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Journal articles on the topic 'United States – Foreign relations – Nepal'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Khanal, Gopal. "Blending Foreign Policy with Nepal’s Geostrategic Location." Journal of Foreign Affairs 2, no. 01 (September 5, 2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v2i01.44021.

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Over the course of a century, the Western world’s power hegemony has gradually shifted to Asia. China is emerging as a superpower with technological advancement, cashless transactions, 5Gdevelopment, and one of the most powerful military forces. China’s power in Asia has added worries to the United States of America. The purpose of this research is to emphasize Nepal’s geostrategic location and its impact on foreign policy. Nepal is located between the two rising economies in the world, China, and India, who have had conflicting and competitive relations, and therefore requires to delicately balance its relations given the sensitive geopolitical location. But it doesn’t mean Nepal should compromise her sovereignty and territorial integrity while maintaining geopolitical balance. Similarly, India and China need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nepal. This has been a major challenge for Nepal to design its foreign policy based on sound geopolitical theories. Although literature on Nepal’s geostrategic importance is limited, this paper explores the impact of its geographic location on foreign policy in the changing global order.

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2

Sarkar, Sukanta. "Foreign Aid in Nepal: Importance, Trends and Government Initiatives." Economic Journal of Nepal 40, no. 1-4 (December 31, 2017): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ejon.v40i1-4.35947.

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Economic growth and development are in the forefront of international relations and policy making. Developed countries such as the United States and international organizations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund provide assistance that attempts to help the economic growth of developing countries. Foreign aid has been recognized as the most crucial factor in enhancing economic development in many countries. Foreign aid is crucial factor to achieve higher and sustainable economic growth and development of Nepal. However, aid must be linked with sustainable growth and poverty reduction. The objectives of the paper are to study the importance, trends and government initiatives of foreign aids in Nepal.

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3

Rano Tuychiyeva Almamatovna. "Specific aspects of indian foreign policy: stagnation and changes." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 5 (May 25, 2020): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i5.382.

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This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.

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4

Daniel Margolies. "Imperial Unilateralism in United States Foreign Relations Proclamations." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 60 (August 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2018..60.008.

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5

Chauncey, Helen R., Edward C. Keefer, David W. Mabon, Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 4 (1986): 721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758579.

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6

Charney, Jonathan I. "Judicial Deference in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203369.

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Disputes with foreign policy implications have often been brought to the federal courts. These cases call attention to the tension between the authority of the political branches to conduct the foreign relations of the United States and the authority of the courts to render judgments according to the law. How this tension is resolved, in turn, bears directly on the commitment of the United States to the rule of law.

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7

Minat, V. N., and A. G. Chepik. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND INNOVATION IN THE UNITED STATES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-5-21.

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A trend has been identified that reflects a close correlation between the main indicators of US foreign trade and innovation activities carried out in the modern American economy. The article shows the essence of the national innovation system established in the United States and its international significance in the implementation of foreign trade relations of the country in terms of the exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, the sale of products with a high innovative component, determined by a comparative analysis of relevant indicators. Based on the results of the study noted the positive dynamics of the active foreign trade balance of the USA in the field of exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, with a high positive balance, the conclusions about the qualitative dominance of the leading industries of the U.S. economy in terms of aggregate innovation and foreign trade activity in ten leading countries of the world.

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8

Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.

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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

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9

Briggs, E. Donald. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.

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10

Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081170.

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11

Burghardt, Raymond F. "The United States and Vietnam." Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 1 (October 13, 2011): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146711423667.

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US and Vietnamese relations have progressed remarkably since diplomatic relations between the two countries were normalized in 1995. The purpose of this essay is to reflect on this progress and to consider implications for the future. Trends suggest the United States and Vietnam will continue to cooperate closely and pragmatically on matters of trade and foreign direct investment, education, public health and well-being, and strategic interests, including military cooperation. While these trends are viewed as beneficial to both countries, they also are considered important to the regional balance of power, as China continues to increase its influence in Southeast Asia and beyond.

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12

Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, U.S.-Panama Relations 1903–1978." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 701–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100313.

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13

Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.

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14

Glennon, Michael J., and Louis Henkin. "Process versus Policy in Foreign Relations: "Foreign Affairs and the United States Constitution"." Michigan Law Review 95, no. 6 (May 1997): 1542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290017.

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15

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202390.

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16

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 507–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100302.

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17

Iyasere, Solomon O. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, Crisis and Opportunity." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 704–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100314.

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18

Sewell, James P. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Bureaucracy and Statesmanship." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300211.

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19

Ross, Douglas A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Vietnam War." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300212.

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20

Wheeler, Nicholas, and Phil Williams. "United States Foreign Policy-Making: Chaos or Design?" International Relations 8, no. 3 (April 1985): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788500800302.

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21

Rosato, Sebastian, and John Schuessler. "A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003963.

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What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.

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22

Zanin, Toby. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Crisis Years." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800110.

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23

Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

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24

Thomsen, Stephen. "Foreign direct investment in the United States." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623182.

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25

Major, John. "The politics of United States foreign aid." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619341.

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26

Bhattarai, Gaurav, and Vasiti N. B. Cirikiyasawa. "Small State Constraint: International System or Domestic Politics? A Case of Nepal and Fiji." Journal of International Affairs 3, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v3i1.29082.

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Available literature on the role of small states in international relations has focused on the international system’s impact on the maneuverability of small states. The influence of domestic politics in determining the foreign policy goals of small states seems to have lacked enough deliberations. Identifying this research gap, this article aims to analyze the foreign policy behavior of small states, including Fiji and Nepal. More precisely, this write-up argues that the small states' behavior cannot be adequately comprehended if it is only assessed from the system level of analysis, as their behavior is not only influenced by external factors or the international system. This research sheds light on how domestic factors play an important role in shaping the foreign policy of small states. In this regard, the prime objective of the paper is to examine how the domestic events of 2006 in Fiji and Nepal influenced their post-2006 foreign policy agendas. The 2006 Military Coup in Fiji and the Second People’s Movement of 2006 in Nepal are examined here to appraise how foreign policy was devised and formulated to address the issues that arose out of these events, thus allowing the two countries to remain functional in the international society of states.

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27

Poudel, Santosh Sharma. "‘Balance’ in Nepali Foreign Policy: Experiences before 1990." Prashasan: Nepalese Journal of Public Administration 52, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/prashasan.v52i1.44583.

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‘Balanced foreign policy’ is a term which is frequently used by decision makers, academics, political leaders and general public in Nepal’s foreign policy, especially concerning our immediate neighborhood. The Foreign Policy of Nepal- 2077 also states that Nepal practices balanced and independent (santulit and swatantra) foreign policy. The issue is being debated further in recent years as some felt that Nepal’s foreign policy tilted towards China after the Indian blockade of 2015. However, there seems to be no common understanding of what ‘balance’ means or what does it imply for Nepali foreign policy. Drawing on the foreign policy of Nepal from 1950-1990, this paper argues that Nepal has not practiced ‘balanced’ foreign policy in those years. Nepal has bandwagon with India, diversified its relations, and attempted neutrality. This paper, further, argues that ‘balance’ implies a zero-sum game mentality. Hence, ‘balance of power’ is neither desirable nor achievable. Nepali foreign policy requires a major national discussion on its foreign policy and framing that relies on mutual gains.

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28

Thompson, John A. "The problem for United States foreign policy." Diplomacy & Statecraft 1, no. 3 (November 1990): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299008405803.

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29

Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.

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The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States. Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations. Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.

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30

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.

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31

(Leich), Marian Nash. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 2 (April 1998): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998034.

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In January 1998, the Department of State released its Publication 10518, Consular Notification and Access: Instructions for Federal, State, and Local Law Enforcement and Other Officials Regarding Foreign Nationals in the United States and the Rights of Consular Officials to Assist Them. Prepared in the Office of the Legal Adviser, the booklet contains “instructions and guidance relating to the arrest and detention of foreign nationals, deaths of foreign nationals, the appointment of guardians for minors or incompetent adults who are foreign nationals, and related issues pertaining to the provision of consular services to foreign nationals in the United States.” The foreword points out that cooperation of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in ensuring treatment of foreign nationals in accordance with the instructions not only will permit the United States to comply with its consular legal obligations domestically, but also will help ensure that the United States can insist upon “rigorous compliance by foreign governments with respect to United States citizens abroad.”

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32

Randall, Stephen J. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: A Preponderance of Power." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800109.

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33

Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.

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34

Noer, Thomas J., John P. Glennon, Stanley Shaloff, and Harriet Dashiell Schwar. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957. Vol. 18: Africa." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081144.

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35

Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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36

Hill, Peter P., and Marie-Jeanne Rossignol. "Nationalist Ferment: The Origins of United States Foreign Relations, 1789- 1812." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (December 1997): 1047. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953125.

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37

Hintjens, Helen. "Western hemisphere immigration and United States foreign policy." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621613.

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38

Hoff, Joan. "11 September: Watershed in United States Foreign Policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 13, no. 1 (2002): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2002.0018.

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39

Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Christopher Mitchell. "Western Hemisphere Immigration and United States Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045451.

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40

Hoff, Joan. "11 September: Watershed in United States Foreign Policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 13, no. -1 (January 1, 2002): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2002.13.1.9.

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41

Page, Susan. "U.S. Race Relations and Foreign Policy." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 26.0 (2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.sp.us.

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It is easy for Americans to think that the world’s most egregious human rights abuses happen in other countries. In reality, our history is plagued by injustices, and our present reality is still stained by racism and inequality. While the Michigan Journal of International Law usually publishes only pieces with a global focus, we felt it prudent in these critically important times not to shy away from the problems facing our own country. We must understand our own history before we can strive to form a better union, whether the union be the United States or the United Nations. Ambassador Susan Page is an American diplomat who has faced human rights crises both at home and abroad. We found her following call to action inspiring. We hope you do too.

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42

Pérez, Louis A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Political Culture and Foreign Policy in Latin America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800112.

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43

Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.

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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.

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44

Khatri, Mukti Bahadur. "Trade war between China and USA: Implications to Nepal." Economic Journal of Nepal 40, no. 1-4 (December 31, 2017): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ejon.v40i1-4.35948.

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The study examines the dynamic relationship along with disputes between the trade of China and the United States of America (U.S.A.). The study used a comparative analysis by investigating relative changes in the position of the foreign trade since 1960 A.D. On the basis of more than 50 years observations, there is a significant relationship between foreign trade of China and the U.S.A. Similarly, there are different causes of trade disputes between china and the U.S.A.. Its comparative advantage is that it can produce goods for lower costs than other countries. So, recent days, American companies cannot compete with low costs of China. Another reason is the view of President Donald J Trump like 'the trade wars good and easy to win'. In short run, trade wars have a positive impact on trade, but in the long term, it makes slow rate of economic growth, employment and weak the protected domestic industry. Similarly, it affects both economies of China and the U.S.A. and also promotes regional trade and dumping policy. Accordingly, exports base of Nepal is weak and its exports to China are being affected due to trade wars, despite the fact that trade to the United States does not affect.

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45

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

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46

Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

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47

Warner, Geoffrey. "Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. I: National security affairs: foreign economic policy, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. III: Western Europe, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. IV: Central and Eastern Europe: the Soviet Union, Foreign relations of the United States 1951. Vol. III: European security and the German question (in 2 parts) and Foreign relations of the United States 1952–1954. Vol. V: Western European security (in 2 parts)." International Affairs 61, no. 2 (April 1985): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617485.

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48

Koliev, Faradj, and Magnus Lundgren. "Visiting the hegemon: Explaining diplomatic visits to the United States." Research & Politics 8, no. 4 (October 2021): 205316802110667. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211066767.

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Diplomacy is a chief instrument of foreign policy. Through high-level diplomatic visits, governments can facilitate cooperation and signal the quality of their relations with other states. Because host countries cannot receive an indefinite number of visits, they must make strategic decisions, prioritizing some countries over others. This reveals information about their foreign policy priorities as well as diplomatic hierarchies and practices in the system as a whole. But what determines high-level diplomatic visits? Existing scholarship disagrees. In this research note, we assess the determinants of high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. Theoretically, we draw on previous studies and formulate structural, domestic, and practice-oriented accounts of high-level visits as tools of foreign policy. Empirically, we gather original data on diplomatic visits to the U.S. by foreign leaders from 1946 to 2012. Our main results are two-fold. First, high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. are primarily determined by structural factors such as economic relations. Second, we find clear differences in invited country profiles during and after the Cold War, demonstrating that high-level visits are used strategically to promote shifting foreign policy priorities.

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Karki, Shweta, and Sarashree Dhungana. "Soft Power in International Relations: Opportunities for Small States like Nepal." Journal of International Affairs 3, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v3i1.29092.

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The study of power has been one of the main features of IR. While hard power remained at the forefront of the academic discourse for a long time, soft power emerged as an alternative to understand the complex interactions between states and how states employ different sources of non-coercive means to persuade global actors. Nye, in the late twentieth century, perpetrated the idea to indicate the shift from assertion to attraction. This research has focused on why soft power has been a more relevant device for certain states in the system that lack military might. The research has largely analyzed and described the various ways in which small states around the world have resorted to soft power in the face of the interdependent world order. It then has looked into the different ways through which Nepal as a small state can effectively examine its soft power sources, to garner influence in the global power structure and obtain its foreign policy objectives, keeping in mind that the soft power of any state is dependent of the resources that it has and is also able to mobilize.

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de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.

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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.

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