Journal articles on the topic 'United States Foreign economic relations Australia'
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1
YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Antonopoulos, Paul. "The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 03 (January 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.
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With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated regions bordering the Asia-Pacific. With the dawning of the “Asian Century,” how does the United States change the geopolitical dynamics of the region, and how do China, Russia, and Australia react to “America’s Pacific Century”? Rather than a capitulation to America’s aggressive posture in the Asia-Pacific, China and Russia have consolidated the integration of their economies and militaries to counter such penetration. This emerging rivalry creates a challenge for Australia to balance its military alliance with the United States and its economic reliance on China. The necessity of finetuning this balance should be Canberra’s primary foreign policy issue.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Wallis, Joanne, and Anna Powles. "Burden-sharing: the US, Australia and New Zealand alliances in the Pacific islands." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 1045–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab081.
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Abstract One of President Joseph Biden's foreign policy priorities is to ‘renew’ and ‘strengthen’ the United States' alliances, as they were perceived to have been ‘undermined’ during the Trump administration, which regularly expressed concern that allies were free-riding on the United States' military capability. Yet the broad range of threats states face in the contemporary context suggests that security assistance from allies no longer only—or even primarily—comes in the form of military capability. We consider whether there is a need to rethink understandings of how alliance relationships are managed, particularly how the goals—or strategic burdens—of alliances are understood, how allies contribute to those burdens, and how influence is exercised within alliances. We do this by analysing how the United States–Australia and Australia–New Zealand alliances operate in the Pacific islands. Our focus on the Pacific islands reflects the United States' perception that the region plays a ‘critical’ role in helping to ‘preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific region’. We conclude that these understandings need to be rethought, particularly in the Pacific islands, where meeting non-traditional security challenges such as economic, social and environmental issues, is important to advancing the United States, Australia and New Zealand's shared strategic goal of remaining the region's primary security partners and ensuring that no power hostile to their interests establishes a strategic foothold.
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Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.
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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
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Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.
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This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.
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Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-08.
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The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
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Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-03-08.
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The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
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Ryazantsev, S. V., and L. S. Ruban. "GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION AND NEW TRENDS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION." BULLETIN 2, no. 390 (April 15, 2021): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.75.
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The article analyzes the process of globalization and the role of the Russian Federation in this process. The relevance of considering the current stage of globalization is due to the strengthening of the inter-connectedness and interdependence of the world, which requires the improvement of interstate relations and mechanisms of global governance with the primacy of the economic aspect of the development of society in the conditions of the functioning of the global scale of production. The historiography presents the regulation of international relations from the Westphalian system (state-centrist model of the world) to the Vienna Congress and the attempt to create a system of collective security and regulation of international relations: to the League of Nations and the United Nations. The formation of global governance institutions is shown: the largest international intergovernmental organizations (UN, WTO, IMF, IBRD, G-8, G-20, etc.), the most important function of which is to determine the norms and rules of interstate interaction. The main idea of the authors of the article is to show the historical conditionality of the transition to a polycentric model of development, as it most fully meets the needs of society on a global scale. The main purpose of this work was to substantiate and confirm the characteristics of the role of Russia in the international arena at the present stage of development by empirical material obtained during international surveys of experts from sixteen APR countries (VIPs and decision-makers). Thus, among the current trends in global development, the authors highlight the dilemma globalism - sovereignty and the correlation of globalism - transregionalism, in particular, the concept of the Indian-Pacific region (Indo-Pacific) instead of the Asia-Pacific region, put forward by the United States, Japan, Australia and India and the concept of "One belt is one road ”, initiated by China. Another trans-regional structure, such as BRICS, remains largely insufficiently structured, institutionalized and little realized in the specific political and economic activities of the countries that gave the name to this abbreviation.
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr. "US sanctions against the USSR in response to soviet aggression in Afghanistan (1980 – 1988)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.7.
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The aim of the article is to studу the sanctions against the Soviet Union imposed by the United States in response to Soviet aggression in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. At the core of the research methodology is the method of a content analysis of historical sources, problem-chronological, typological, comparative methods. Main results and conclusions. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979 was condemned by most countries in the world. The reaction to those events on the part of the United States, which led to the escalation of the Cold War and the deterioration of Soviet-American relations, was especially sharp. The continuation of the policy of sanctions announced by President J. Carter in 1980 became the main means of putting pressure on the USSR under the Reagan΄s Administration. The stages of introduction of trade, economic and scientific-technological restrictions on the USSR and discussions about them in American political and business circles have been observed. Thanks to the efforts of American diplomacy, the US allies in Western Europe, Canada, Australia, Japan and other countries joined the sanctions. It was found that the main direction of sanctions was the restriction on the sale to the USSR of equipment for the fuel and energy complex, high-tech products and the refusal to provide «cheap» loans. The effects of the sanctions were exacerbated by falling oil prices in 1985–1986, in which, according to the author, could be involved the United States. The purpose of American sanctions policy was to force the Soviet leadership to make internal changes, as well as to revise the principles of foreign policy, in particular, in the «Afghan question». American sanctions had a detrimental effect on the Soviet economy, deepened the crisis of the Soviet system and contributed to the further technological backwardness of the USSR from developed countries. Scientific novelty. The sanctions against the Soviet Union imposed by the United States in connection with the Soviet aggression in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on the base of new US sources are specified for the first time.
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He, Kai, and Mingjiang Li. "Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz242.
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Abstract As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs, which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture.
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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.
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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.
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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
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de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.
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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.
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Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.
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Korwa, Johni Robert Verianto. "The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA): its implications for Australia-United States relations." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v15i1.2981.41-53.
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Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.
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Sinaga, Lidya Christin. "China’s Assertive Foreign Policy in South China Sea Under Xi Jinping: Its Impact on United States and Australian Foreign Policy." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 3, no. 2 (February 20, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i2.770.
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This essay examines the impact of the assertiveness of China’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea under Xi Jinping on United States and Australian foreign policy. The essay focuses on the Xi Jinping period from 2013 because Xi has a different approach in foreign policy making from that of his predecessors. His determination to defend and advance maritime claims and interests as well as the external developments, have made his foreign policy more assertive. This essay will argue that China’s assertive foreign policy in South China Sea under Xi Jinping has paved the way for a greater role for the US in Southeast Asia, and deepened the rivalry between China and the US. This rising tension in turn has put Australia in a challenging situation, torn between its security alliance with the United States, and its economic interests in China. However, Australia does not have to choose one, but Australia can play a constructive role in the development of some compromise between the two.
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Bjelic, Predrag. "A model of American foreign trade policy." Medjunarodni problemi 54, no. 1-2 (2002): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0201006b.
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In this paper the author explains very complex and developed process of trade policy creation in the United States. He describes the institutional model of trade policy creation, main organs and procedures, and the legal setting for that process. He also gives the basic principles in the realization of American trade policy in all dimensions - bilaterally regionally and multilaterally, that is to say the bilateral relations with main American trading partners, the links of the United States with the main regional economic groupings in the world and the U. S. influence in international economic organizations.
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Molokoedov, Daniil Igorevich, and Syatsin Sun'. "US-China Rivalry in Trade and Economic Relations with Latin American Countries." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2023): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39613.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of trade and economic relations between the United States and China with Latin American countries. This region is a sphere of competitive confrontation between the two countries not only for foreign policy ties, but also for trade and economic ones. The authors in this article show the peculiarities of the bilateral relations between China and the United States with Latin America and describe the process of changing US policy towards Latin America after 2017, when it radically changed after the Trump administration came to power, and Beijing, taking advantage of this opportunity, began to compete with Washington in this region. Also, in this article, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the indicators of trade and economic relations between China and the United States with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that, using the example of the transition of leading positions towards China, the authors, within the framework of the theory of "power transit" (Power transition theory), describe the competitive struggle of states in this region in trade and economic terms, which is inextricably linked with political relations. The main conclusions are that the United States is still an external force that cannot be ignored in Latin American international relations, while China has every chance of gradually displacing the United States from the foreign market in Latin America thanks to its economic projects with the introduction of leading Latin American countries in the economic sphere. The United States of America, in turn, is trying to maintain its position in this region by easing its economic and financial constraints and, thereby, inclining the political leadership of Latin American countries to its side.
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Frieden, Jeff. "Sectoral conflict and foreign economic policy, 1914–1940." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000713x.
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The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.
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Shakirov, A. "USA: Official Development Assistance." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2012): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-3-43-51.
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The article considers the aims and practices of the United States’ foreign assistance provided to other, especially developing, states. The aims include the promotion of the international development, on the one hand, and the achievement of US own national interests in security, economic and political spheres, on the other hand. Official foreign assistance (OFA) of the United States is divided into two types: economic assistance and military-technical one. Currently, the USA is the world's largest donor of both types of the official foreign assistance. This author discusses structure and factors influencing the OFA provided to the developing countries, as well as the experience of cooperation in this sphere between Russia and the United States.
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Scalapino, Robert A. "The United States and Asia in 2008: A Time of Challenge." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.5.
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The Asian-Pacific scene at present is marked by turbulent economic conditions and varying degrees of political instability, yet foreign relations are relatively favorable. Two key issues in Northeast Asia——North Korean nuclearization and cross-Taiwan Straits relations——remain unresolved, but current trends are generally hopeful. In Southeast and South Asia, conditions have been marked by economic decline stemming from the domestic scene and prominent cases of political tension. Yet, the risk of a war between Asian-Pacific states is at a record low.
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Ip, John. "RECONCEPTUALISING THE LEGAL RESPONSE TO FOREIGN FIGHTERS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 1 (December 4, 2019): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000447.
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AbstractThe Syrian civil war has highlighted the phenomenon of foreign fighting, in which individuals leave their home State to join an armed conflict overseas. The predominant paradigm for regulating foreign fighting, centred on United Nations Security Council Resolution 2178, is based on counterterrorism, which in essence treats foreign fighting as a form of terrorism. This paradigm is largely reflective of the domestic legislation of the United Kingdom, United States, Canada and Australia. This article argues that this approach is problematic, and that an alternative paradigm based on the international law of neutrality and related domestic legislation provides a better means for regulating foreign fighting.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "The China Factor in South Korea's Foreign Relations." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000131.
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South Korea's foreign relations under President Park are characterised by a carefully crafted and balanced approach in both strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States and promoting a strategic partnership with China. The latter in particular is driven by the need to further expand economic ties and the hope that Beijing can help rein in Pyongyang's behaviours. North Korea's latest provocations threaten to unravel the premise of this approach.
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Yoder, Amos. "China's New Policies and its Relations with the United States." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 41, no. 3-4 (July 1985): 350–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100303.
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China has made dramatic changes in its foreign and domestic policies in the past decade. Chairman Mao had hoped that with China's huge, hardworking population he could quickly force it forward to the rank of a super power. However, China's development lagged, and many observers blamed its slow progress on its disruptive economic and political policies, on rigid economic controls that discouraged production and modernization, and on population pressures.1 In the past six years Chinese leaders have instituted drastic new policies including strictly limiting population growth and allowing farm production, and to a limited extent industries, to benefit from market forces and relaxed controls. In the process they have opened the door to the outside and improved relations with the United States. By the end of the century China's new momentum may carry it a long way toward Mao's original goal of becoming a super power.
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Junjing, Jiang. "THE INFLUENCE OF CHINESE-AMERICAN TRADE RELATIONS ON CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY RELATING TO THE USA." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-65-73.
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Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the impact of China's trade and economic relations with the United States. Several periods of interaction between countries after the end of World War II are considered. Special attention is paid to the period of restoration of diplomatic relations since 1979. Based on various sources and historiography, the author analyzes the researchers' points of view on the impact of economic issues on the relations between the two countries. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that an important aspect in the direction of the foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China in the first post-war years was the ideological factor. The article presents an analysis of changes in the vector of China's foreign policy in different periods. The main ways of interaction between the United States and China are described, depending on changing foreign policy doctrines. The reforms launched in 1978 provided China with economic growth and a growing prestige on the world stage, which is still present today. The rapprochement between the United States and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought certain economic benefits for the two countries. However, the aggravation of relations between the countries in the new Millennium provides an opportunity for new assessments of the PRC's position on the world stage. Trump’s coming to power in the United States is regarded as an economic war between the two countries. China's increased investment capacity and technological independence make it an attractive partner for other countries, which in turn has a negative impact on trade with America. The most important thing in this situation is the fact that the globalization of the world economy caused by scientific and technological progress, including the rather close interweaving of the US and Chinese economies, contradicts the national interests of both countries, which are trying to strengthen their positions and role in the world economy. Based on the analyzed material, the author comes to the conclusion that recently the foreign policy relations between China and the United States directly depend on the economic interests of the parties.
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Dalelkhan, Aibolat, and Dana Turekulova. "The Trump factor in American-Chinese relations." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 1(80) (March 30, 2022): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-632.
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This article discussed Trump's foreign trade and economic policy and the impact of the Trump administration's tax policy on the development of the US economy. Also studied the impact of the optimal tax policy on US foreign trade relations, in particular the impact on trade and economic relations between China and the United States. It also analyzes the consequences of the tariff war for the Chinese economy based on Chinese academic research. The article explains the reasons for the economic tension between the US and China from the point of view of the foreign policy and economic interests of the countries. In order to achieve the goals of the study, the historical-comparative, statistical, structural analysis and systematization methods were used.
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Koliev, Faradj, and Magnus Lundgren. "Visiting the hegemon: Explaining diplomatic visits to the United States." Research & Politics 8, no. 4 (October 2021): 205316802110667. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211066767.
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Diplomacy is a chief instrument of foreign policy. Through high-level diplomatic visits, governments can facilitate cooperation and signal the quality of their relations with other states. Because host countries cannot receive an indefinite number of visits, they must make strategic decisions, prioritizing some countries over others. This reveals information about their foreign policy priorities as well as diplomatic hierarchies and practices in the system as a whole. But what determines high-level diplomatic visits? Existing scholarship disagrees. In this research note, we assess the determinants of high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. Theoretically, we draw on previous studies and formulate structural, domestic, and practice-oriented accounts of high-level visits as tools of foreign policy. Empirically, we gather original data on diplomatic visits to the U.S. by foreign leaders from 1946 to 2012. Our main results are two-fold. First, high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. are primarily determined by structural factors such as economic relations. Second, we find clear differences in invited country profiles during and after the Cold War, demonstrating that high-level visits are used strategically to promote shifting foreign policy priorities.
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Tsai, Ming-Chang, and Rueyling Tzeng. "Beyond Economic Interests: Attitudes toward Foreign Workers in Australia, the United States and East Asian Countries." Sociological Research Online 19, no. 3 (September 2014): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3434.
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We compare attitudes toward foreign workers between two wealthy Western and four developing East Asian countries, using data from the 2006 and 2008 Asian Barometer surveys to test hypotheses on economic interests, cultural supremacy, and global exposure. Respondent majorities in all six countries expressed high levels of restrictivism. Regression model results indicate a consistent cultural superiority influence across the six countries, but only minor effects from economic interest factors. Mixed outcomes were noted for the global exposure variables.
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Godfried, Nathan. "Economic Development and Regionalism: United States Foreign Relations in the Middle East, 1942-5." Journal of Contemporary History 22, no. 3 (July 1987): 481–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948702200307.
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Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.
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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview of the possible foreign policy strategies vis-à-vis the United States and China. The last chapter tries to find the common platform on which these two countries could work together to achieve their political and economic interests.
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Changiani, Marine. "The Foreign Policy of Donald Trump’s Administration in Transcaucasia." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no. 23 (July 31, 2022): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n23p52.
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Transcaucasia is a politically complicated region. Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia have different foreign policy vectors, strategies, and relations with the United States. This paper provides a detailed analysis of the main political processes in Transcaucasia during the presidency of Donald Trump. The research is focused primarily on the development of bilateral relations of the United States with the countries of Transcaucasia in three directions: military cooperation, economic relations, and promotion of democracy. We examine the role and the interests of the United States in Transcaucasia and the priorities of the foreign policy of Trump’s administration there. The role of Russia is significant in the region as well, especially after the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Russian Federation is against losing its dominance there and the expansion of NATO in Transcaucasia. It tries to deepen the authoritarian regime in the region and keep it under its control. The research findings show clearly the importance of cooperation and partnership between this complicated region and the United States, which can be a much better guarantor of stability, development, and democratic progress in Transcaucasia.
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Hendrickson, David C., and Vernon W. Ruttan. "United States Development Assistance Policy: The Domestic Politics of Foreign Economic Aid." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 4 (1996): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047692.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.
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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Lebedeva, L. F. "United States: “National Egoism” Policy under the COVID-19 Pandemic." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 5 (November 27, 2020): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-5-9.
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The rising “national egoism” in the US economic policy has been taken place since D. Trump’s inauguration (January 20, 2017), with focus on protectionist measures, priorities for domestic production; on encouraging US companies to invest at home instead of foreign markets; control the fields of foreign investors in the American economy, etc. Covid-19 pandemic seems to have a massive impact on global diffusion of “national egoism” practices, making states more isolationist. The outbreak of the coronavirus has already become an important factor of influence on the national economies and relations between them. The article reviews the ways COVID 19 pandemic is intensifying the economic policies of President D. Trump based on nationalism, pointing out the trade and investment restrictions, their global effects. In light of the uncertainty about the pandemic’s duration and its economic impact, the paper is focusing on the immediate and more long-term global consequences of the US economic policy. All sorts of US government policy innovations during Trump’s presidency, including imposing and threatening to impose sanctions (which become usual, as to the US policy, before pandemic), tariff protections have their effects, spreading around the globe. Most of the new policies have become even more important under coronavirus pandemic, particularly concerning major strategic competitors of the United States. The American approaches to developing new rules and updating existing ones for the international connections, new import and export control actions are designed to promote economic objectives and political objectives as well. Being a powerful political and economic actor US have many instruments to influence the relations between countries. At the same time reinforced “national egoism” practices can make the economic and international trade recovery even more sluggish in the post – pandemic world.
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Basosi, Duccio. "Kathleen Rasmussen (ed.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXXI, Foreign Economic Policy 1973–1976." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 3 (July 2012): 681–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009412440542r.
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Shah, Ayaz Ali, Mehreen Ali, and Syed Aizaz Ali Shah. "Pakistan's Foreign Policy and Eastern Border Security Threats (1947-55)." Volume 2, Issue 2 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.449446601.
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Since Independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has been indo-centric. There were two main goals that drove foreign policy decisions during the 1947-55 period: security and foreign economic aid. Rather than going to the Soviet Union to achieve its goals, Pakistan turned to the West and offered conditional support against the spread of communism throughout South Asia. In the end, Pakistan joined the U.S.-backed anti-Soviet alliances without receiving any guarantees of security from the United States. Pakistan's foreign policy was radically altered as a result of this. Strategic, political, and economic implications of this new overture are the focus of this paper. These two phases of foreign policy are examined in terms of their costs and benefits. Pakistan's security and economic affairs will also be examined in light of this development. Relations between the United States and Pakistan and Pakistani institutions will also be considered.
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Yakupova, Dar'ya Viktorovna, and Roman Aleksandrovich Yakupov. "“Bread for the People and National Security”: Soviet commercial diplomacy during the period of détente." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2021): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.11.34328.
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The relevance of this research is defined by the need for analyzing the historical experience of adaptation of foreign economic activity of the Soviet State to the challenges of Western policy deterrence, the imperatives of which are being applied to Russia in the current context. The subject of this research is the Soviet grain procurement crisis and foreign policy ways for its overcoming. The object of this research is trade and diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. The scientific novelty lies in elaboration of the concept of “commercial diplomacy” – the foreign economic activity of the USSR government aimed at solution of the domestic problems and tasks of modernization. Leaning on the newly introduced sources, the conclusion is made that the policy of commercial diplomacy implemented by the Soviet Union suggested the use of international dialogue within the framework of cooperation between the governments and public-private business circles on achieving the economic goals associated with the national interests of the Soviet Union. The critical need for grain procurement, discovery of the oil resources potential, and détente in the international relations between the two superpowers led to a new round in the Soviet Union – United States relations. It is underlined that grain and oil manifested as the factor of maintaining domestic political stability and the object of foreign policy exchange. The article answers the question: how the grain procurement problem has transformed from the economic into social issue, and the grain import has become the vulnerable spot of the Soviet Union in the ideological confrontation with the United States, and the object of international relations.
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Rogozhin, A. A. "Economic Relations of the Southeast Countries with China and the USA (A Comparative Analysis)." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-303-309.
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The article summarizes the results of a comparative analysis of the trade and investment relations of ASEAN countries with the PRC and the USA. These relations are considered as a factor significantly affecting the current state and especially on the prospects for relations of ASEAN countries with both countries fighting for influence in Southeast Asia as a whole. The versatility and inconsistency of the economic ties of the ASEAN countries with China and the United States is emphasized, which putting them to a difficult choice when pursuing a foreign economic course, an essential element of which is the desire to balance contacts with China and the United States with the maximum possible consideration of their own economic interests.
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Cavallo, Paulo, and Clint Peinhardt. "Foreign Investment and Right-to-Work Laws." Business and Politics 23, no. 3 (June 7, 2021): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2021.4.
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AbstractIn the competition between American states for economic development, about half of American states offer lower levels of labor rights in the form of “right-to-work” (RTW) laws. RTW states often tout their advantages in competing for foreign investment, but do foreign companies really want weaker labor regulation? Many foreign firms locate production in the United States not to lower labor costs but for other reasons, such as proximity to consumers or to employ highly skilled workers, implying that differences across labor regulations within rich countries may be declining in importance. In this article, we investigate the relationship between RTW laws and greenfield foreign direct investments. In particular, we explore recent RTW changes across two states, Indiana and Michigan, controlling for national trends in foreign investment. Adopting RTW increases foreign investment in manufacturing in both states, but Michigan's RTW law is associated with gains in service-sector projects even while Indiana's is not. While RTW may attract more manufacturing, it is not enough to generate broad-based gains across the economy.
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White, Kevin, and Fran Collyer. "Health Care Markets in Australia: Ownership of the Private Hospital Sector." International Journal of Health Services 28, no. 3 (July 1998): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/a9u4-jxgx-87y7-5b34.
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Over the past decade, the Australian hospital sector has undergone a massive economic and administrative reorganization with ramifications for both the private and the public sectors. Changes such as privatization, deregulation, and the entry of foreign capital into the hospital sector are occurring in the hospital systems of many countries, including Australia, the United States, and the United Kingdom. These developments are radically transforming the hospital sector, altering established relationships between the state, the medical profession, the consumer, and the corporate investor, and raising important questions about the future of hospital services in regard to equity, accessibility, and quality.
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Romero Somme, G. "Expropriation and consequence: Peru-United States relations (1963–1975)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (May 11, 2022): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52.
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This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated American owned businesses, was a clear sign of this. Once the company was expropriated by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces in 1968 the American government was ironically forced to follow a more flexible approach, as the new military regime sought to diversify its bilateral relations in the bipolar context of the Cold War. The American policy of supporting the IPC had negative long-term effects fo American interests in the region, as it accelerated the overthrown of Belaúnde and ushered in the arrival of a military junta which sought a more independent foreign policy. A country that had been solid American ally camp since the end of World War II had become a nonaligned nation.
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Early, Bryan R., and Amira Jadoon. "Using the Carrot as the Stick: US Foreign Aid and the Effectiveness of Sanctions Threats." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 3 (March 15, 2019): 350–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz007.
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AbstractWe theorize that foreign aid relationships influence both the effectiveness of economic sanctions threats and the aggressiveness of senders in imposing sanctions. Aid sanctions are generally far less costly for senders than imposing commercially oriented sanctions but can still be very costly for their targets. Being able to disrupt aid flows as part of potential sanctions enhances sender states’ credibility that they will impose painful sanctions against resisting target states. The more foreign aid a sender provides to a target state, the more successful we expect its sanctions threats to be and the more aggressive we expect the sender to be in imposing sanctions if the target resists. We test our theory using a competing risks analysis of ongoing, politically motivated sanctions threats issued by the United States from 1960–2010. Our analyses support our theory by revealing that the more foreign aid that the United States provides to target states, the more likely US sanctions threats are to succeed and the more aggressive the United States becomes in imposing sanctions.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Leonard, Thomas M. "Central America and the United States: Overlooked Foreign Policy Objectives." Americas 50, no. 1 (January 1993): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007262.
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Since the fall of Nicaragua's Somoza dynasty in 1979, nearly 900 books dealing with Central America have appeared. They repeat the themes of imperialism, paternalism, and security that traditionally have characterized studies about Central America and its relations with the U.S. The imperialist theme is pursued by Walter LaFeber's Inevitable Revolutions and Karl Berman's Under the Big Stick. They assert that the United States economically exploited and politically controlled Central America in general and Nicaragua in particular. A sense of moral righteousness is found in Tom Buckley's Violent Neighbors and Richard Alan White's The Morass while the security theme is pursued by John Findling in his Close Neighbors, Distant Friends. Histories about Central America reinforce these themes. For example, the Dean of the U.S. Central Americanists Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., and Costa Ricans Edelberto Torres-Rivas and Hector Pérez-Brignoli, and Honduran Mario Argueta demonstrate that the American businessmen capitalized upon the ignorance of region's elite for their own economic gain. Despite their diversity, all of these volumes demonstrate that the United States dominated the relationship and criticize it for so doing.
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Yerichielli, Yerichielli. "INDONESIA – AMERIKA DALAM KERANGKA COMPRHENSIVE PARTNERSHIP." Global Political Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v3i1.2006.
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Indonesian political and strategic relations are quite good with the United States, especially since the New Order regime in Indonesia, namely in the 1960s. But economic ties the two sides have not grown enough in comparison with the United States economic relations with neighboring Indonesia, Singapore and Australia. In terms of political and strategic aspects in the relationship between the two countries produced in the United States and Indonesia are less developed the economic potential between the two. Both countries have significant potential to further enhance the bilateral relations to the mutual interest through the establishment of a comprehensive partnership (Comprehensive Partnership) is a strategic step in improving relations of cooperation in politics, economy, security, environment, energy, education and other areas of life other. Efforts to improve relations between the two sides appeared in recent years because of the encouragement of the government of Indonesia and US efforts to seek larger markets in order to restore its economic crisis. In November 2010 the leaders of both countries signed the US-Indonesia Compherensive Partnership Agreement (US-Indonesia CPA) which is a long-term commitment of both countries to enhance and deepen bilateral relations. One sector that is the focus of the cooperation is the economic sector.
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Novikova, Elena, and Mikhail Rybalko. "Economic aspects of cooperation between New Zealand and the United States as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400148.
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The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.