leigh Jennifer. "Two decades of American painting : art, politics and the Cold War." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151615.
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Costigan, Thomas E. "US dollar imperialism : the crisis of a changing periphery, a changing core." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:45301.
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This thesis examines the political economy of the United States (US) dollar and its role as the world’s reserve currency in the post-World War Two period. It argues that the dollar has been intrinsic to the exercise of US hegemony in this period. A pivotal moment for the dollar and US power in the world occurred when President Richard Nixon abandoned the partial gold standard in 1971. In 1974 a deal was struck between Saudi Arabia and the US under which the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) would only accept US dollars for payment for oil exports. In return for this exclusivity, the US guaranteed the national security of Saudi Arabia. Because of this deal, the US dollar was backed by two differing mechanisms. The first was that the dollar became what is commonly referred to as a petro currency, effectively underpinned by oil. The second was that this arrangement is defended by the prospect of military force on the part of the US if any nation should challenge the national security of Saudi Arabia. In recent years, however, it has become apparent that the US dollar’s reign as the world’s reserve currency is possibly nearing its end for several reasons, including the US national debt, national/international displeasure at unilateralist policy, and the emerging multi-polarity in the world system. This thesis, employing a grounded theory approach, examines how US hegemony has functioned since World War Two to the present. It offers a comprehensive, theoretical interpretation for the monetary function of US hegemony. Drawing on Wallerstein (2011), it characterizes the US dollar as the core of a world monetary system, the planning for which began in 1939 and extended to 1945. In doing so, it demonstrates how the US dollar, as a petro currency, has enabled US hegemony to function through an integrated world economy to serve US economic interests as per the ‘Grand Area policy’. The thesis comprises six chapters and a conclusion. This structure follows a linear historical progression from the late nineteenth century to the current period 2016. The research shows the rise of, and challenges to, the hegemony of the US dollar. Emerging from this research are the perpetual balance of payments issues that were the norm rather than the exception during the twentieth century. As US hegemony still exists, it is difficult to draw conclusions about what will happen in the future, other than the dollar is vital to the continuing exercise of US hegemony. With this in mind, the thesis concludes by reasserting its core argument, which is the dollar being fundamental to the exercise of US hegemony. It further identifies some important trajectories in world politics and economics that may affect dollar hegemony into the future.
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Poletika, Nicole Marie. ""Wake up! Sign up! Look up!" : organizing and redefining civil defense through the Ground Observer Corps, 1949-1959." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4081.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.
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Bell, Lisa Jo. "Acceptance or denial : interracial couples’ experiences in public spaces." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/9804.
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Francis, David J. "US strategy in Africa: AFRICOM, terrorism and security challenges." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5826.
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Falk, Andrew Justin. "Staging the Cold War negotiating American national identity in film and television, 1940-1960 /." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3120292.
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Herczeg-Konecny, Jessica. ""We will be prepared" : scouting and civil defense in the early Cold War, 1949-1963." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4033.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)During the early Cold War, 1949 through 1963, the federal government, through such agencies as the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) (1950-1957), the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization (OCDM) (1958-1960), and the Office of Civil Defense (OCD) (1961-1963), regarded children and young adults as essential to American civil defense. Youth-oriented, voluntary organizations, including the Boy Scouts of America (BSA) and the Girl Scouts of the United States of America (GSUSA), assisted the federal civil defense programs by promoting civil defense messages and agendas. In this thesis, I will explore how the GSUSA and BSA translated federal civil defense policies for their Scouts. What were the civil defense messages transmitted to Scouts during the early Cold War? How were those messages disseminated? Why? What was the social impact of BSA and GSUSA involvement with civil defense on America’s evolving national ideals?
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Peres, Luis Miguel Solla de Andrade. "Henrique Galvao, 1895-1970 : Aspects of a Euro-African crusade." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3153.
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This study deals with various aspects of the life of Henrique Galvão (1895-1970) but principally with the seizure of the liner Santa Maria (1961) in opposition to the regime of Dr Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970). It describes the ship’s hijacking and explores its ramifications within the context of the 1961 Angolan nationalist uprising, Portuguese internal politics and Luso-American relations. A brief discussion of Portuguese history from 1910 to 1933 provides the background to Galvão’s affiliation to Salazar’s regime and his subsequent apostasy. The most salient features of Galvão’s dissidence are discussed: his report on conditions in Portuguese Africa (1947-49); involvement in opposition politics (1951-59); the hijacking of an air liner for propaganda purposes (1961) and appearance before the United Nations (1963). These events are connected to the themes of colonial administration, anti-colonialism, African nationalism, anti-Salazarist politics and the African policy of the United States (1961-63).
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Zilberg, Elana Jean. "From riots to rampart a spatial cultural politics of Salvadoran migration to and from Los Angeles /." 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3089495.
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Ori, Konye Obaji. "Conceptualizing Boko Haram : victimage ritual and the construction of Islamic fundamentalism." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4079.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In this study, rhetorical analysis through the framework of victimage ritual is employed to analyze four Boko Haram messages on You Tube, five e-mail messages sent to journalists from leaders of Boko Haram, and a BlogSpot web page devoted to Boko Haram. The aim of this analysis is to understand the persuasive devices by which Boko Haram leaders create, express, and sustain their jurisprudence on acts of violence. The goal of this study is to understand how leaders of Boko Haram construct and express the group’s values, sway belief, and justify violence. The findings show that Boko Haram desire to redeem non-Muslims from perdition, liberate Muslims from persecution, protect Islam from criticism, and revenge perceived acts of injustices against Muslims. The group has embarked on this aim by allotting blame, vilifying the enemy-Other, pressing for a holy war, encouraging martyrdom, and alluding to an apocalypse. Boko Haram’s audience is made to believe that Allah has assigned Boko Haram the task to liberate and restore an Islamic haven in Nigeria. Therefore, opposition from the Nigerian government or Western forces is constructed as actions of evil, thus killing members of the opposition becomes a celestial and noble cause. This juxtaposition serves to encourage the violent Jihad which leaders of Boko Haram claims Allah assigned them to lead in the first place. As a result of this cyclical communication, media houses, along the Nigerian government, Christians and Western ideals become the symbolic evil, against which Muslims, sympathizers and would-be-recruits must unite. By locking Islam against the Nigerian government, Western ideals and Christianity in a characteristically hostile manner, Boko Haram precludes any real solution other than an orchestrated Jihad-crusade-or-cleanse model in which a possible coexistence of Muslims and the enemy-Other are denied, and the threat posed by the enemy-Other is eliminated through conversion or destruction. As a result, this study proposes that Boko Haram Internet messages Boko Haram’s mission reveals a movement of separatism, conservatism, and fascism. A movement based on the claim that its activism will establish a state in accordance with the dictates of Allah.
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Liu, Zhao. "Taiwanese accounts of the meaning of their national identity : a qualitative study." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3796.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)The national identity of Taiwanese people has been a topic under public debate and academic inspection since Taiwan’s democratization in the 1980s and the 1990s. In this study, I interviewed fifteen Taiwanese students studying in the United States and talked with them about their national identity. Interviews with the fifteen students reveal that an independent Taiwanese identity has taken shape, while a Chinese cultural identity still remains part of the Taiwanese identity. It was also discovered that although a Taiwanese national identity has formed, a Taiwanese ethnicity has not yet taken a complete form. Discussions with the Taiwanese students also indicate that studying in the multi-cultural United States renders them more aware of their Taiwanese national identity, as well as their Chinese cultural identity.
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Dutton, Laura A. "Evaluating the criteria for successful elections in post-conflict countries : a case study including Iraq, Sierra Leone, and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5281.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Previous research on post-conflict elections has found several criteria important in determining if an area is ready to hold elections and whether or not it is likely to succeed. Although rarely ranked in any determination of importance, several concepts are present in most post-conflict election research. Additionally, there is not an agreed set of standard criteria upon which success can be assumed. When researching the post-conflict election literature two questions arise: (1) is there a set of criteria established to determine if an area is ready to conduct post-conflict elections, and (2) do all criteria need to be present in order to ensure successful post-conflict elections? Most research agrees on common criteria but highlights or researches one dominant criterion, to which is then often attributed to the success of an election. This is found in Krishna Kumar’s focus on international assistance (Kumar, 1998), Staffan Lindberg’s attribution of success to repetition of the election process (Lindberg, 2006), Paul Collier’s focus on per capita income (Collier, 2009), and Marie-Soleil Frere’s research on post-conflict elections and the media (Frere, 2011). When reviewing multiple research sources, it is likely several factors at various times and in various elections will be credited with being the single source criterion for success. This kind of past research is well supported and conclusively argued, but still fails to provide a scope of understanding outside of a single event. In other words, it is case specific and not comparatively applicable across cases. Although this thesis does not intend to “McDonaldize” (Ritzer, 2009) the process of democratization, it does propose to define a common set of criteria necessary, even if in varying degrees, to conduct successful elections in post-conflict environments.