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1
Novikova, Elena, and Mikhail Rybalko. "Economic aspects of cooperation between New Zealand and the United States as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400148.
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The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Suparman, Suparman. "Analysis of British Foreign Policy Forming the Australia, United Kingdom, and United States (AUKUS) Security Alliance in 2021." Asian Journal of Engineering, Social and Health 3, no. 3 (March 5, 2024): 548–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ajesh.v3i3.260.
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Security has become a significant issue in international relations because it involves aspects of territorial protection, peacekeeping, economic stability, and other elements that influence the lives of countries worldwide. In international relations, security involves a deep understanding of threats, conflicts, and strategies to maintain peace and stability at regional and global levels. This research aims to analyze state behavior in the context of security cooperation, focusing on the UK's participation in the AUKUS security alliance formed in 2021. The UK's decision to join AUKUS was driven by two main factors, namely national role conceptions and role prescriptions. This research pays special attention to the uniqueness of Britain's participation in this alliance, considering its geographical position in the North Atlantic region, not in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main focus of AUKUS. This analysis will provide valuable insight for the Indonesian Government in addressing security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region related to forming the AUKUS alliance. By understanding the motivational factors driving UK participation, this research can contribute to formulating more effective policies addressing regional and global security challenges.
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Shabanova, Lyudmila Borisovna, and Irina Gennadievna Morozova. "Prospects for investment development in Russia and the Muslim world." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2022): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38433.
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Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.
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Mikhalskiy, Igor, and Bohdan Toroptsev. "Kissinger's „shuttle diplomacy” as an active implementation of S. Cohen's concept." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 9 (347) (2021): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-157-168.
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Foreign policy of the USA is one of the topical areas in contemporary historical and geopolitical research. The interest of scientists in this topic is due to the fact that the United States is the leader of the world community at the present stage, both in economic and geopolitical aspects. The state continues to actively develop economically and technologically, increases its military potential, actively spreads its culture all over the world, that determines its global role. The phenomenon of the world leadership of the USA, as well as the historical factors that have determined this status, are the subject of research of scientists in the historical, geopolitical, politological, sociological, cultural, and other scientific fields. A particularly topical issue in the history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century is the concept and specificity of American „shuttle diplomacy” and its effectiveness in the foreign policy of the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the concept of the American geographer S. Cohen, as well as the peculiarities of its implementation in the political activities of R. Nixon and H. Kissinger. It has been proved that S. Cohen's geostrategic concept played an important role in the foreign policy of the United States in the 1970s. Its principles were implemented in the policy of H. Kissinger and R. Nixon, the important results of which were the establishment of United States-China relations and the softening of relations with the Soviet Union.
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Prikhodchenko, A., and A. Tokarev. "The Influence of China and the United States on the Secession of Taiwan in 2016–2024: Quantification of Factors of Involvement." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 7 (2024): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-7-102-117.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of relations in the China-Taiwan-USA triangle, from the point of view of the theory of the multidirectional development of two aspects of statehood under the secession of the island: status and stateness. The authors give an answer to the question of what pressure US and China provide on the status and solvency of Taiwan in 2016–2022, analyzing military, political, economic and demographic factors through their qualitative analysis and quantification. Military variables include the facts of the flag demonstration on the territory of Taiwan and the supply of weapons, economic variables include the volume of imports and exports, trade in goods strategically important for the island’s economy, the volume of FDI, passenger and sea traffic, and the number of flights. The visits of officials, the recognition of Taiwanese documents are political variables, as well as the specifics of political communication – this meant the characteristics of unofficial contacts between Beijing and Washington with the island in a particular year. Among the variables of human capital, the number of Taiwanese students studying on the mainland and in the United States and the number of passport holders stand out. Since the authors are interested in the dynamics of Taiwan’s relations with the United States and China, static indicators were not included in the object of analysis: the presence of embassies, deterministic legal recognition. Within the framework of the work, a comprehensive approach is presented, simultaneously considering Taiwan’s involvement in relations with the United States and China. According to the results of the analysis, it is recorded that Beijing exerts the greatest pressure on the state solvency and status of the island in terms of economic and demographic aspects of interaction. In turn, the United States supports Taipei on the political and military trade track. It is predicted that China will not reintegrate Taiwan militarily in the absence of escalation by the island or the United States (unilateral recognition of independence). The Chinese strategy assumes the smooth involvement of Taiwan with economic, international-political, infrastructural instruments, the reaction to Nancy Pelosi’s visit does not mean weakness of the leadership. In addition, the Chinese foreign policy and military culture does not imply drastic actions.
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Eremin, A. "“Breaking the Continuity” of the Latin American Vector of US Foreign Policy under Donald Trump and the Crisis of Pan-Americanism (2017-2020)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 5 (2022): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-5-68-77.
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In this article the author examines the process of revising the Latin American vector of US foreign policy under the presidency of Donald Trump. In particular, the paper analyzes the economic and political aspects of a new US policy in the Latin American region. The main focus of the research is on the reorganization of US economic relations with the countries of the region and cancellation of various financial aid programs and multilateral agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement. The main hypothesis of the paper is that US foreign policy under the 45th president underwent a profound change towards diminishing the role of the Latin American region among other foreign policy priorities of the United States. Vivid confrontation with China and the Russian Federation became the center of the contemporary foreign policy course of Washington, making relations with Latin American countries of secondary importance. This shift created a certain power vacuum in the region and opened additional opportunities for extraregional players. China could arguably become one of such players as it is known to have utilized Washington’s weakening grip on the region to its own economic and political benefit, expanding the “One belt, one road” initiative.
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OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.
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The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.
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Zhao, Minghao. "Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US–China Strategic Competition." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 3 (2019): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz010.
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Abstract In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China and its multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US–China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US–China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US–China relations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacific is the focal point of US–China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US–China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US–China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US–China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.
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Guan, Yichen, Dustin Tingley, David Romney, Amaney Jamal, and Robert Keohane. "Chinese views of the United States: evidence from Weibo." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcy021.
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Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.
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Klochkovsky, L. "New World Economic Development Trends and Latin America." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 4 (2016): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-48-60.
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There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.
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Papian, Ara. "The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions)." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.
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AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.
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Zapariy, E. S. "Development of Cuban foreign policy at the present stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 438–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-4-438-449.
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The article highlights the premises of cooperation and further development of relations between the Republic of Cuba and a number of key stakeholders in the global stage. The article analyzes the materials on this issue and reveals the trends in the country’s position on the subject of economic, political, social and other types of cooperation.The article points out the prerequisites and ways of developing the Republic of Cuba foreign policy, with the participation of which positive results were achieved on a number of international issues, in particular on the issue of international conflicts in a number of countries. The article reviews the characteristics of relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, characteristic of the declared time period. The article focuses the reader’s attention on such aspects as: the position of Cuba on key international issues, the signing of agreements with actors in international relations and the Cuba pivotal international interests.The article summarizes the positive dynamics of the relations development at the present stage with the countries of the Caribbean, African countries, as well as cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region in countries such China, which, in general, stresses of the growing influence of the Republic of Cuba at the world level.
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Dabagyan, Emil. "Hugo Chavez – a leader of universal magnitude." Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-172-192.
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The article analyzes the international course of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the first decade of the 2000s. The author believes that considering this particular period of the recent history of Venezuela as an integral part of the world historical process, is particularly important since the formation of the Hugo Chavez regime with its peculiar foreign policy and foreign economic steps took place precisely in the first half of the first decade of the 21st century. With the constitutional rise to power of the charismatic leader Hugo Chavez, the country's foreign pol-icy acquired a multi-vector character embracing all regions of Earth. Hugo Chavez strengthened the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, in collaboration with Fidel Castro founded the "Bolivarian Alternative for America" (ALBA), which united the left-wing radical regimes of the continent; he established contacts with many leaders of the Third World, has confronted the United States, established friendly relations with China and a strategic partnership with Russia. This arti-cle is devoted to some, albeit very significant, aspects of Chavez’s for-eign policy.
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Kashin, V. B., V. A. Smirnova, and I. V. Aksenov. "Political Aspects of COVID-19 Epidemic Crisis in China." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 1 (March 28, 2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-1-27-41.
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The global spread of coronavirus infection has given States the task of taking decisive measures to respond quickly and on a large scale to the challenge of existing management systems. China has demonstrated successful mobilization mechanisms to combat the negative effects of the pandemic: the necessary measures have been taken to inform the population and stop panic, control and prevent coronavirus, and mitigate the impact on the economy. However, the weak side was the inability to take priority measures in the face of uncertainty, which did not prevent the development of the epidemic at its initial stage. This provoked a search for those responsible among the Chinese leadership, becoming another source of tension in relations between China and the West. Despite the relative success of the measures taken, the situation in China itself remains tense: it faces challenges to prevent a re-outbreak of infection and to restore the economy in the face of information and economic pressure from the United States. In this context, the authors analyze the features of information support for measures taken in China to combat the spread of coronavirus infection and their impact on the domestic and foreign policy situation.
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Gumbatov, Nazim Farizovich, and Xiangyu Kong. "Minilateral Alliances in the American Strategy of Containing the PRC in the Indo-Pacific Region." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39633.
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The subject of the study is the consideration of the minilateral formations in the framework of the implementation of US foreign policy. The object of the study is the US foreign policy towards China since the beginning of the 21st century. The author examines in detail such aspects as the interaction of the United States and its allies in the Asian region, within the framework of the formation of the anti-Chinese coalition association, as well as analyzing and drawing conclusions about the effectiveness of a number of large minilateral organizations. Particular attention is paid to the reactionary perception of the top leadership of the leadership and the public masses of China on the role of the United States in building minilateral formations in its foreign policy. The main conclusions of the study are: • The minilateral unions only accelerate the process of dividing the Asian region into pro-Chinese and pro-American. Such a competitive policy to attract Asian states to their trade, economic and political space will only complicate the process of finding a compromise point of view between the two great economic powers, as well as damage peace, prosperity and stability in the region in the long term; • The growing popularity in the formation of minilateral structures is a consequence of the growing confrontation between China and the USA over the past decade, and not the primary cause of contradictions; • To date, most of the programs that have a "minilateral connotation" have little effective impact for the American government, nevertheless they cannot be called unfulfilled. Taking into account the relatively recent acceleration in attracting an increasing number of countries to existing and newly formed formats, Washington expects to get positive results for itself in the next decade, provided that China's economic and technological development is consolidated. The scientific novelty is determined primarily by the fact that the work analyzes the mechanism and evolution of interstate relations between the United States and partner countries, as well as the peculiarities of their activities in the minilateral associations.
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Жуков, Олександр. "US FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE FAR EAST IN 1901–1904." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 1 (2021): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2021-01/096-105.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the formation of US Far Eastern policy in the early twentieth century. The author identifies the transformation of the country's foreign policy from isolationism to active action as key aspects of the study. Determining the strategic need of the United States to gain a foothold in the Far East reveals the main foreign policy vectors. A special role in this was played by US President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay, who were the ideologues of the new, "Pacific era" and "open door" policy, particularly in China, which should have led to the beginning of the "American century". Achieving these goals was possible by maintaining friendly relations with Britain and Japan as opposed to Russia. Such a strategy weakened the position of the latter in the region and, as a consequence, increased US trade with the countries of the Far East. The article also considers the main events that led to the beginning of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and the role of the United States in it, which sought to gain a foothold in the Far East through flexible diplomacy. The author notes the main successes in this direction, in particular, the assessment of the talks between the US Secretary of Defense W. Taft and the Prime Minister of Japan T. Katsura both at the official and unofficial levels. Particular attention is paid to the economic component in the relationship between the Far East (including China) and official governmental and private organizations in the United States. The author notes that, in fact, US policy in China and Japan did not differ from the policy of Western European countries, but the forms and methods of their expansion were different. The study of this problem is important both for studying the peculiarities of US policy in Asia in the past, and for understanding current international relations in the Far East.
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Varnavskii, V. "The Chinese Phenomenon of Economic Growth." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 1 (2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-5-15.
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Modern China should be considered as an unique experiment and great world project of human civilization, effectively a co-product of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the West. The centuries-old concept of a free-market economy fell on fertile ground of the hardworking Chinese people and in a short historical period since the beginning of the reform has finally bore fruit. Globalization and digitalization have greatly helped the Chinese economy to expand around the world and have become powerful catalysts for Chinese economic development, providing it with new approaches to doing business. The article attempts to analyze this phenomenon and systematize the factors of China’s growth. Key aspects of the Chinese economy transformation are studied, such as GDP (in current and constant prices) and GNI per capita, manufacturing and trade, finance and capital. Special attention is paid to the global leadership role of China or/and the USA: Economy, Manufacturing, and International Trade. An in-depth comparative analysis of the economic growth indicators for China and the USA is based on extensive international statistical data. The author focuses on estimates of key indicators published by international bodies, such as the United Nations, UNCTAD, UNIDO, OECD, WTO and others. Various think tanks, independent agencies and other institutions such as McKinsey Global Institute, Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations RAS, Congressional Research Service (CRS), United States–China Economic and Security Review Commission, Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) have been analyzing Chinese phenomenon of economic growth. Quantitative assessments of China’s economic growth are discussed. As shown, China plays a major role in the world economy and manufacturing. It is now the world’s first country by many economic indicators. In 2007, China became the world’s largest merchandise exporter. In 2009, it took the 1st place in manufacturing value-added output. Measured by purchasing power parity (PPP), in 2017 China stood as the world-largest economy in terms of GDP in current US dollars. Over the past decade, China has provided at least 30 percent of global GDP growth, while the United States was half as much. China is in the world’s top two for receiving and being the source of foreign direct investment (FDI). In 2020, China had 124 Global Fortune 500 companies compared to 121 American. At the same time, the US remains the world leader in many other quantitative indicators, for example in GDP at official exchange rates, innovation, research and development, finance, and services. It also ranks first in the world in terms of quality indicators of economic development. The author gives his vision of the China’s economic growth fundamental factors. Four of them are identified: a) low labor costs, b) well-designed legal environment for attracting foreign capital, c) massive FDI influx, d) imports of capital goods as well as modern Western technologies, including transfer of critical technologies, intellectual property and know-how (mainly through acquisition of Western firms). The general conclusion is that the reforms completely transformed the lives of Chinese people. China of the 1970s 80s and today’s China are two different economic, industrial, scientific, technical, socio-humanitarian entities.
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Fisanov, Volodymyr. "Towards New Understanding of International Relations Asymmetry: Features of the 20th and 21st Centuries." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 10 (July 28, 2022): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.10.123-142.
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The author, using the latest methodological approaches, analyzed important aspects of asymmetry in international relations. The levels of asym-metric interaction and repulsion in interstate relations in historical retrospect, and in the current situation in particular along the lines of the still asymmetric relations between the People’s Republic of China and the United States, have been studied, while realistically taking into account the asymmetry in many dimensions of the Russian-Ukrainian war and its influence in the transformed system of global and regional security It is emphasized that the beginning of the asymmetric Russian-Ukrainian war became a bifurcation point for the European Union in a fundamental revision of its own foreign policy strategy in the conditions of a tectonic geostrategic break. There was a problem of rethinking, in particular, the geo-economic role of the EU in new global, but still prone to fragmentation world.
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Golam, T. B. "The Role of Russia in the Formation of a Post-Pandemic World Order Timur B. Golam." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-027-036.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the role of Russia in the economic, political and social aspects of the СOVID-19 pandemic. The author considers publications of world leading research centers and think tanks as well as foreign policy decisions of leading world powers, considers relations between Russia and the United States as one of the most influential actors in the international struggle against the COVID-19 pandemic. Particular attention is paid to comparing different approaches to the international struggle against various epidemics and pandemics at the present stage. In conclusion the author makes a forecast on the possibility of the formation of a new world order in the post-pandemic period.
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Sokolshchik, L., and D. Suslov. "Prospects for US-Russia Relations under Biden." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 148–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.8.
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The authors present complex analysis of US–Russia relations under the Biden Administration. W. Mead’s methodology (typology of foreign policy ideology) and S. Gunnitsky and A. Tsygankov’s theoretical framework (Wilsonian approach) are used. The article examines the motives of Russian and American foreign policies towards each other, as well as the outcomes for the Russia factor in US domestic politics and its impact on the bilateral relations. The authors identify the nature of ideological and political confrontation of the two nations which stems from their mutual perceptions and interpretations of the world order. It is revealed that the strengthening of ideological motivation of US foreign policy under the Biden Administration is aimed to rally Western countries behind the rivalry with illiberal regimes (Russia and China). At the same time, Russia perceives the current confrontation with the United States as an existential threat since it challenges its geopolitical power and national identity. The research looks into such aspects of US–Russia relations as sanctions against Russia, climate change interaction, global security and arms control. The authors conclude that US–Russia ideological confrontation is systematic; steps towards cooperation are aimed at preventing possible escalation. In the near future, US–Russia relations can be considered as a combination (i.e. sanctions, supporting Russian opposition, countering Russia in the post-Soviet region) and selective dialogue and cooperation on such issues as strategic stability, arms control, cybersecurity and climate change. US–Russia relations are not likely to undergo fundamental changes until at least 2024, when new electoral cycles start both in Russia and in the United States. Under current conditions, the management of the US–Russia confrontation remains the major goal for the sides.
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Sposito, Italo Beltrão, and Fernando José Ludwig. "Mapping Inter-American struggle (1946-2001): an overview on military conflict and economic embargoes." Revista de Paz y Conflictos 14, no. 1 (December 28, 2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/revpaz.v14i1.15218.
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International relations have always focused on security and conflict studies. These themes are central to understand several factors from geopolitics to world (re)ordering. There is no doubt that since the Second World War, the role played by the United States (US) is crucial to understand such aspects of international life. Furthermore, their acting in Latin America follows the same pattern. In that sense, this article proposes to address the following research question: which changes in the US' foreign policy towards Latin America influenced conflict patterns in the Interamerican system after the Cold War? We intend to demonstrate that shifts on US’ foreign policy towards Latin American, from military actions to economic embargos, had an impact over conflict patters in the region after the end of the Cold War. In order to assess the manifold aspects of US-Latin America relations, we explore data on Interamerican conflicts and map 60 years of economic and military conflict in the American continent and systematize conflictive interactions to identify patterns and changes in US-Latin America interplay. We present evidence of a significant change in the kind of conflict, from military to economic, since the end of the Cold War. Our findings indicate a predominance of military interventions during the Cold War, especially as a US response to intrastate wars (revolutions and civil wars), targeting predominantly small Central American and Caribbean countries. After the end of the Cold War, economic sanctions dominated the agenda, with the US targeting mostly Latin America’s three largest countries, Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Gonzalez Saez, Ruvislei. "Cuba – Asia y Oceanía: historical relations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-79-91.
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The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.
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Yevseenko, Andrey. "China’s and Russia’s Growing Footprint in Latin America As a Challenge to American Interests." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.14.
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Introduction. The Trump administration defined China and Russia as a “revisionist powers”, which challenge to American power, influence and interests. Such a perception affected the U.S. policy in Latin America. Major alarmist sentiments come from the U.S. military, which regularly notes the growth of foreign presence in the region. Methods and materials. The author conducted a critical analysis of Chinese and Russian footprint aspects in Latin America, which cause U.S. establishment concerns. Information was gathered from doctrinal documents, economic statistics and indicators of arms exports. Analysis. President Trump administration hasn’t created a credible barrier against the rise of foreign influence in this region. The causes lie in the specifics of the current U.S. foreign policy, which lacks positive incentives and representativeness. As a result, foreign influence is constrained by three main factors. First, the investment climate in Latin America continues to deteriorate. Second, most governments of the Latin American countries don`t intend to spoil relations with the United States. Thirdly, today there are no alternatives to the United States in the military-strategic aspect. Results. Washington involuntarily promotes expanding and strengthening of other world powers’ footprint in Latin America. It happens not just because of Trump administrations’ protectionism and its skepticism about multilateral formats. Latin American continue to be considered in the context of Monroe Doctrine. American establishment doesn’t seek to invest its political capital in expanding the U.S. influence in the region. That’s why a high level of representativeness in promoting initiatives and new formats of cooperation has become an advantage of foreign actors.
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Demianchuk, Vitalii, and Pavlo Bortsevych. "COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECTS OF ENSURING THE ECONOMIC SECURITY OF COMPANIES IN RESOLVING CORPORATE CONFLICTS IN UKRAINE AND THE UNITED STATES." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-54-58.
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The aim of the article is to reveal the legal nature of corporate conflicts and ways to overcome them in Ukraine and the United States. The subject of the study is corporate conflicts caused by the corporate relations that arise between the owners of corporate rights, as well as the relationship between the owners of corporate rights and management bodies of the company. Methodology. The study is based on general scientific and specialscientific methods and techniques of scientific knowledge. The logical semantic method enabled to determine the content of the concepts of “corporate conflict” and “greenmail”. The comparative legal method enabled to compare the doctrinal approaches to this issue. The same method enabled to analyse US law regarding the subject matter. The normative dogmatic method enabled to interpret the content of legal regulations of domestic and foreign legislation that regulate the issue of corporate conflicts and ways to overcome them. The system-structural method enabled to analyse objective and subjective causes of corporate conflicts. Methods of analysis and synthesis enabled to distinguish features of corporate blackmail as the cause of corporate conflicts. The method of legal modelling enabled to develop proposals regarding greenmail prevention in Ukraine. Practical implications. Studies on the issue of greenmail in the US helped to develop recommendations for prevention of greenmail in Ukraine, as well as to identify issues requiring further consideration and research. Relevance/originality. The concepts of “corporate conflict” and “greenmail” are defined. The objective and subjective causes of the occurrence of corporate conflicts, the reasons for their occurrence, as well as the subjective component of the parties to the corporate conflict are analysed. The absence of the legal definition of the concept of greenmail and the effective mechanism of its prevention is stated, therefore, appropriate recommendations to prevent its occurrence are formulated.
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Khramova, Marina N., Abubakr Kh Rakhmonov, and Dmitry P. Zorin. "EMIGRATION AND THE RUSSIAN-SPEAKING COMMUNITIES IN THE UNITED STATES: THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE PANDEMIC AND GEOPOLITICAL TENSIONS IN 2022." Scientific Review. Series 2. Human sciences, no. 5-6 (2022): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4685-2022-5-6-03.
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The article discusses some aspects of the modern history of emigration from Russia to the United States, the factors and scale of emigration flows. The features of the visa regime between the Russian Federation and the United States in the context of obtaining various types of visas by Russian citizens are analyzed. Some data on the number, structure and distribution of the Russian-speaking population in individual US states are given. It is shown that the emigration sentiments of Russians towards the United States are based on economic, social, and, to some extent, political factors. It is shown that in recent years the number of non-immigrant visas issued to Russians in the United States has significantly decreased. An additional factor in the decline in the number of visas issued was the pandemic, which disrupted the mobility of the population around the world. The situation in Ukraine led to a further cooling of relations between Russia and the United States, including the impact on the attitude towards the Russian-speaking population in the United States by the local population and authorities. There are precedents associated with discrimination against the Russian-speaking population in the United States. Cases of appeals of citizens of the Russian Federation to international human rights organizations for the protection of their rights were recorded. Also, since the beginning of the conflict situation between Russia and Ukraine, a new wave of emigration from Russia to the United States has begun. The US and EU countries have consistently introduced several packages of sanctions against Russia and the Russian leadership, which has led to the withdrawal of many foreign companies from the Russian market. At present, we can only draw preliminary conclusions, but there is reason to believe that among those leaving there are many young professionals who will have to build a life in a new reality for themselves. Therefore, one of the tasks that we set is to investigate the impact of new external factors on the formation of Russian-speaking communities in the United States.
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Rodionov, Vladimir A. "«Мягкая сила» малых стран: опыт Монголии." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 228–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-60-2-228-243.
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Introduction. The experience of recent decades shows small countries — though characterized by relatively limited foreign policy capacity — can defend their interests through ‘soft power’. Being obviously inferior to greater powers in military, political and economic aspects, small countries seek to compensate for their vulnerability with softer methods of influence. Nowadays, Mongolia is a classic case of a small country under the influence of such great powers as Russia, China, and the United States to successfully employ soft power tools. Goals. The article aims to identify where and how Mongolia uses soft power in its foreign policy. Materials and methods. The study primarily explores Mongolia’s official documents dealing with its national security and foreign policy, international initiatives of Ulaanbaatar, statements of Mongolian executives on relations with foreign partners, media materials. The employed research methods include the comparative, narrative, and retrospective ones. Results. There are three most promising lines for soft power in contemporary Mongolia’s foreign policy. The first one is that the country presents itself as a successful young democracy in the heart of Asia capable of becoming a model for a number of other small countries in the region. The second one is the policy of de facto neutrality manifested in refusal to deploy nuclear weapons and foreign military bases in Mongolian territory, as well as the active participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Finally, the third soft power line (to be perceived as one) is Ulaanbaatar’s active promotion of its mediation role to resolve urgent problems localized in Northeast Asia. Maintaining friendly relations with virtually all Northeast Asian states, Mongolia seeks to become a platform for international negotiations similar to that of Switzerland. Conclusions. Thus, soft power for Ulaanbaatar is an important two-sided tool supposed, firstly, to accelerate international influence and, secondly, to ensure national security and sovereignty.
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Alekseev, Yury, Liubov Zamaraikina, and Sergei Anuchin. "The "soft power" of the United States as an instrument of foreign policy in the European direction on the example of the French Republic (2016-2021)." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.37687.
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Subject of the study: the soft power of the United States in relation to the French Republic.The object of the study is the US-EU relations during the presidency of Donald Trump.For this study, the most relevant research methods are the retrospective method, which allows us to assess the changes that have occurred in D. Trump's foreign policy course towards Europe after his inauguration. Taking into account that the work focuses on the content of cultural, educational and other American programs implemented in Europe on the example of the French Republic, the method of content analysis was used. Among other things, a systematic approach was used in conducting research. The presidency of Donald Trump really had an ambiguous, in some aspects destructive effect on the development of a "soft-power" vector in American foreign policy. Despite the fact that, de jure, the US military departments called in the documentation for the leading role of the European Union in ensuring global security and maintaining NATO's activities, de facto, Trump's rhetoric undermined the traditionally friendly attitude of Europeans towards the United States. Since the perception of "attractiveness" is a key element of "soft-power" influence, the results of this study give grounds for the following conclusions. In the period from 2016 to 2021, American influence on Europe was weakened not only by provocative statements and actions regarding NATO funding, contradictions on trade and economic agreements and problems with the Paris Climate Agreement, but also by the elaboration of the cultural and educational vector of foreign policy. Thus, by 2021, the United States had a weakened influence on the French Republic, which allowed the French side to strengthen its influence on American students and strengthen its own position in the American intellectual and managerial environment. The novelty of the study: US foreign policy is studied from the position of soft-power influence on France in the context of intra-bloc interaction in NATO.
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Klynina, Тetiana. "THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES (FRUS) SERIES AS AN EXAMPLE OF OFFICIAL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (November 20, 2023): 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.262.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal the idea of the emergence and evolution of the FRUS publication as the gold standard of official documentary history, to analyze the main periods of the collection's development, focus on the legislative basis for the publication of the series and the problems of understanding the FRUS series as an example of the transparency of the American government. Analyzing the scientific work on the topic of the study, the author draws attention to two aspects: the lack of interest in this collection in the Ukrainian scientific community and the rather limited interest among the world scientific community. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, a systematic approach, and relevant general scientific methods such as problem-chronological and information analysis. The scientific novelty is determined by showing the evolution of the collection, its functional orientation, and the proposed periodization of the publication's development. Conclusions: The publication of the collection began in 1861 and was viewed by Congress not only as a means of informing the public but also as a tool to control the executive branch. No clear criteria for publishing or removing materials were made public, although there was a consensus on which materials should not be published, namely those “that would be detrimental to the public good”. The publications of the period 1861-1905 did not take into account the fact of inconvenience to foreign governments, American diplomats, or US presidents. It is emphasized that the publications of the period 1920-1945 underwent profound changes in purpose, production, design procedures, and target audience. This period is associated with the appearance of the first official order that provided for mandatory historical “objectivity” and served as a charter for the series (with minor changes) until 1991. It is pointed out that the content of the collection and the speed of its appearance were seen as direct evidence of the US government's adherence to the policy of transparency and accountability. As a result, between 1920 and 1945, the State Department released 56 volumes, covering the years between 1913 and 1930. It is noted that gradually the balance between transparency and national security became increasingly difficult. The FRUS series has been and remains a vital resource for the public, academia, political scientists, and others. After the end of World War II, the State Department redefined the transparency paradigms of the 20th century. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the imperatives of the Cold War affected the timeliness of publication, as well as the decision-making process for declassifying U.S. government documents. At the beginning of the Cold War, the FRUS series was 15 years behind on average; by the 1980s, this gap had doubled to about 30 years. The volumes were also subjected to greater scrutiny by the U.S. government before being released. This was partly a result of expanding bureaucratic frameworks and partly a consequence of the Cold War. The publications of the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries moved away from the functional component of the nineteenth century and instead became a means of a certain historical transparency. The FRUS publications will allow us to analyze not only the evolution of US diplomatic skill but also the policy of openness as a key element of democratic development.
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Sevryugin, Yu V., and A. P. Styazhkina. "ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE STATE DEFENSE ORDER IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION." Social’no-ekonomiceskoe upravlenie: teoria i praktika 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22213/2618-9763-2022-4-44-52.
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Attention is focused on the problems of ensuring the national security of the state, which are always relevant for our country, on strengthening their significance in connection with the changes taking place in the world. The extreme importance of state planning and budgetary control over the execution of the state defense order is determined, since significant budgetary resources are redistributed through it, and its main indicators determine the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of weapons. Since the end of February 2022, the Russian economy has found itself in a changed foreign policy environment. The need was noted for making serious adjustments to the state regulation of the activities of enterprises of the military-industrial complex, which are the basis for ensuring the national security of our country due to the protracted phase of the special military operation in Ukraine and the harsh sanctions pressure of Western Europe and the United States. The need to find new solutions to the problems of increasing the production of weapons and military equipment, and searching for additional production capacities is emphasized. An increase in the number of military personnel in conditions of partial mobilization obliges us to take additional measures to fulfill the state defense order. The key decisions taken during 2022 to regulate and improve economic relations in the field of state defense orders, as well as the dynamics of public spending on national defense, are analyzed and the prospects for their further growth are outlined. The following main areas for improving financial relations in the field of state defense orders for 2023-2024 have been identified: duties and responsibilities of performers, pricing, procurement procedures and banking support. The conclusion is made about the need for further scientific research to assess the financial efficiency of the decisions made in the framework of state planning and budgetary control in the field of state defense orders.
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Andronova, Inna V., Natalia V. Dyuzheva, and Kirill A. Andronov. "Foreign trade relations between the Republic of Korea and the United States in the context of the development of integration processes." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 826–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-4-826-841.
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The article examines the process of concluding, implementing and updating the Free Trade Agreement between the USA and South Korea, highlights the main problematic aspects of the functioning of the free trade area and the consequences for the bilateral trade of countries. The study found that South Korea benefited significantly from the negotiated liberal trade regime with the USA. The trade balance surplus of South Korea with the USA sharply increased - to a historic maximum of 25 billion dollars (in 2015), also South Korean exports of high-tech goods and high value-added goods increased significantly. For the USA, participation in the agreement led to an increase in the trade balance deficit and in the export of resources, agricultural goods and low value-added products. The observed consequences led to the use of a tough discriminatory policy by the USA, to the revision of the provisions of the Free trade agreement and to the military and political concessions from South Korea. As a result, the deficit of the US trade balance with South Korea decreased by 17.3% over the year, changes in the commodity structure of the countries' mutual trade are expected. The analysis proves the formation of a unified approach in US foreign trade policy towards partner countries within the framework of Free trade agreements, which lies in the mainstream of new protectionism and aimed at ensuring American geopolitical and economic interests.
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White, Mary Terrell. "Guidelines for IRB Review of International Collaborative Medical Research: A Proposal." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 27, no. 1 (1999): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.1999.tb01440.x.
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The increase in the scope of international collaborative medical research involving human subjects is raising the problem of whether and how to maintain Western ethical standards when research is conducted in countries with very different social and ethical values. Existing international ethical guidelines for research largely reflect Western concepts of human rights, focusing on the bioethical principles of respect for persons, beneficence, and justice. However, in countries and societies where these values are understood differently or are not expressed in local cultures and institutions, it may be impossible or of no practical value to insert them into the research setting.In the United States, individual informed consent is considered ethically imperative for research involving human subjects. However, this imperative may be difficult to instill in societies that define persons by their relations to others, and important decisions are commonly made by heads of households or group leaders rather than by individuals. The baseline economic and health care conditions in foreign communities may also create ethical conflicts.
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SONG, XINNING. "European ‘models’ and their implications to China: internal and external perspectives." Review of International Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2010): 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000835.
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AbstractEuropean Studies in China developed very rapidly in the last twenty years. The reasons for that are not only because of the smooth evolution of EU-China relations and wider and deeper economic interdependence between two economic giants, but also the relevance of the European models to China's domestic political and social development, as well as China's external relations. The article reviews the evolution of the European Studies in China and finds out that more and more research on European affairs relates to China's internal and external development. Two major aspects of the learning process are exploited further. Firstly, European models for China's domestic political and social development, including European party politics and Democratic Socialism, European social policy and social security systems, and European regional policies. Secondly, European models for China's foreign policy and external relations, including European neighbourhood policy, European concept of effective multilateralism, Europe as an example of peaceful rise, and functionalism as the way to East Asian regional integration. The EU or Europe has higher profile in China than any other Asia Pacific country. From the domestic political and social development and China's preference in international affairs we can see the silhouette of the European models. Chinese would like to learn more from Europe than the United States. It also shows clearly that the role of the EU as a social power.
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Tkachuk, Taras. "Establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany and the position of American politics and diplomacy." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.6.
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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading states of the world in the interwar period: Germany, which withdrew from the First World War as a defeated country and after the establishment of the Nazi regime started preparing revenge, and the United States, proclaimed «isolationism» and, therefore, distanced themselves from European international political problems. The scientific novelty: the author points up primarily political «isolationism», while in the economic sphere the United States has played a leading role in the reconstruction and development of the afterwar Germany. Today, due to the difficult geopolitical situation in the world, caused by the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, which are quite similar to the former Nazi regime, there is a chance to look at the events of the 1930s in the international arena in a somewhat new way. Regarding this, the author sets out an aim of the article to carry out a comprehensive analyze and give his own assessment of the position of American politicians on the establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany. The methodological basis of the study. In the study the author used a descriptive method to identify the essence and features of American-German relations in the 1920s and early 1930s, a comparative-historical method in analyzing the positions of President Roosevelt’s enciclement on German Chancellor A. Hitler’s policy in 1933, the principles of objectivity and systematization using only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. This made it possible for the first time to draw attention to the position of the American leadership on the establishment of the Nazi regime and its role in international diplomacy on the eve of World War II in order to the current geopolitical situation connected with Russia’s aggressive actions. The Conclusions. Finally, the author asserts that President Roosevelt’s encirclement perceived the threat of a new world war from the German Nazis, but did not change the United States’ overall foreign policy toward Europe. The reason was that Franklin Delano Roosevelt chose a wrong strategy to avert new world conflict in the relationship with Berlin. At the same time, the author underlines the differences in the attitudes of American «isolationists» towards Germany and Japan, as well as the differences between Washington’s position on the political and non-political aspects of relations with Hitler’s regime. Therefore, the author points out that not all the American politicians perceived the Nazi «Third Reich» totally negatively. As a result, the United States chose the wrong strategy to deter Nazi Germany, which did not testify its effectiveness. That’s why, the article asserts that the current United States and the Western European countries need to anticipate their past mistakes in building of the strategy of relations with Russian Federation.
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Davydov, O. "South Korea and the U.S. Strategy of Free and Open Indo-Pacific." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-31-40.
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The advancement and promoting by the United States of its concept of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) has shaped many of political discussions in Asian countries in recent years. The Republic of Korea is no exception. From this perspective, the article reviews the basic aspects of the evolution of South Korea’s foreign policy course as well as new priorities in that area which have been forged with the advent of President Moon Jae-in administration. The paper shows that the complex fluctuations of the South Korea’s external policy have been defined by the need to maintain the focus on the United States, on one side, and desire to nurture strategic partnership with China, on the other side. However, finding the right balance in that political equation has been significantly complicated due to the growing confrontation between the two global powers. Special attention is given to the role and place of South Korea in the U. S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. The article examines the main directions, some of the outcomes and the prospects of cooperation between Washington and Seoul aimed at harmonizing their regional strategies in view of the factors facilitating those interactions as well as those hampering them. President Trump highlighted that the United States – the Republic of Korea alliance remains a linchpin for security, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. However, the dialogue between the two partners has not revealed the willingness of South Korea to collaborate with the United States on that theme beyond a narrow framework of purely economic coordination. Particularly, South Korea has consistently rejected the attempts of its ally to involve the country into the activities of Quad for fear of a possible adverse effect for the Korea–China relationships. All of those questions are examined in the article in linkage with a number of bilateral problems prevailing in the ROK–USA alliance which have complicated the collaboration between the two countries on regional issues in recent times.
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Milner, Helen. "Resisting the protectionist temptation: industry and the making of trade policy in France and the United States during the 1970s." International Organization 41, no. 4 (1987): 639–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027636.
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Why were advanced industrial states able to keep their economies relatively open to foreign trade in the 1970s and the early 1980s, despite declining U.S. hegemony and increasing economic difficulties? This article argues that an international-level change affected domestic trade politics and contributed to the maintenance of a liberal trading system. Examining the United States and France, the argument proceeds in two steps, showing first how domestic trade politics were changed and second how this change affected the policy process. Initially, I argue that aspects of the increased international economic interdependence of the postwar period altered domestic trade politics by creating new, anti-protectionist preferences among certain firms. Firms with extensive international ties through exports, multinational production, and global intra-firm trade have come to oppose protectionism, since it is very costly for them. Evidence for these new preferences was apparent among both American and French industries. Despite different contexts, firms in the two countries reacted similarly to the growth of interdependence. Next, I ask whether firms' preferences affected trade policy outcomes and show how these preferences were integrated into the policy process in both countries. Trade policy structures in neither country prevented firms' preferences from affecting the policies adopted. Even in France, a so-called “strong” state, firms' preferences were a key influence on policy. In the trade policy area then, the French and American states did not appear to differ greatly in their susceptibility to industry influence, even though their policy processes were different.
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Varnavskii, V. "Global Value Chains (GVCS) and COVID-19 Pandemic." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-14-23.
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The article discusses the status of Global Value Chains (GVCs) amid the COVID 19 pandemic and their influence on world economic development. Key aspects of the world economy and GVCs transformation in the context of the COVID 19 are studied. A brief overview of the economic literature and development of theoretical frameworks and concepts of Global Value Chains as well as globalisation and “slowbalisation” is provided. The article focuses on estimates of key indicators published by international bodies, such as the United Nations, UNCTAD, UNIDO, OECD, WTO, IMF and others. Various think tanks and other institutions such as World Economic Forum, European Central Bank, McKinsey Global Institute, Deloitte, NBER have been analyzing GVCs’ contribution to the transmission of the COVID 19 macroeconomic shocks across countries. A quantitative assessment of participation in GVCs for countries and regions based on available data in the Trade in Value Added (TiVA) database are discussed. Specific attention is paid to the key GVCs indicators, including exports of intermediate goods and foreign value added share of gross exports. Special attention is paid to the economic downturn in the United States and characteristics of GVCs involving enterprises located in Wuhan (China), which is very important to many global supply chains. Various kinds of long-term trends and structural changes are analyzed. It is noted that gross domestic product (GDP) of the USA in constant 2012 prices (ignoring inflation) fell in the second quarter of 2020 compared to the previous quarter by 31.7% but only 9.1% compared to the first quarter of 2020. It is concluded that improving supply chains’ recovery ability will be an important factor for restoring global economic activity in post-coronavirus times.
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Pudilová, Linda, and Kamila Veselá. "Global Position of the US Economy and Its Impact on the Economy of the Czech Republic." SHS Web of Conferences 92 (2021): 09012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219209012.
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Research background: The economy with the strongest influence on world affairs, international politics and world economy is undoubtedly the economy of the United States of America. In the Czech Republic, after the revolution, the USA quickly came to the forefront of interest and mutual foreign trade grew significantly. However, their global influence was significantly reflected not only in economic aspects, but also in sociological aspects. In recent years, the so-called “Americanization” has been taking place in the Czech Republic. American terms were often adopted in the commonly used Czech language, and the demand for American goods increased significantly. Purpose of the article: The objective of the presented text is to evaluate development of the influence of the USA on the economy of the Czech Republic by analysing the development of key macroeconomic quantities, in particular gross domestic product, gross national product, balance of payments and foreign trade. Based on the results of this analysis, the future development of the Czech economy, more precisely opportunities and impacts arising from mutual trade relations between the American and Czech economies, is predicated. Methods: Descriptive statistic. Findings & Value added: The results of the research showed a gradual expansion of the influence of the American economy in the Czech Republic, which began after 1989 and continues to this day. This influence manifested itself in several aspects. It was reflected in the structure of mutual foreign trade, and also in the Czech culture and the Czech language (adoption of English terms into the Czech language). The further potential of mutual trade is highlighted out by comparing the structure of export and import from the USA in total and export and import from the USA to the Czech Republic.
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Potapov, M., and N. Kotlyarov. "China in Global Capital Markets." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-81-89.
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The article is analyzing the positions of China in global capital markets, and the factors that determine them. It shows the trends and features of attracting foreign direct investment in China, exporting Chinese capital abroad, attracting portfolio investments to China. The investment aspects of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and the role of Hong Kong as an international financial center are also considered. The evolution of the currency market regulation in China and the dynamics of the Yuan exchange rate, as well as the internationalizing of the Chinese currency and its use in cross-border operations are also discussed. The authors believe that the prospects for strengthening China’s position in the global capital markets will be determined by a number of circumstances, including the dynamics of the world economy, the growth rate of the Chinese economy, and the consistent liberalization of conditions for cross-border capital movement in China. The maintaining of higher growth rates of the Chinese economy in the context of the global recession and the coronavirus pandemic, as well as the ongoing liberalization of the domestic capital markets, suggest that the Chinese economy will remain attractive for foreign investors. The export of Chinese direct investment abroad will be largely determined by the dynamics of the country’s foreign trade, national restrictions on the export of capital, the implementing the Belt and Road Initiative and the position of China’s leading economic partners, primarily the United States, towards Chinese investment. At the same time, increased geopolitical and country risks will affect the geographical structure of China’s investment abroad in the direction of enhancing cooperation with Asian countries and participants of the Belt and Road Project. In the context of aggravated relations with the United States, China will make efforts to reduce dependence on the US dollar in settlements. Further steps will also be taken to internationalize the Chinese national currency and to achieve an increase in the use of RMB in payments. The lifting of restrictions on cross-border portfolio investments in the PRC is predetermined by ensuring the domestic macroeconomic stability, strengthening the financial system, low inflation, affordable credit, a stable balance of payments, and sufficient foreign exchange reserves. China’s real entry into the world’s leaders, both in the global commodity and capital markets, requires the creation of its own technological base, the transition to a new energy-saving, environmental-friendly national economic structure based on knowledge and new technologies, balancing the development levels of the country’s regions, and increasing the average per capita income of people.
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Cherkasov, P. "IMEMO in the First Half of the 2000s (Results of the Research)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-119-132.
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The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.
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Li, He. "China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.
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Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.
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Panova, Iryna O., and Oleksandr K. Zhevaho. "The Historical and Theoretical Aspects of the Study of the Formation of Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 2, no. 52 (2022): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-2-32-38.
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The article is aimed at highlighting the historical and theoretical aspects of the study of the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the present stage is based on a combination of historically formed interests of the State and the ideology of the Islamic revolution – the so-called «Khomeinism». Balancing a pragmatic and a revolutionary approach is enshrined in the country’s political system itself and, thanks to a significant economic, demographic and military base, allows Iran to hold a strong position in the international arena. At the same time, the initial course of confrontation with a number of regional and global actors, coupled with the development of the national nuclear program, creates obstacles for Iran’s full functioning in the international arena. The geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic is as profitable as it is quite complicated. Being at the crossroads of several world regions and approaching the world’s key energy basins provides Tehran with ample opportunities to advance its own influence and cooperation with neighboring countries. At the same time, Iran is surrounded by zones of regional instability and its rivals or competitors. To counter external threats, Tehran has developed a flexible strategy based on a wide range of pro-Iranian non-governmental organizations – the so-called «Axis of Resistance» – and an asymmetrical action instrumentarium, which include the use of both hard and soft power methods. Currently, the degree of confrontation with regional adversaries (Israel and the Gulf countries) and a global opponent (the United States) is gaining a threatening scale. However, Iran is generally characterized by a periodic change in the cycles of aggravation of tension and d?tente in relations with its opponents. At the same time, Tehran’s pragmatism has its manifestation in maintaining relations and dialogue with its opponents in order to achieve certain goals, despite the confrontational discourse of official statements. In addition to the activities strictly along the perimeter of the State (that includes the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central and South Asia), Iran, to the best of its own capabilities and the regime of international sanctions, establishes relations with many countries of the world, from members of the UN Security Council - Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China to the countries of Africa and Latin America. To promote its discourse on the international stage, Tehran uses a wide network of cultural, religious, educational and charitable organizations. This approach allows to win supporters and generate financial flows for the regional activities of the IRI around the world.
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Khizhnyak, Anastasiya Vladimirovna. "Military cooperation of Russia with the Syrian Arab Republic as an instrument of the Russia's New Middle East Policy (2000-2008)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2022): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.5.38078.
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The article examines the key aspects of military-technical cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic in the first two terms of Vladimir Putin's tenure as President of Russia. Relations between Moscow and Damascus in the sphere of arms and special equipment supplies are considered in the general context of the updated foreign policy of the Russian Federation, initiated by Vladimir Putin, and which implied, among other things, the return of Russia's position as an active geopolitical player in the Middle East. Having long-standing political and economic ties with Moscow, Syria was rightly considered by the Russian leadership as the most suitable ally in solving the task mentioned above. Analyzing the history of supplies to Syria of the main articles of Russian military products, the author comes to the conclusion that during the period under review, Moscow managed to lay a new solid foundation for bilateral relations, even though it had to be done to a certain extent with an eye to the position of other regional players and, above all, the countries of the collective West. When building its political course towards the SAR in the period under review, the Kremlin adhered primarily to the principle of restraint and pragmatism, taking into account the realities of international relations in the Middle East region and setting as its main goal the counteraction of the hegemonic claims of the United States, which sought to turn this already conflictogenic point of the planet into a zone of "controlled chaos".
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Gutorov, Vladimir, and Alexander Shirinyants. "The Idea of Competition in International Political Theory: Some Current Aspects of the Discussion." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2024): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.2.12.
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Introduction. The article presents an attempt to identify the origins as well as the immediate causes of the diversity of interpretations of the concept of “competition” in modern political theory through a comparative analysis of the results of discussions of foreign scientists adhering to utterly diversified methodological, philosophical, and ideological positions. Methods and materials. The analysis of these discussions is carried out from an interdisciplinary perspective, combining the methodologies of modern political theory, political economy, political ethics and psychology, the methodology of history, the theory of international relations, and other scientific areas. More than 60 works by prominent foreign experts, published mostly in the last decade, were used as source materials for the study. Many of them are openly polemical and controversial. Analysis. A noteworthy moment in theoretical debates at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries is the desire of many specialists to distance themselves from traditional neoliberal rhetoric and explore the latest trends and modifications of competition at the levels of world and national politics from fundamentally new methodological positions. The ideas of creating alternative theoretical models that ensure harmony between competition and cooperation and thereby help overcome almost half a century of dominance of the neoliberal world order paradigm have a wide resonance. Their immediate consequence is the emergence of new conceptual interpretations that characterize the specific features of the formation of the idea of the new international order, with corresponding changes in the field of political terminology. Results. The main section of the article presented an attempt to characterize the modern foreign policy turn towards “new strategic competition” and highlight, in particular, the emerging theoretical problem, which experts sometimes refer to as the “paradigm of armed interdependence.” Amid discussions around the Ukrainian conflict in Western scientific literature, some interpretations of the problem of political and economic rivalry between the United States and China look paradoxical: they often reflect the clear desire of the American ruling elite to maneuver and, if possible, avoid the prospect of waging a war on two fronts. Authors’contribution. V.A. Gutorov analyzed the main directions of discussions related to the problem of conceptualizing the notion of “competition” in international political theory. A.A. Shirinyants carried out a direct analysis of the theoretical and ideological debates around the diverse problems of global and regional rivalry between the world powers.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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Syssoyeva, Rigina V. "2022 January Events and CSTO Peacekeeping Mission in Kazakhstan." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-241-252.
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In January 2022, Kazakhstan was faced with an attempt of a violent change of power in the form of mass protests that spread throughout the country and were organized with the basic techniques of color revolutions. The country’s own law enforcement forces were not able to cope with radical citizens, looters-rioters, and terrorists, and in these circumstances the head of state, K.K. Tokayev, decided to request the support of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) allies, who immediately sent the united peacekeeping troops to the republic. The CSTO peacekeeping mission, coordinated by Russia, successfully restored constitutional order in the country and prevented a violent coup d’état. The purpose of this research is to analyze the course of the January events and actions of the CSTO, as well as their impact on Kazakhstan, the region and the organization itself. The paper is based on interviews with experts from the CSTO member states, studies carried out in this area of research, and statements by official authorities. The synthesis of the research results is divided into thematic blocks and supplemented by the author’s conclusions. The paper mentions aspects such as the transition of power, changes in Kazakhstan’s domestic and foreign policies, the effectiveness of the CSTO organization and the expansion of its potential use. Proposals are also provided regarding the strengthening of defense integration and the need to develop a common regional identity. The research is unique in that it brings expert opinions from six CSTO member states, the results of studies carried out by researchers from Russia, Kazakhstan, and abroad, and the theoretical terminology of Western political ideology. The author presents the area of responsibility of the CSTO as a Eurasian security community based not only on collective security, but also on economic interdependence and a sense of community among the nations of its member states.
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Halaka, S., and O. Kraiev. "PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP'S SECURITY STRATEGY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no. 2 (56) (2022): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2022/2-56/16-19.
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D. Trump's republican administration has substantially modified US strategic estimation of security challenges and threats, facing the country. The "National Security Strategy – 2017" became a fundamental basis of the security policy. The authors of the "Strategy…" believed Russia and China to be the main security policy problems, threatening the world status of the U.S.A. and a challenge for it's interests. The answer to the challenges should include deployment of the ABM system, capable of neutralizing threats, created by N.Korea and Iran. Opposing China and Russia, called "revisionist states", seeking to change the international status-quo, requires building up and modernizing arms and Armed Forces, in particular, security predominance in nuclear forces, space and cyber-space. An active role was designed for diplomacy and reconnaissance community, involving an increase of their efficiency. On the regional level, priorities included Indo-Pacific region, where the United States had to contain Chinese expansion, and Europe, where Washington intended to counter Russian subversive activity and aggression and to support NATO's defense efforts. Nuclear Posture Review (2018) was one of the key foreign policy strategic documents for the administration of 45th US President Donald Trump. In the context of increasing political and economic confrontation with the People's Republic of China and the aggravation of relations with Iran and North Korea, which were caused by the nuclear component itself, this strategy returned to the methods of confrontation and the nuclear deterrence of the Cold War era. It emphasized the complementarity of the power potential of the armed forces and the diplomatic levers of the international struggle. In the period of new aggravation in the international system caused by the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine, these very components of the doctrine can become prognostically effective for the current and future American administrations. This article is designed to analyze the key aspects of the National Security Strategy-2017 and the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review that relate to foreign policy and highlight the special aspects and tools that are still relevant for application by the current administration of Joseph Biden in the crisis of the international system.
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Falaleev, P. I. "The Marshall Plan and the European Integration: The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Cherkasov, P. "“Platform for Change” (Part Three)." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 7 (2023): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-7-127-138.
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The article presents the professional “profiles” of the leading employees of IMEMO, whom Academician Alexander Dynkin considered to be his like-minded people, on whom he relied as the director of the Institute (2006–2016), and who he calls the “IMEMO patriots”. It is referred to the heads of the main centers, departments and sectors of IMEMO. Among those named by academician Dynkin is Nadezhda Arbatova, the Head of the Department of European Political Studies. She has long been widely recognized in the international scientific and expert community as one of the most authoritative experts on the problems of Russia’s relations with the European Union. The well-known Ella Kirichenko has been heading the Center for North American Studies at IMEMO for a long time. Victoria Zhuravleva is a recognized expert on the domestic political life of the United States. She has replaced Ella Kirichenko as the Head of the Center for North American Studies. Lyudmila Khudyakova is the Head of the Department of Global Economic Problems and Foreign Economic Policy. Under her guidance, a number of important projects on the role of financial markets in the development of the world economy with regard to Russia’s economic interests were implemented. Stanislav Zhukov is an authoritative Russian orientalist whose works have received international recognition. He had headed the Center for Energy Research at IMEMO, and later moved to the position of Deputy Director of the Institute. Vitaly Shvydko and Sergey Lukonin are among Russia’s best experts on Japan and China. Both of them are also studying the problems of the Asia-Pacific region. Irina Krobrinskakya is the Director of the IMEMO Center for Situational Analysis. Givi Machavariani is a unique specialist who has made a significant contribution to the development of forecasting research methodology, to the creation of a database and an integral system for the world economy forecasting. Eduard Solov’ev is the Head of the Center for Post-Soviet Studies. His professional interests include the analysis of contemporary parties and ideologies, the political life of Russia and the United States, as well as the theory and practice of international relations. Tatyana Karlova is the Scientific Secretary of IMEMO, the organizer and coordinator of all the current work of the Institute. Nataliya Kirsanova is the Deputy Director of the Institute, who has been regulating the financial activities of IMEMO for many years. Evgeniya Klyueva is the Head of the Department of Information Support for Scientific Research at IMEMO. She manages the work of the Institute’s website, which has become a source of up-to-date information reflecting all aspects of IMEMO’s activities. All these highly qualified specialists continue to play an important role at IMEMO.