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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.

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2

Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.

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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.

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3

Janes, Jackson. "The Change in Government and Transatlantic Relations." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935270.

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Almost seventeen years after the Berlin Wall fell, German-American relations represent a mixture of partnership, competition, and a vast network of political, economic and cultural ties which make up one of the most intensive bilateral relations on the globe. A cornerstone of the Euro-Atlantic framework, German-American relations remain of critical importance to both sides of the Atlantic. However, the reasons why that is the case have been in continuous transformation, as the interests and the needs of the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany have responded to the demands of a changing environment during the past five decades, especially since the end of the Cold War. Angela Merkel has stated clearly that she sees a stronger Europe and a stronger transatlantic relationship as two sides of the same coin. While that has been the mantra of many chancellors before her, she has an opportunity to help define what it means today. In setting the priorities and the course of German foreign policy while engaging in an honest and candid dialogue with Washington, Angela Merkel will be building on a mixture of continuity and change within the German debate about its European and global roles and responsibilities.

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4

Zaritskii, B. "German Economy: Angela Merkel’s Heritage." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-34-42.

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The article analyses the main stages of development of the German economy during the 16-year reign of Chancellor Angela Merkel (2005–2021). During this period, Germany was reasonably successful in dealing with the impacts of the world financial and economic crisis it faced in 2008–2009. The 10 subsequent years witnessed economic growth, however, today the country is once again trying to find a way out of a crisis this time caused by the COVID 19 pandemic. In 2020, the GDP fell by almost 5%, while the industrial production declined by 10.4%. The return to the growth trajectory is being linked to improving the epidemiological situation and increasing foreign orders, primarily from China and the United States. The German economy is expected to reach pre-crisis levels in late 2022. Projections for further development assume that, due to a number of internal constraints and external risks, the GDP growth will not exceed 1% in 2023–2025. Angela Merkel is not leaving the country in the best of shapes. It is not her fault. Germany’s economy has more than once demonstrated its resilience to external shocks. Even today, Germany’s position looks preferable to that of most European countries. Its main advantage is a diversified and competitive industry, but the sentiments in the German business community vary greatly. Much depends on the sector and region. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), especially in the service sector, have been particularly hard hit. Many of them have run out of reserves, and their capacity to pay now depends largely on the financial support of the State. How long can the government “pump up” the economy with budget money without fear of a surge in inflation? Nor will the European Central Bank (ECB) indefinitely maintain interest rates at historically low levels. For many SMEs, the increase in the cost of credit, combined with the inevitable reduction in government support, will be a blow that not all will be able to withstand. People are tired of everything related to the pandemic and the years of familiar politicians. Everyone is waiting for the end of the epidemic and for new faces in politics. Whether the new politicians will be better than the old ones is a big question. Under all circumstances, in Germany’s recent history, Angela Merkel will remain a major political figure whose scale is yet to be truly appreciated.

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5

Ellis Pullen, Ann W., and Sarah Ruffing Robbins. "Managing Worship, Mothering Missions: Children’s Prayerful Performances Linking the United States and Angola in the Early Twentieth Century." International Bulletin of Mission Research 43, no. 3 (July 2019): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319832821.

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In writings by Nellie Arnott, who taught for the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in Angola from 1905 to 1912, we find a complex interplay between affiliation and distancing in portrayals of her students and their communities. A somewhat different version of Arnott and her students appears in narratives written by editors and contributors to her main publication venue, Mission Studies: Woman’s Work in Foreign Lands. This essay investigates discursive tensions between her own narrative stance and that of her magazine managers, whose views on racial issues often displayed stereotypical bias against, and limited knowledge about, Angola.

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6

de Sá, Tiago Moreira. "“The World Was Not Turning in Their Direction”: The United States and the Decolonization of Angola." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00871.

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In the mid-1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union decided to export the Cold War to Angola at levels that were unprecedented on the African continent. In the case of the United States, this led to immense support for local allies—the National Liberation Front of Angola and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola—in the form of many tons of heavy weaponry, millions of dollars, and the use of mercenaries and even paramilitary operatives of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. This article explains U.S. actions in Angola from 1974 to 1976 against the backdrop of the Cold War, highlighting the decision-making process in Washington, the international context, the internal context, and the actions of both superpowers.

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7

Turgel, Irina D. "Sanctions in international politics: Expectations and reality." R-Economy 8, no. 3 (2022): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/recon.2022.8.3.015.

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Sanctions have a long history, which spans over two thousand years. In fact, the first recorded cases of sanctions go as far back as ancient Greece. In the Middle Ages, such measures were formalized in legislation and were called repressalia. Under their current name, sanctions came to be known after World War I: the power to deploy sanctions was described in the League of Nations' Covenant. After the establishment of the United Nations, such measures were included into the Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Traditionally, sanctions are seen as a foreign policy tool falling between diplomacy and military force and applied in response to the undesirable actions of a certain state. Unlike diplomatic intervention efforts, sanctions have a more pronounced economic effect and are seen as more likely to bring the desired change in the target state's behaviour on the international arena. Unlike military force, sanctions are a less costly alternative and they also carry less risk of further escalation of the conflict. Lately, the topic of international sanctions has gained much urgency worldwide and has been actively discussed in the academic circles. The debates mostly centre around the impact of sanctions on the target's economy and their appropriateness as a foreign policy tool. There is, however, a perceived shortage of studies providing a comprehensive analysis of sanctions' impact on the regional, national and international levels as well as the specific tools of sanction policy and their effectiveness. More inquiry is needed into the challenges faced by target countries as well as the whole international community in relation to sanctions. The papers included in this special issue can be divided into three groups. The first group deals with the theory and methodology of sanctions studies. A.A.Pobedin in his paper 'Reconsidering Contemporary Classifications of Sanctions in the Light of the Russia Sanctions Regime' systematizes the approaches to the classification of international economic sanctions and proposes a qualitative model that can be used to examine specific sanctions regimes. The second group of studies includes the papers analyzing specific sanctions episodes. Special attention is given to comparative analysis of sanctions in different countries. I.V.Lazanyuk and D.Mambu Diu investigate the development of the Angolan economy under the pressure of sanctions. The authors focus on the role and mechanisms of the sanctions adopted by Western countries against Angola and some other African states. O.S.Sukharev and E.N.Voronchikhina compare the development of Iran and Russia during their respective sanctions episodes by looking at the dynamics of each country's macro-indicators. L.L.Bozhko in her paper 'Challenges of Anti-Russia Sanctions for Metals and Mining Enterprises in Kazakhstan' considers the problem from the perspective of Kazakhstan, which is not targeted by sanctions but is nevertheless affected by them because of its close trade ties with Russia. The study aims to identify and describe the strategies and models of behaviour used by Kazakhstani companies to avoid the risks of secondary sanctions. The third group comprises articles discussing the impact of sanctions on specific economic sectors and regions of Russia. I.S.Belik, N.V.Starodubets, A.I.Yachmeneva, and K.A. Prokopov estimate the potential losses incurred by Russian metal exporters due to the introduction of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism in the EU and the sanctions pressure. S.A.Balashova and T.Musin analyze the problems and prospects of the Russian cloud computing market under sanctions. Since further dynamics of the market is surrounded with uncertainty related to the behaviour of the key drivers and the possible introduction of new sanctions, several scenarios are built for the development of the Russian cloud market and implementation of cloud technologies. E.A. Zakharchuk considers three scenarios of economic development of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District, the largest oil and gas region of Russia, under sanctions. The article estimates the impact of the sanctions on specific areas of Yamal, especially the development of new hydrocarbon deposits in the Arctic. M.Y.Ilyushkina, A.V.Stepanov, G.N.Valiakhmetova, and A.S.Burnasov describe the tendencies and prospects of development of Russian industrial regions under sanctions. They focus on the case of Sverdlovsk region, which has a high concentration of mining and manufacturing (heavy engineering) enterprises.

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Daniel Margolies. "Imperial Unilateralism in United States Foreign Relations Proclamations." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 60 (August 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2018..60.008.

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9

Chauncey, Helen R., Edward C. Keefer, David W. Mabon, Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 4 (1986): 721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758579.

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10

Charney, Jonathan I. "Judicial Deference in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203369.

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Disputes with foreign policy implications have often been brought to the federal courts. These cases call attention to the tension between the authority of the political branches to conduct the foreign relations of the United States and the authority of the courts to render judgments according to the law. How this tension is resolved, in turn, bears directly on the commitment of the United States to the rule of law.

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11

Minat, V. N., and A. G. Chepik. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND INNOVATION IN THE UNITED STATES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-5-21.

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A trend has been identified that reflects a close correlation between the main indicators of US foreign trade and innovation activities carried out in the modern American economy. The article shows the essence of the national innovation system established in the United States and its international significance in the implementation of foreign trade relations of the country in terms of the exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, the sale of products with a high innovative component, determined by a comparative analysis of relevant indicators. Based on the results of the study noted the positive dynamics of the active foreign trade balance of the USA in the field of exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, with a high positive balance, the conclusions about the qualitative dominance of the leading industries of the U.S. economy in terms of aggregate innovation and foreign trade activity in ten leading countries of the world.

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12

Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.

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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

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13

Briggs, E. Donald. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.

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14

Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081170.

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15

Burghardt, Raymond F. "The United States and Vietnam." Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 1 (October 13, 2011): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146711423667.

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US and Vietnamese relations have progressed remarkably since diplomatic relations between the two countries were normalized in 1995. The purpose of this essay is to reflect on this progress and to consider implications for the future. Trends suggest the United States and Vietnam will continue to cooperate closely and pragmatically on matters of trade and foreign direct investment, education, public health and well-being, and strategic interests, including military cooperation. While these trends are viewed as beneficial to both countries, they also are considered important to the regional balance of power, as China continues to increase its influence in Southeast Asia and beyond.

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16

Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, U.S.-Panama Relations 1903–1978." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 701–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100313.

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17

Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.

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18

Glennon, Michael J., and Louis Henkin. "Process versus Policy in Foreign Relations: "Foreign Affairs and the United States Constitution"." Michigan Law Review 95, no. 6 (May 1997): 1542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290017.

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19

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202390.

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20

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 507–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100302.

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21

Iyasere, Solomon O. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, Crisis and Opportunity." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 704–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100314.

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22

Sewell, James P. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Bureaucracy and Statesmanship." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300211.

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23

Ross, Douglas A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Vietnam War." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300212.

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24

Wheeler, Nicholas, and Phil Williams. "United States Foreign Policy-Making: Chaos or Design?" International Relations 8, no. 3 (April 1985): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788500800302.

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25

Rosato, Sebastian, and John Schuessler. "A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003963.

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What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.

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26

Zanin, Toby. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Crisis Years." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800110.

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Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

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28

Thomsen, Stephen. "Foreign direct investment in the United States." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623182.

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29

Major, John. "The politics of United States foreign aid." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619341.

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30

Thompson, John A. "The problem for United States foreign policy." Diplomacy & Statecraft 1, no. 3 (November 1990): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299008405803.

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31

Gavin, Michelle. "The destruction of a nation: United States’ policy toward Angola since 1945." International Affairs 73, no. 4 (October 1997): 781. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624480.

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32

Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.

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The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States. Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations. Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.

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33

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.

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34

(Leich), Marian Nash. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 2 (April 1998): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998034.

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In January 1998, the Department of State released its Publication 10518, Consular Notification and Access: Instructions for Federal, State, and Local Law Enforcement and Other Officials Regarding Foreign Nationals in the United States and the Rights of Consular Officials to Assist Them. Prepared in the Office of the Legal Adviser, the booklet contains “instructions and guidance relating to the arrest and detention of foreign nationals, deaths of foreign nationals, the appointment of guardians for minors or incompetent adults who are foreign nationals, and related issues pertaining to the provision of consular services to foreign nationals in the United States.” The foreword points out that cooperation of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in ensuring treatment of foreign nationals in accordance with the instructions not only will permit the United States to comply with its consular legal obligations domestically, but also will help ensure that the United States can insist upon “rigorous compliance by foreign governments with respect to United States citizens abroad.”

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35

Randall, Stephen J. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: A Preponderance of Power." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800109.

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36

Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.

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37

Noer, Thomas J., John P. Glennon, Stanley Shaloff, and Harriet Dashiell Schwar. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957. Vol. 18: Africa." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081144.

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38

Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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39

Hill, Peter P., and Marie-Jeanne Rossignol. "Nationalist Ferment: The Origins of United States Foreign Relations, 1789- 1812." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (December 1997): 1047. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953125.

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40

Hintjens, Helen. "Western hemisphere immigration and United States foreign policy." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621613.

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41

Hoff, Joan. "11 September: Watershed in United States Foreign Policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 13, no. 1 (2002): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2002.0018.

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42

Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Christopher Mitchell. "Western Hemisphere Immigration and United States Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045451.

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Hoff, Joan. "11 September: Watershed in United States Foreign Policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 13, no. -1 (January 1, 2002): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2002.13.1.9.

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Page, Susan. "U.S. Race Relations and Foreign Policy." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 26.0 (2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.sp.us.

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It is easy for Americans to think that the world’s most egregious human rights abuses happen in other countries. In reality, our history is plagued by injustices, and our present reality is still stained by racism and inequality. While the Michigan Journal of International Law usually publishes only pieces with a global focus, we felt it prudent in these critically important times not to shy away from the problems facing our own country. We must understand our own history before we can strive to form a better union, whether the union be the United States or the United Nations. Ambassador Susan Page is an American diplomat who has faced human rights crises both at home and abroad. We found her following call to action inspiring. We hope you do too.

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Pérez, Louis A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Political Culture and Foreign Policy in Latin America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800112.

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Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.

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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.

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Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

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Pazzanita, Anthony G. "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1991): 83–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020759.

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Of the dozens of conflicts in the Third World which have occurred in the post-war era, few have been of greater duration and bloodshed or have attracted the attention of as many outside actors, including the superpowers, as Angola. It has only been since the mid-1980s that the conflict began moving towards eventual settlement, with the prospects for peace often seeming to depend largely on the attitudes of Cuba, South Africa, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Further affecting the overall environment was the state of East–West relations, the internal situation in Angola, and South Africa's occupation of Namibia. A short historical background will serve as prelude to an extensive examination of the dynamics which fuelled the war in Angola for such a long period of time.

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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

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Warner, Geoffrey. "Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. I: National security affairs: foreign economic policy, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. III: Western Europe, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. IV: Central and Eastern Europe: the Soviet Union, Foreign relations of the United States 1951. Vol. III: European security and the German question (in 2 parts) and Foreign relations of the United States 1952–1954. Vol. V: Western European security (in 2 parts)." International Affairs 61, no. 2 (April 1985): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617485.

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