Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States Foreign opinion

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'United States Foreign opinion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "United States Foreign opinion"

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Gerber, Theodore P. "Foreign Policy and the United States in Russian Public Opinion." Problems of Post-Communism 62, no. 2 (March 4, 2015): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2015.1010909.

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Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.

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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration." World Affairs 181, no. 2 (June 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.

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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.
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LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES, and ADRIANA SCHOR. "Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964): Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions?" Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, no. 2 (December 2015): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.

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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.
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Ronfeldt, Thomas. "Use of Foreign Losses: The Advocate General Wants to Turn on the Marks & Spencer Exemption, but the ECJ Rejects the Argument and States That EU Law Constitutes Rights to Deduct Foreign Losses." Intertax 43, Issue 11 (November 1, 2015): 688–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2015065.

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The article will – based on Advocate General Kokott’s opinion in the case C-172/13 Commission v. United Kingdom, prior cases on deduction of foreign losses and the ECJ’s ruling in case C-172/13 – analyse the option of either deducting foreign losses or rejecting the option of deducting the losses. In Advocate General Kokott’s opinion in the Commission v. United Kingdom case, the Marks & Spencer exemption is set out to not fall within EU law on freedom of establishment. Advocate General Kokott’s opinion states that EU law does not require Member States to allow for foreign losses to be deducted even if it is possible within a specific Member State. The ECJ confirmed the prior ruling in case C-446/03, Marks & Spencer and states that the Marks & Spencer exemption is still a part of EU law and the freedom of establishment.
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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid." World Affairs 182, no. 3 (August 8, 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.

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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.
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Black, Ryan C., Ryan J. Owens, and Jennifer L. Brookhart. "We Are the World: The U.S. Supreme Court’s Use of Foreign Sources of Law." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (December 19, 2014): 891–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000490.

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The United States Supreme Court recently employed foreign legal sources to interpret U.S. law, provoking widespread political and legal controversy. Scholars have yet to examine systematically the conditions under which justices cite foreign law, however. Applying theoretical approaches from international relations and judicial politics scholarship, we search every Supreme Court opinion between 1953 and 2009 for references to foreign law. Justices strategically reference foreign law to prop up their most controversial opinions. They also borrow law from countries whose domestic political institutions are viewed as legitimate; and, surprisingly, conservatives are as likely as liberals to cite foreign law. These findings add important information to the discussion over citing foreign law, and highlight how geopolitical context influences domestic legal policy.
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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Partisan Cues and Opinion Formation on Foreign Policy." American Politics Research 47, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17745632.

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How does the extension of party conflict to a foreign policy issue affect the ability of Americans to form an opinion about the issue? We test this using elite references and longitudinal public opinion data about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, a salient foreign policy issue in the United States that is increasingly characterized by partisan divisions. Our findings demonstrate that since the turn of the 21st century, the availability and clarity of party cues have increased, as well as the share of Americans who hold an opinion about the issue. Applying regression models to individual-level data, we reveal that the extension of party conflict to this issue has made it easier for more Americans to form an opinion.
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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States Foreign opinion"

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Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
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Roy, Oindrila. "EXPLORING THE INFLUENCE OF FAITH ON FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES IN THE UNITED STATES." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1416593434.

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Bélanger, Damien-Claude 1976. "Pride and prejudice : Canadian intellectuals confront the United States, 1891-1945." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100320.

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This study compares how English and French Canadian intellectuals viewed American society from 1891 to 1945. During the period under study, the Dominion experienced accelerated industrialization and urbanization, massive immigration, technological change, and the rise of mass culture. To the nation's intellectuals, many of these changes found their source and their very embodiment in the United States. America, it was argued, was the quintessence of modernity, having embraced, among other things, secularism, democracy, mass culture, and industrial capitalism.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Canadian hostility to the United States and continental integration was expressed in two conservative discourses: that of English Canadian imperialism and French Canadian nationalism. Despite their fundamental divergence on the national question; both imperialists and nationalistes shared an essentially antimodern outlook, and anti-Americanism was their logical point of convergence.
By contrast, the most passionate Canadian defenders of American society could be found among liberal and socialist intellectuals like F. R. Scott and Jean-Charles Harvey. They saw continental integration and Canadian-American convergence as both inevitable and desirable. Intellectual continentalism reached its summit of influence during the 1930s and 1940s.
The present study is based on the analysis of some 520 texts found essentially in the era's periodical literature. Each, at least in part, explores some aspect of American life or of the relationship between Canada and the United States. Unlike most previous scholarship, which has tended to view anti-American sentiment merely as an expression of Canadian nationalism, this study is more concerned with Canadian intellectuals as thinkers on the left, the right, and the centre.
The comparative, pan-Canadian nature of this study reveals that English and French Canadian intellectuals shared common preoccupations with respect to the United States. However, the tone and emphasis of their commentary often differed. In English Canada, where political institutions and the imperial bond were viewed as the mainstays of Canadian distinctiveness, writing on the United States tended to deal primarily with political and diplomatic issues, in Quebec, where political institutions were not generally viewed as vital elements of national distinctiveness, social and cultural affairs dominated writing on the United States.
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Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.

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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues. However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support. In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis. The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.
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Lee, Sook-Young. "The interaction effect of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1124740.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability. A total of 73 international students who registered at Ball State University spring semester 1999 participated in the survey research project. MANOVA revealed a significant relationship between perceived vulnerability and television exposure. Although no significant relationship was found between perceived vulnerability and cultural identity levels, there was a significant interaction effect between television exposure and cultural identity. International students who were heavy viewers and had assimilated identity exhibited the greatest perceived vulnerability. Theoretical and methodological implications of the findings were discussed for future research.
Department of Speech Communication
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Cash, Dane J. "The forgotten debate: American political opinion journals and the Korean War, 1950-1953." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32878.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This dissertation is an examination of the foreign policy debates during and about the Korean War that played out in America's leading political opinion journals from 1950-1953. From left to right along the ideological spectrum, these journals include The Nation, The New Republic, Commonweal, The New Leader, The American Mercury, and The Freeman. Such an analysis uncovers some of most important ideological currents that ran through American political and intellectual life during the mid-20th century and challenges some long-standing historiographical assumptions about this period in American political and intellectual history. First, the foreign policy debates inspired by the Korean War were much more robust than is typically appreciated. Second, there was consistent and substantive disagreement between different camps of liberals, namely, between left liberals and hawkish liberals, to the point that hawkish liberals often favored positions more aligned with those of conservatives than with those of their fellow liberals. This tension between different strands of liberalism suggests that the notion that a "liberal consensus" reigned supreme in American political and intellectual life during the early years of the Cold War may be in need of qualification or revision. Third, the conservative arguments made in the pages of publications like The Freeman and The American Mercury reveal that the conservative movement was much more coherent and mature in the early 1950s, years before the emergence of William F. Buckley, Jr.'s National Review, than is generally thought. In sum, an examination of the "forgotten debate" about this forgotten war has much to teach us about the political and intellectual history of the United States in the mid-20111 century and beyond.
2031-01-01
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Lu, Xiao. "American policy and the downfall of the Nationalist China : a survey of major American historical literature of China's civil war." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112040.

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As a so-called Old China Hand, I would suggest to the new administration that it study with great sincerity of purpose the idea that we "lost" China. It has been a phony idea all along peddled by the China Lobby. Let's drop it. Then and only then can the administration ... begin to evolve and pursue an objective and, we hope, effective policy regarding China.
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Faherty, Douglas M. "Italian foreign policy : trends for the twenty-first century /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFaherty.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available online.
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Feinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
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Books on the topic "United States Foreign opinion"

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Asmus, Ronald D. German perceptions of the United States at unification. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1991.

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Wallach, John. Fidel Castro and the United States press. Washington, D.C. (1000 Thomas Jefferson St., N.W., Washington 20007): Cuban American National Foundation, 1987.

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Wallach, John. Fidel Castro and the United States press. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Inc., 1987.

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1947-, Axworthy Tom, ed. Our American cousins: The United States through Canadian eyes. Toronto: J. Lorimer & Co., 1987.

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Ming, Zhang. The shifting Chinese public image of the United States. [Washington, D.C.?]: National Defense University, Institute for National Strategic Studies, 1996.

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute, ed. The United States and the Arab world. Carlisle Barracks, PA]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2002.

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Western European Union. Institute for Security Studies, ed. The United States and European defence. Paris: Institute for Security Studies, Western European Union, 2000.

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Richard, Leonard. Apartheid whitewash: South Africa propaganda in the United States. New York, NY (198 Broadway, New York 10038): Africa Fund, 1989.

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1928-, Steinberg David I., ed. Korean attitudes toward the United States: Changing dynamics. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 2005.

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1947-, Levinson David, and Christensen Karen 1957-, eds. Global perspectives on the United States: A nation by nation survey. Great Barrington, Mass: Berkshire Pub. Group, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States Foreign opinion"

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "The Alliance with the United States." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 43–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_3.

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Warshaw, A. L. "Opinion from the United States." In Facing the Pancreatic Dilemma, 75–83. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-79167-3_10.

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Frey, C. F., and K. Amikura. "Opinion from the United States." In Facing the Pancreatic Dilemma, 30–38. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-79167-3_4.

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Lanteigne, Marc. "The United States views China (and China views the United States)." In Chinese Foreign Policy, 142–69. Fourth edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429437908-6.

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Roberts, Kari. "The United States." In Routledge Handbook of Russian Foreign Policy, 237–53. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315536934-17.

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Rushefsky, Mark E. "Foreign Policy." In Public Policy in the United States, 112–70. Sixth Edition. | New York: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315542850-3.

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Baehr, Peter R. "The United States." In The Role of Human Rights in Foreign Policy, 83–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25046-2_7.

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Baehr, Peter R. "The United States." In The Role of Human Rights in Foreign Policy, 81–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23480-6_7.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China's relations with the United States." In China's Foreign Policy, 84–101. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-8.

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Donaldson, Robert H., and Vidya Nadkarni. "Russia and the United States." In The Foreign Policy of Russia, 415–56. Description: Sixth edition. | New York: Routledge, 2019. | “Fifth edition: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429449666-10.

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Conference papers on the topic "United States Foreign opinion"

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Kevin, McGuirk, Sattineni Anoop, and Collins Wesley. "Effective Use of United States Foreign Aid to Fund Infrastructure Projects." In Creative Construction e-Conference 2020. Online: Budapest University of Technology and Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ccc2020-024.

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Triwahyuni, Dewi, Yanyan Mochamad Yani, and Arry Bainus. "Foreign Policy of The United States of America in Addressing China’s Cyberpower." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Business, Economic, Social Science and Humanities (ICOBEST 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icobest-18.2018.66.

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Sabirova, Diana, Regina Khanipova, and Anastasia Akmaeva. "PROFESSIONAL FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHER EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES: TRANSFERRING LEARNING INNOVATIONS." In 12th International Technology, Education and Development Conference. IATED, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/inted.2018.1063.

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McCoy, Christopher. "Beyond Earth: Surveying Public Opinion On Space Exploration and Space Settlement in the United States (2021)." In AIAA SCITECH 2024 Forum. Reston, Virginia: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.2024-2171.

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Lonquich, Brian, and Eric Russell. "Medicaid/CHIP Eligibility and Insurance Status in Foreign-Born Children Living in the United States." In AAP National Conference & Exhibition Meeting Abstracts. American Academy of Pediatrics, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.147.3_meetingabstract.662.

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Abraham, Bisrat K., Elvin J. Magee, Carla A. Winston, and Roque Miramontes. "Tuberculosis Among Foreign-Born Blacks Living In The United States, By Country Of Origin, 1993-2008." In American Thoracic Society 2011 International Conference, May 13-18, 2011 • Denver Colorado. American Thoracic Society, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm-conference.2011.183.1_meetingabstracts.a1856.

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Popkova, Ekaterina Anatolevna, and Valeria Mkrtchyan. "CRIMINAL OFFENSES AGAINST CHILDREN IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA." In Themed collection of papers from Foreign International Scientific Conference «Modern research on the way to a new scientific revolution». Part 1. by HNRI «National development» in cooperation with AFP (Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua). November 2023. – Varadero (Cuba). Crossref, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/231128.2023.90.61.019.

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The problem of crimes committed against children is always relevant. The article discusses the issues of combating this type of crime, their classification and gaps in US legislation associated with them.
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Kanapienytė, Laura, and Renata Činčikaitė. "EVALUATION OF ATTRACTIVENESS OF THE EU MEMBER STATES FOR FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT." In 12th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2022“. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2022.821.

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The world is increasingly being affected by globalisation, and investment is being affected by this continuous process. Investment is an important determinant of a country’s growth, its micro- and macroeconomic development, and the overall economic well-being. Attractiveness for investment is an indicator that reveals accessibility and com-petitiveness of a region with all its material and non-material resources compared to other regions with similar char-acteristics. Based on systematic and comparative literature analysis, this article reviews the concepts of foreign direct investment (FDI) and FDI attractiveness, and examines FDI evaluation methods and models. The major purpose of the article is to evaluate attractiveness of the EU member states for FDI. Research methods: synthesis and comparison of the concepts and methods available in scientific literature, secondary data analysis, statistical data processing, multi-criteria evaluation methods. Results of research: developed model for evaluating the attractiveness of particular coun-tries for FDI comprises three groups of determinants (baseline determinants, political and legal determinants, price and quality determinants), by empirical studies revealed that the countries classified by the United Nations as a group of Western Europe and other countries are most attractive for FDI.
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Cristofaro, Massimo. "Protocol for foreign exploration and field studies in the biological control of invasive weeds in the United States." In 2016 International Congress of Entomology. Entomological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1603/ice.2016.114504.

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Grejták, Marek. "Politologický pohľad na vodcovstvo – príklad prezidentov 5. Francúzskej republiky - N. Sarkozi a F. Holland." In Nové trendy profesijnej prípravy v Ozbrojených silách. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/ntpp.b.2022.9788080406301.144-149.

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French foreign policy was independent in its approach from the foreign policy of the United States. France tried to act as a mediator in European and foreign politics. With the election of N. Sarkozy, the situation changed. After him, F. Holland entered the office of the French president.
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Reports on the topic "United States Foreign opinion"

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Grant, James M. United States Foreign Policy Toward Nicaragua. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada220627.

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Gethin, Amory, and Vincent Pons. Social Movements and Public Opinion in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w32342.

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Lewis, Dustin, ed. Database of States’ Statements (August 2011–October 2016) concerning Use of Force in relation to Syria. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/ekmb4241.

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Many see armed conflict in Syria as a flashpoint for international law. The situation raises numerous unsettling questions, not least concerning normative foundations of the contemporary collective-security and human-security systems, including the following: Amid recurring reports of attacks directed against civilian populations and hospitals with seeming impunity, what loss of legitimacy might law suffer? May—and should—states forcibly intervene to prevent (more) chemical-weapons attacks? If the government of Syria is considered unwilling or unable to obviate terrorist threats from spilling over its borders into other countries, may another state forcibly intervene to protect itself (and others), even without Syria’s consent and without an express authorization of the U.N. Security Council? What began in Daraa in 2011 as protests escalated into armed conflict. Today, armed conflict in Syria implicates a multitude of people, organizations, states, and entities. Some are obvious, such as the civilian population, the government, and organized armed groups (including designated terrorist organizations, for example the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS). Other implicated actors might be less obvious. They include dozens of third states that have intervened or otherwise acted in relation to armed conflict in Syria; numerous intergovernmental bodies; diverse domestic, foreign, and international courts; and seemingly innumerable NGOs. Over time, different states have adopted wide-ranging and diverse approaches to undertaking measures (or not) concerning armed conflict in Syria, whether in relation to the government, one or more armed opposition groups, or the civilian population. Especially since mid-2014, a growing number of states have undertaken military operations directed against ISIS in Syria. For at least a year-and-a-half, Russia has bolstered military strategies of the Syrian government. At least one state (the United States) has directed an operation against a Syrian military base. And, more broadly, many states provide (other) forms of support or assistance to the government of Syria, to armed opposition groups, or to the civilian population. Against that backdrop, the Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (HLS PILAC) set out to collect states’ statements made from August 2011 through November 2016 concerning use of force in relation to Syria. A primary aim of the database is to provide a comparatively broad set of reliable resources regarding states’ perspectives, with a focus on legal parameters. A premise underlying the database is that through careful documentation of diverse approaches, we can better understand those perspectives. The intended audience of the database is legal practitioners. The database is composed of statements made on behalf of states and/or by state officials. For the most part, the database focuses on statements regarding legal parameters concerning use of force in relation to Syria. HLS PILAC does not pass judgment on whether each statement is necessarily legally salient for purposes of international law. Nor does HLS PILAC seek to determine whether a particular statement may be understood as an expression of opinio juris or an act of state practice (though it might be).
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Edwards, Sebastian. The United States and Foreign Competition in Latin America. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2218.

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Tisson, John M. United States Foreign Aid Policy for the 21st Century. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada424061.

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Roth, Thomas J. Containing Venezuela's Hugo Chavez: United States Foreign Policy Options. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada543844.

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Porter, Murrell D. United States Foreign Policy in Africa: A Right Approach. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada220653.

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Jarosz, Dennis J. What Should the United States Foreign Policy be Towards Taiwan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432304.

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Feliciano, Zadia, and Robert Lipsey. Foreign Ownership and Wages in the United States, 1987 - 1992. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6923.

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Contessi, Silvio, and Pierangelo De Pace. The (Non-)Resiliency of Foreign Direct Investment in the United States. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.20955/wp.2011.037.

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