Journal articles on the topic 'United States. Congress – Management'
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1
Broz, J. Lawrence. "The United States Congress and IMF financing, 1944–2009." Review of International Organizations 6, no. 3-4 (March 5, 2011): 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-011-9108-7.
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Xu, Bo. "Safety and Management of Food Additives in the United States." Advanced Materials Research 781-784 (September 2013): 1328–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.781-784.1328.
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Food safety is an important issue related to the government regulatory authorities, food industry and food consumers. And the increasing use of food additives has become a matter of public and administrative concern, so an extensive safety evaluation on food additives must be carried out and the use of the additives in food should be controlled by law. In the United States, the Congress has entrusted the FDA with the responsibility to ensure that new additives to be used in foods and the foods the consumers purchase are safe. This paper discusses the supervision and management system of food additives in the United States. The conclusion is that FDA has developed a scientifically rigorous, sound and dependable system to assure the safety of food, thus a new food additive must be approved by FDA before it can be used in food. Management of food additives in the United States is also a helpful reference for government food control agencies in other countries.
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Lee, Hwan Kyung. "A Study on the War Powers of the President of the United States." Institute for Legal Studies Chonnam National University 43, no. 4 (November 30, 2023): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.38133/cnulawreview.2023.43.4.27.
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The U.S. president's right to war is one of the key issues in the separation of powers between the president and Congress under the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. Constitution distributes the right to war to the president and Congress, and the president is given the right to wage war and the Congress is given the right to declare war. However, this decentralized power worked in the president's favor in reality, and the president often waged war without the consent of Congress.
The provisions of the right to war in the U.S. Constitution are stipulated in Article 2, Paragraph 2, which gives the president the right to command the military, and Article 1, Paragraph 8, which gives the Congress the right to declare war. Constitutional makers gave the president the right to wage war, allowing the president to take military action quickly and flexibly in wartime situations. In addition, by granting the Congress the right to declare war, the president's right to war was checked and a mechanism was prepared to reflect the people's intention to war.
The right to war in the United States has been a subject of debate since the beginning of the founding of the United States. George Washington, the first president, exercised his own right to wage war without Congress' consent, and this behavior was inherited by subsequent presidents. However, the prolongation and defeat of the Vietnam War changed the perception of the war in American society, and in 1973, Congress enacted the War Rights Resolution to limit the president's right to wage the war.
The Warzone Resolution requires the president to end the military operation unless approved by Congress within 60 days. However, the resolution of the war zone was virtually neutralized by the president's disregard for Congress and the Supreme Court's denial of constitutionality. In addition, the resolution of the right to war does not clearly define the concept of war or the scope of war, so it does not substantially limit the president's right to wage war.
America's right to war remains a major source of conflict between Congress and the president. Congress is trying to limit the president's right to wage war, but the president is trying to exercise the right to wage war stipulated in the constitution. These conflicts are expected to have a major impact on the US foreign and security policy.
America's right to war is a key issue in the separation of powers between the president and Congress. It is necessary to readjust the right to war in order to secure the legitimacy and democracy of war while maintaining the separation of powers between the president and the parliament. To this end, legislative efforts are needed to clearly define the concept of war and the scope of war conduct, and to substantially strengthen the parliament's right to war.
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Haggard, Stephan. "The institutional foundations of hegemony: explaining the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300007141.
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In 1930, Congress approved the highly restrictive Smoot–Hawley tariff, the textbook case of pressure group politics run amok. Four years later, Congress passed the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA), surrendering much of its tariff-making authority to a policy process in which internationalists had increasing influence. While the United States had used reciprocity to expand exports before, the stick of discriminatory treatment took precedence over the carrot of liberalizing concessions. With the transfer of tariff-making authority to the executive, the United States could make credible commitments and thus exploit its market power to liberalize international trade. Despite later modifications, the RTAA set the fundamental institutional framework for trade politics.
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Jongkon, Lee. "Errors in Public Management and Congressional Oversight." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 34, no. 2 (August 31, 2019): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps34202.
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It is widely believed that “fire alarm” oversight (i.e., reactive oversight that responds to the complaints of interest groups) rather than “police patrol” oversight (i.e., precautionary congressional surveillance), better promotes the performance of government agencies by efficiently reducing bureaucratic moral hazard. However, fire alarm oversight can lead to bureaucrats being falsely accused by interest groups who provide biased information to members of Congress of failure to properly implement a policy, thereby causing an unnecessary administrative delay in public management. This article suggests a formal model that compares fire alarm and police patrol oversight and examines the development of congressional oversight mechanisms in the United States.
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Reichenberg, Neil E. "Pay Equity in Review." Public Personnel Management 15, no. 3 (September 1986): 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102608601500301.
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This article provides an overview of pay equity as well as an update of recent developments concerning this issue. The article summarizes the arguments advanced by pay equity advocates and opponents. There is a discussion of the leading court decisions which is organized as cases brought before and after the United States Supreme Court's landmark decision in the case of County of Washington v. Gunther, 452 U.S. 161 (1981). The position of the Reagan Administration, as set forth by the Department of Justice and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission also is summarized. The article includes a description of the legislation pending before the 99th United States Congress along with state legislative developments. The final section of the article is a pay equity bibliography.
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Hasanov, Mustafa, Jacques Trienekens, and Wilfred Dolfsma. "Advancing food and agribusiness management research: IFAMA 2020 best papers." International Food and Agribusiness Management Review 24, no. 6 (October 1, 2021): 901–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.22434/ifamr2021.x003.
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This Special Issue presents the seven best papers from the 30th IFAMA 2020 World Congress, reflecting the richness and quality of the agri-food business and management scholarship that IFAMA facilitates and promotes. They reveal the diversity of research topics and current practices related to the most pressing agri-food business and management issues. Whether the papers discuss vegetable producers cooperatives in Cambodia, innovation intermarries and enhancing collaboration in Sweden, or information nudges in ornamental plant labeling in the United States, the papers in this Special Issue illustrate the need for variegated professional and academic skills and expertise represented in IFAMA.
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Stetz, Thomas A., and Todd L. Chmielewski. "Efficiency Ratings and Performance Appraisals in the United States Federal Government." Industrial and Organizational Psychology 9, no. 2 (June 2016): 270–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/iop.2016.10.
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As industrial–organizational (I-O) psychologists and longtime employees, we have developed and implemented appraisal systems and have been subjected to and have subjected others to appraisals. We have thus viewed performance appraisals from all angles, seeing the good, the bad, and the downright ugly. We believe that all of the points discussed by Adler et al. (2016) about retaining or eliminating performance ratings have merit and address the realities of the current state of affairs in performance appraisal practice and research. However, as Wiese and Buckley (1998) point out, organizations survived quite well for centuries without formal appraisal systems, which raises the question, “Why do formal performance appraisal systems exist?” One inescapable yet surprisingly undiscussed reason is that it is a legal and/or regulatory mandate for 4,185,000 U.S. federal government employees (Office of Personnel Management, 2015a). Eliminating performance ratings for these workers would literally require an act of Congress.
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Higgins, George G. "« Guideposts » for Wage-Price Behavior." Commentaires 17, no. 2 (January 29, 2014): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021636ar.
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Summary The Annual Report of the Council of Economic Advisors, which President Kennedy submitted to the Congress on January 20 is required reading for anyone who wants to keep abreast of current economic developments in the United States. The Council starts from the premise that since wage and price decisions in many crucial segments of our economy directly or indirectly affect the progress of the whole economy, « there is legitimate reason for public interest in their content and consequences. »
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Li, Zhen, Caryn Smith, Christopher DuFore, Susan F. Zaleski, Guillermo Auad, Walter Johnson, Zhen-Gang Ji, and S. E. O’Reilly. "A Multifaceted Approach to Advance Oil Spill Modeling and Physical Oceanographic Research at the United States Bureau of Ocean Energy Management." Journal of Marine Science and Engineering 9, no. 5 (May 17, 2021): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jmse9050542.
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The Environmental Studies Program (ESP) at the United States Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) is funded by the United States Congress to support BOEM’s mission, which is to use the best available science to responsibly manage the development of the Nation’s offshore energy and mineral resources. Since its inception in 1973, the ESP has funded over $1 billion of multidisciplinary research across four main regions of the United States Outer Continental Shelf: Gulf of Mexico, Atlantic, Alaska, and Pacific. Understanding the dynamics of oil spills and their potential effects on the environment has been one of the primary goals of BOEM’s funding efforts. To this end, BOEM’s ESP continues to support research that improves oil spill modeling by advancing our understanding and the application of meteorological and oceanographic processes to improve oil spill modeling. Following the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010, BOEM has invested approximately $28 million on relevant projects resulting in 73 peer-reviewed journal articles and 42 technical reports. This study describes the findings of these projects, along with the lessons learned and research information needs identified. Additionally, this paper presents a path forward for BOEM’s oil spill modeling and physical oceanographic research.
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Canes-Wrone, Brandice, Lauren Mattioli, and Sophie Meunier. "Foreign direct investment screening and congressional backlash politics in the United States." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 4 (August 18, 2020): 666–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120947353.
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This article examines a particular instance of backlash against economic globalisation – the screening of foreign direct investment in the United States. Although most foreign direct investment is welcome in the United States, specific transactions have aroused suspicion and triggered political backlash by Congress. In fact, successive episodes have reshaped the institutions through which the United States screens foreign direct investment. The recent emergence of China as a foreign investor has posed new political challenges and led to further restrictions. This article explores the circumstances that make congressional backlash to Chinese foreign direct investment more likely, or to use the language of Alter and Zürn in this Special Issue, the ‘triggers’ of congressional backlash. Our findings highlight several patterns, notably that domestic political motives are strongly associated with congressional backlash and that generally the members instigating it do not represent the district in which the investment is located.
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Joshi, Girish P., David E. Beck, Roger Hill Emerson, Thomas M. Halaszynski, Jonathan S. Jahr, Arthur G. Lipman, Mikio A. Nihira, Ketan R. Sheth, Melanie H. Simpson, and Raymond S. Sinatra. "Article Commentary: Defining New Directions for More Effective Management of Surgical Pain in the United States: Highlights of the Inaugural Surgical Pain Congress™." American Surgeon 80, no. 3 (March 2014): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313481408000314.
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Despite advances in pharmacologic options for the management of surgical pain, there appears to have been little or no overall improvement over the last two decades in the level of pain experienced by patients. The importance of adequate and effective surgical pain management, however, is clear, because inadequate pain control 1) has a wide range of undesirable physiologic and immunologic effects; 2) is associated with poor surgical outcomes; 3) has increased probability of readmission; and 4) adversely affects the overall cost of care as well as patient satisfaction. There is a clear unmet need for a national surgical pain management consensus task force to raise awareness and develop best practice guidelines for improving surgical pain management, patient safety, patient satisfaction, rapid postsurgical recovery, and health economic outcomes. To comprehensively address this need, the multidisciplinary Surgical Pain Congress™ has been established. The inaugural meeting of this Congress (March 8 to 10, 2013, Celebration, Florida) evaluated the current surgical pain management paradigm and identified key components of best practices.
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Wainscott, Ronald H. "American Theatre Versus the Congress of the United States: The Theatre Tax Controversy and Public Rebellion of 1919." Theatre Survey 31, no. 1 (May 1990): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400000958.
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For eight days in January 1919 the theatre industry was at war with the U.S. Congress, a nationwide event surprisingly overlooked in previous theatre history. Theatre management and its host of workers joined with the public to wage a well-orchestrated campaign in the newspapers and mail, in the theatres and on the streets to stop what was perceived as a gross injustice to the American theatre and its paying audience.When the United States Congress was framing a six billion dollar tax revenue bill to recover exorbitant war costs from the first world war, it attempted to slip in a new tax which would raise theatre admissions by ten per cent in order to return between seventy-five and eighty-one million dollars to the government. The original bill levied a twenty per cent tax on all tickets of admission above thirty cents (thus most movie houses were exempt). In addition box seat holders at theatres and the opera were to be taxed twenty-five per cent.
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Worl, Rosita Kaaháni, and Heather Kendall-Miller. "Alaska's Conflicting Objectives." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00488.
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The formal treaty-making period between the U.S. government and Native peoples ended in 1871, only four years after the United States purchased Alaska from Russia. As a result, Alaska Natives did not enter into treaties that recognized their political authority or land rights. Nor, following the end of the treaty-making period, were Alaska Natives granted the same land rights as federally recognized tribes in the lower forty-eight states. Rather, Congress created the Alaska Native Corporations as the management vehicle for conveyed lands in 1971. The unique legal status of these corporations has raised many questions about tribal land ownership and governance for future generations of Alaska Natives. Although Congress created the Native Corporations in its eagerness to settle land claims and assimilate Alaska Natives, Alaska Native cultures and governance structures persisted and evolved, and today many are reasserting the inherent authority of sovereign governments.
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Fraedrich, Laura. "Regulation Defies Congressional Mandate: Antidumping and Nonmarket Economies." Global Trade and Customs Journal 5, Issue 9 (September 1, 2010): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2010047.
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Foreign producers and importers often have a challenging, uphill battle when defending against a dumping petition. The statutory framework for evaluating whether foreign producers are selling below fair value in the United States leaves significant discretion to the U.S. Department of Commerce and the U.S. International Trade Commission and foreign producers often find themselves on the losing end of a court’s analysis under Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., when the court rules that the agency has reasonably interpreted a governing statute. This did not occur, however, in the recent case of Dorbest Limited v. United States, when the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit ruled that the Department of Commerce’s (“Commerce”) regulation for computing labor rates to calculate a dumping margin for a Chinese product defied Congress’ mandate set out in the governing statute.
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Farber, Daniel A. "Climate Policy and the United States System of Divided Powers: Dealing with Carbon Leakage and Regulatory Linkage." Transnational Environmental Law 3, no. 1 (September 23, 2013): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102513000186.
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AbstractClimate change has pushed governmental authorities within the United States (US) into new routes of national and transnational policy-making. The normal route for national policy-making runs from Congress in setting policy, to the President in agency implementation, to judicial oversight and enforcement. When that route is blocked, however, federalism and the separation of powers provide some byways and detours that may still be used to make progress. State governments and the executive branch have moved into the breach left by congressional deadlock. In the absence of federal climate legislation or a formal treaty, however, constitutional challenges will predictably meet efforts to limit carbon leakage or to establish linkages between regulatory systems.These constitutional issues often involve corners of constitutional law such as foreign affairs, where doctrines are particularly murky. Solid arguments can be made in favour of state efforts to avoid leakage and create linkage, despite claims of discrimination against interstate commerce, extraterritoriality, and foreign affairs pre-emption. The Environmental Protection Agency has some statutory authority to deal with leakage, and the President seems to have authority to pursue linkage through executive agreement. Thus, both states and the executive branch should have room to deal with transboundary implications of climate policies. Although the deadlock in Congress regarding climate change may be unusually severe, these modes of response may also be important for other kinds of transnational activity by US state governments and the national executive.
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Peterson, John M. "Totes-Isotoner v. United States: Tariffs and Civil Rights Intersect, Uncomfortably." Global Trade and Customs Journal 5, Issue 5 (May 1, 2010): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2010020.
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Taxes that discriminate based on gender and age have come under Constitutional attack in recent decades and today are relatively rare. Defying this trend, however, the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTS) still contains dozens of provisions that discriminate in the taxation of imported merchandise based on the gender or age of the intended user. In Totes-Isotoner Corp. v. United States and more than 150 pending lawsuits, importers have challenged these discriminatory rates, contending that no sufficient justification exists for Congress? disparate treatment of similar goods. To date, the Federal courts have struggled with the question of what type of allegations importers must plead in order to state a prima facie challenge to these discriminatory rates. Is the discrimination evident on the face of the statute, which ordinarily shifts to the government the burden of justification? Or, because modern tariff schedules are based on internationally agreed nomenclatures and duty rates reflect concessions made in multilateral agreements, are tariff laws a “breed apart” to which a special standard should be applied? The Totes-Isotoner case shows that the Federal courts are confused and somewhat divided on this basic issue and that the United States Supreme Court may need to identify the standards of pleading applicable to Totes and similar lawsuits.
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Young, Alvin L. "The use of cultural risk assessment within the 1994 Tribal land-grant colleges and universities." Environmental Sciences and Ecology: Current Research (ESECR 1, no. 1 (August 21, 2020): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.54026/esecr/1005.
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In 1994, the United States Congress established 35 Colleges or Universities on Reservation Lands of the Native Americans throughout the Midwest and Western United States. These new institutions were provided annual funds from the United States Department of Agriculture for education, research and extension, components of the Land-Grant system. Today, issues related to risk assessment and risk management confront tribal decision-makers as they cope with risks, both real and perceived, that include the transportation of hazardous materials through the reservation, the clean-up of contaminated sites within the reservation, the environmental restoration of Federal facilities, the siting of waste treatment, storage, and disposal facilities, the development of tribal mineral and other natural resources, and the construction and operation of industrial and commercial facilities within the reservation. Tribal decision-makers lack Indian-specific epidemiologic, genetic, and cultural information that impact current risk assessment models needed to incorporate tribal cultural issues. There is a need to enhance the science skills of tribal college faculty in assisting tribal councils and tribal colleges in the long-term planning and stewardship of natural resources on their reservations.
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Vogel, David. "When Consumers Oppose Consumer Protection: The Politics of Regulatory Backlash." Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 4 (October 1990): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006085.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines a neglected phenomenon in the existing literature on social regulation, namely political opposition to regulation that comes not from business but from consumers. It examines four cases of successful grass-roots consumer opposition to government health and safety regulations in the United States. Two involve rules issued by the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, a 1974 requirement that all new automobiles be equipped with an engine-interlock system, and a 1967 rule that denied federal highway funds to states that did not require motorcyclists to wear a helmet. In 1977, Congress overturned the Food and Drug Administration's ban on the artificial sweetener, saccharin. Beginning in 1987, the FDA began to yield to pressures from the gay community by agreeing to streamline its procedures for the testing and approval of new drugs designed to fight AIDS and other fatal diseases. The article identifies what these regulations have in common and examines their significance for our understanding the politics of social regulation in the United States and other industrial nations.
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Fargen, Kyle M., Hector E. Soriano-Baron, Julia T. Rushing, William Mack, J. Mocco, Felipe Albuquerque, Andrew F. Ducruet, et al. "A survey of intracranial aneurysm treatment practices among United States physicians." Journal of NeuroInterventional Surgery 10, no. 1 (February 9, 2017): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/neurintsurg-2016-012808.
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BackgroundRecent surveys have failed to examine cerebrovascular aneurysm treatment practices among US physicians.ObjectiveTo survey physicians who are actively involved in the care of patients with cerebrovascular aneurysms to determine current aneurysm treatment preferences.MethodsA 25-question SurveyMonkey online survey was designed and distributed electronically to members of the Society of NeuroInterventional Surgery, Society of Vascular and Interventional Neurology, and the American Association of Neurological Surgeons/Congress of Neurological Surgeons Combined Cerebrovascular Section.Results211 physicians completed the survey. Most respondents recommend endovascular treatment as the first-line management strategy for most ruptured (78%) and unruptured (71%) aneurysms. Thirty-eight per cent of respondents indicate that they routinely treat all patients with subarachnoid hemorrhage regardless of grade. Most physicians use the International Study of Unruptured Intracranial Aneurysms data for counseling patients on natural history risk (80%); a small minority (11%) always or usually recommend treatment of anterior circulation aneurysms of <5 mm. Two-thirds of respondents continue to recommend clipping for most middle cerebral artery aneurysms, while most (51%) recommend flow diversion for wide-necked internal carotid artery aneurysms. Follow-up imaging schedules are highly variable. Neurosurgeons at academic institutions and those practicing longer were more likely to recommend clipping surgery for aneurysms (p<0.05).ConclusionsThis survey demonstrates considerable variability in patient selection for intracranial aneurysm treatment, preferred treatment strategies, and follow-up imaging schedules among US physicians.
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Phillips, Lisa A. W. "Mickey Goes to Haiti and Leaves: Disney's Transnational Quest for Cheap Labor in the post-Cold War Era." International Labor and Working-Class History 101 (2022): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547922000072.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Disney and other United States-based companies found themselves in the position to create a “new world order.” The National Labor Committee (NLC), Haitian grassroots labor organizers, a multimillion member international labor community, concerned shareholders, members of the U.S. Congress, and activists around the world pressured Disney to lead the way to a new global standard by paying a living wage and investing in local infrastructure wherever it did business. Whatever standards Disney enacted, they argued, the rest would follow. Rather than assume the “corporate mantle of responsibility,” Disney ran from the United States to Haiti, then to China, in search of cheap labor, a bigger profit margin, and the ability to do business without scrutiny. Seeing itself as just one entity in a global garment supply chain, Disney claimed responsibility only for licensing its brand to the contractors (U.S.-based) and subcontractors (in Haiti and later China) who handled the actual production of Disney merchandise.
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Carriker, Roy R. "Federal Environmental Policy: A Summary Overview." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 28, no. 1 (July 1996): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800009512.
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AbstractThe National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which was signed into law on January 1,1970, has come to be regarded as the first major piece of federal legislation to call for comprehensive attention to environmental concerns in the United States. During the two decades following enactment of NEPA, Congress adopted and then refined major legislation on nearly every aspect of environmental quality concerns: air pollution, water pollution, drinking water quality, hazardous waste management, wildlife protection, pesticide use, and several related problem areas. Current arguments for environmental regulatory reform are a phase in the continuing evolution of this body of federal environmental policy.
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Karapin, Roger. "Federalism as a Double-Edged Sword: The Slow Energy Transition in the United States." Journal of Environment & Development 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519886001.
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Much literature on federalism and multilevel governance argues that federalist institutional arrangements promote renewable energy policies. However, the U.S. case supports a different view that federalism has ambivalent effects. Policy innovation has occurred at the state level and to some extent has led to policy adoption by other states and the federal government, but the extent is limited by the veto power of fossil fuel interests that are rooted in many state governments and in Congress, buttressed by increasing Republican Party hostility to environmental and climate policy. This argument is supported by a detailed analysis of five periods of federal and state renewable energy policy-making, from the Carter to the Trump administrations. The negative effects of federalism on national renewable energy policy in the United States, in contrast to the West European cases in this special issue, are mainly due to the interaction of its federalist institutions with party polarization and a strong domestic fossil fuel industry.
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Tan, Zhengxi, Shuguang Liu, Terry L. Sohl, Yiping Wu, and Claudia J. Young. "Ecosystem carbon stocks and sequestration potential of federal lands across the conterminous United States." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 41 (September 28, 2015): 12723–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1512542112.
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Federal lands across the conterminous United States (CONUS) account for 23.5% of the CONUS terrestrial area but have received no systematic studies on their ecosystem carbon (C) dynamics and contribution to the national C budgets. The methodology for US Congress-mandated national biological C sequestration potential assessment was used to evaluate ecosystem C dynamics in CONUS federal lands at present and in the future under three Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Special Report on Emission Scenarios (IPCC SRES) A1B, A2, and B1. The total ecosystem C stock was estimated as 11,613 Tg C in 2005 and projected to be 13,965 Tg C in 2050, an average increase of 19.4% from the baseline. The projected annual C sequestration rate (in kilograms of carbon per hectare per year) from 2006 to 2050 would be sinks of 620 and 228 for forests and grasslands, respectively, and C sources of 13 for shrublands. The federal lands’ contribution to the national ecosystem C budget could decrease from 23.3% in 2005 to 20.8% in 2050. The C sequestration potential in the future depends not only on the footprint of individual ecosystems but also on each federal agency’s land use and management. The results presented here update our current knowledge about the baseline ecosystem C stock and sequestration potential of federal lands, which would be useful for federal agencies to decide management practices to achieve the national greenhouse gas (GHG) mitigation goal.
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Reynnells, RD. "United States Department of Agriculture: building bridges through innovative animal well-being initiatives." Animal Welfare 13, S1 (February 2004): S175—S180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096272860001455x.
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AbstractAnimal well-being issues are addressed by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) through a variety of agencies and in various formats. Most farmers are good stewards of their animals and will raise them according to societal demands as supported by market choices. Management standards that are perceived to improve upon current practices are being demanded of farmers by buyers of animal products, including corporate restaurant chains and groceries. Professional organisations, USDA, and university representatives, help to address well-being issues and help to create and evaluate standards. The USDA provides leadership in several cooperative programs involving activists and industry, coordinates certification programs, and provides liaisons to multi-state university research committees. A USDA Animal Well-Being Work Group facilitates communications among agency personnel. The USDA developed the Animal Welfare Issues Compendium, a national animal well-being symposium, and cooperates with industry, activists and universities on projects. The USDA provides grant funds for projects that are encouraged to include a component on animal well-being. Special grant funds from Congress have resulted in educational and research projects that complement existing USDA national research and educational initiatives. Regulatory commitments by USDA include the enforcement of the Animal Welfare Act and the Humane Methods of Slaughter Act.
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Brignon, William R., Carl B. Schreck, and Howard A. Schaller. "Structured Decision-Making Incorporates Stakeholder Values into Management Decisions Thereby Fulfilling Moral and Legal Obligations to Conserve Species." Journal of Fish and Wildlife Management 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 250–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3996/062017-jfwm-051.
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Abstract More than 1,500 species of plants and animals in the United States are listed as threatened or endangered under the Endangered Species Act and habitat destruction is the leading cause of population decline. However, developing conservation plans that are consistent with a diversity of stakeholder (e.g., states, tribes, private landowners) values is difficult. Adaptive management and structured decision-making are frameworks that resource managers can use to integrate diverse and conflicting stakeholder value systems into species recovery planning. Within this framework difficult decisions are deconstructed into the three basic components: explicit, quantifiable objectives that represent stakeholder values; mathematical models used to predict the effect of management decisions on the outcome of objectives; and management alternatives or actions. We use Bull Trout Salvelinus confluentus, a species listed in 1999 as threatened pursuant to the Endangered Species Act, as an example of how structured decision-making transparently incorporates stakeholder values and biological information into conservation planning and the decision process. Three moral philosophies—consequentialism, deontology, and virtue theory—suggest that structured decision-making is a justified method that can guide natural resource decisions in the future, consistent with United States Congress' mandate, and will honor society's obligation to recover Endangered Species Act listed species and their habitats. Natural sciences offer a biological basis for predicting the outcomes of decisions. Additionally, an understanding of how to integrate humanities into scientifically defensible conservation planning is helpful in providing the foundation for lasting and effective species conservation.
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Chudinovskikh, Marina. "Public Policy of Telework Management: Experience of Russia and the USA." Bulletin of Baikal State University 29, no. 4 (December 20, 2019): 646–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2019.29(4).646-652.
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The relevance of the research into the issue is determined by the need to develop a state policy in the field of telework management (distance employment). The paper presents an analysis of the practice of state management of telework in the United States of America based on a study of the norms of legislation (Telework Enhancement Act), as well as annual reports submitted to Congress. In the article, general and special scientific methods such as systemic, comparative legal, formal logical, statistical, and others were applied. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the Russian Federation is taking the first steps in the field of managing telework, while in the United States, a comprehensive state policy has been formed and implemented since 2010. The telework state policy includes the development of legal acts, allocation of authority among state and municipal bodies, measures to encourage the creation of remote jobs, the organization of accounting, control and supervision of telework. The implementation of an effective telework state policy has a positive effect on employers, employees, society and the environment. The positive economic effect for the state and government is reduction in operating costs, increase in work efficiency and reduction of staff turnover. For employees, distance employment leads to a reduction in stress and an increase in job satisfaction. The effect for society and the environment is reflected in an increase in the level of public safety, a reduction in the traffic load, pollution of the environment, and energy saving.
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Watson, John, Daniel Foster, Scoll Nichols, Arvlnd Shah, Elizabeth Scoll-oenlon, and James Nanc. "The Development of Bycatch Reduction Technology in the Southeastern United States Shrimp Fishery." Marine Technology Society Journal 33, no. 2 (January 1, 1999): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/mtsj.33.2.8.
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Shrimp trawl bycatch is a significant source of fishery induced mortality for managed species including red snapper (Lutjanus campechanus Poey), Spanish mackerel (Scomberomorus maculatus MitcheU), and weakfish (Cynoscion regalis Baloch, Schneider) in the southeastern United States. These species have been overfished and are under both state and federal management plans which include regulations mandating reduction of shrimp trawl bycatch mortality. In 1990 the U.S. Congress passed amendments to the Magnuson Fishery Conservation and Management Act (16 U.S.C. 1854) which called for a research program that included the design and evaluation of approaches for reducing shrimp trawl bycatch mortality. A strategic planning initiative addressing finfish bycatch in the Gulf of Mexico and southeastern Atlantic shrimp fisheries was developed by the Gulf and South Atlantic Fisheries Foundation through funding and guidance provided by the National Marine Fisheries Service. A cooperative research plan was developed in 1992 which included the identification, development, and evaluation of gear options for reducing bycatch in the Gulf of Mexico and southeastern Atlantic shrimp fisheries. Between 1990 and 1996 one hundred and forty five bycatch reduction conceptual gear designs contributed by fishers, net shops, gear technicians, and biologists were evaluated. Sixteen of these designs were tested on cooperative commercial shrimp vessels by observers under the southeast regional cooperative bycatch program. Analyses of data from commercial vessel testing indicates that two bycatch reduction designs have potential to significantly reduce shrimp trawl bycatch for weakfish and Spanish mackerel in the southeastern Atlantic and two designs have the potential to significantly reduce red snapper bycatch in the Gulf of Mexico. The fisheye and the extended funnel bycatch reduction devices have been mandated for use in the southeastern Atlantic shrimp fishery and the fisheye and Jones/Davis bycatch reduction devices have been mandated for use in the Gulf of Mexico shrimp trawl fishery.
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LEWIS, DAVID E. "The Adverse Consequences of the Politics of Agency Design for Presidential Management in the United States: The Relative Durability of Insulated Agencies." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 3 (June 7, 2004): 377–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000109.
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The US Congress has often sought to limit presidential influence over certain public policies by designing agencies that are insulated from presidential control. Whether or not insulated agencies persist over time has important consequences for presidential management. If those agencies that persist over time are also those that are the most immune from presidential direction, this has potentially fatal consequences for the president's ability to manage the executive branch. Modern presidents will preside over a less and less manageable bureaucracy over time. This article explains why agencies insulated from presidential control are more durable than other agencies and shows that they have a significantly higher expected duration than other agencies. The conclusion is that modern American presidents preside over a bureaucracy that is increasingly insulated from their control.
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Kapp, Paul Hardin. "Creating and Managing a Radically Edited Cultural Landscape: The Blue Ridge Parkway in the United States." Journal of Heritage Management 8, no. 1 (June 2023): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/24559296231164727.
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This article explores how a contrived heritage tourism landscape was created, how its identity was marketed, and how it has influenced the culture of the contiguous region in which it resides in. During the Great Depression, the designers from the U.S. National Park Service manipulated the authenticity of the indigenous architecture and radically edited the mountain landscape in Virginia and North Carolina to create an institutionalized super-scenic motorway—the Blue Ridge Parkway (BRP). Spanning over four hundred miles, the BRP promotes early American mountain culture. As it approaches its centennial year of being authorized by the U.S. Congress, this recreational road continues to be a popular heritage site and supports the regional economy through heritage tourism. However, does the planning of the parkway and the management of its identity convey the region’s historic mountain culture or has it always been a created landscape for tourism that is based on a formal construct of a heritage idea, created by its designers? And for the American tourist experiencing the BRP, what is more important: the authenticity of the regional heritage or the authenticity of the contrived artefact simply put, the scenic road?
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Bolton, Brian. "The long-term benefits of director stock ownership." Corporate Board role duties and composition 5, no. 3 (2009): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cbv5i3art1.
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In October 2009, the United States Treasury Department and Congress considered new regulations requiring executives and directors to receive much of their compensation in the form of long-term stock. One concern with this is that it may have negative consequences by entrenching managers and directors over the long term. This study compares the potential benefits of long-term director ownership with the potential costs of entrenchment. Using the dollar amount of stock owned by independent directors, the results suggest that the incentive effect dominates any costs related to entrenchment: firms with greater stock ownership outperform other firms, regardless of the degree of managerial entrenchment that may be present. The implication for policy-makers is that providing directors with incentives through stock ownership can be a very effective corporate governance mechanism.
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Darusman, Yoyon Mulyana. "PENTINGNYA PENERAPAN SISTEM STRONG BICAMERAL DALAM KEKUASAAN LEGISLATIF REPUBLIK INDONESIA." ADIL: Jurnal Hukum 14, no. 1 (July 11, 2023): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33476/ajl.v14i1.3226.
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Lembaga parlemen dalam praktek negara-negara di dunia pada umumnya menggunakan sistem dua kamar, walaupun terdapat juga negara-negara yang menggunakan sistem satu kamar. Lembaga parlemen dalam praktek ketatanegaraan disebut dengan kekuasaan legislatif. Republik Indonesia menggunakan sistem dua kamar, sebagaimana yang disebutkan dalam Article 2 Section 1 naskah asli UUD 1945 menyebutkan adanya lembaga MPR yang di dalamnya terdapat DPR, ditambah dengan Utusan Golongan dan Daerah. Seperti halnya United States of America juga menggunakan sistem dua kamar sebagaimana yang disebutkan dalam Article 1 Section 1 Constitution of USA menyebutkan adanya Congress of United States which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Setelah amandement UUD 1945 sebagaimana yang disebutkan pada Article 2 Section 1 terjadi perubahan pada kekuasaan pada lembaga legislatif Indonesia, yang berbunyi : MPR yang di dalamnya terdapat DPR dan DPD. Namun demikian kedua kamar ini sebagaimana disebutkan dalam UUD 1945 naskah perubahan tidak memiliki kekuasaan yang sama, di mana DPR memiliki kewenangan membentuk UU sedangkan DPD tidak memiliki kewenangan membentuk UU hanya memiliki kewenangan untuk mengajukan RUU kepada DPR. Hal ini sangat berbeda dengan dua kamar di United State of America yaitu di mana Kongres di dalamnya terdiri dari Senate and House of Resentatives sama-sama memiliki kewenangan membentuk UU.
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Sewell, Mike. "‘All the English-Speaking Race is in Mourning’: the Assassination of President Garfield and Anglo-American Relations." Historical Journal 34, no. 3 (September 1991): 665–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017544.
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From the pageantry and elaborate stage-management of embassies in the early modern period to ping pong or panda diplomacy, policy-makers have used public rituals to dramatize or make statements about international relationships. For most of the nineteenth century the United States refused, in the name of republican simplicity, to sanction the wearing of court dress or the sending and receiving of ambassadors. Congress steadfastly refused to compromise with the standards of European monarchies on these symbols of American exceptionalism. Historians of diplomacy have neglected such phenomena, but concentration on them may allow a bridging of the gulf which Bernard Porter has lamented between their field and other sub-disciplines, commenting that the former remained ‘Newtonian survivals in the age of Einstein’.
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Goldstein, Judith, and Robert Gulotty. "America and Trade Liberalization: The Limits of Institutional Reform." International Organization 68, no. 2 (2014): 263–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000490.
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AbstractAmong scholars, delegation of power to the US president in 1934 is widely believed to have been a necessary requisite for tariff reductions in ensuing years. According to conventional wisdom, delegation to the president sheltered Congress from constituent pressure thereby facilitating the opening of the US economy and the emergence of the United States as a world power. This article suggests a revision to our understanding of just how that occurred. Through a close study of the US tariff schedule between 1928 and 1964, focusing on highly protected products, we examine which products were subject to liberalization and at what time. After 1934, delegation led to a change in trade policy, not because Congress gave up their constitutional prerogative in this domain but because presidents were able to target the potential economic dislocation that derives from import competition to avoid the creation of a congressional majority willing to halt the trade agreements program.
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Watson, Conner. "Solving Solar: How Past Policy Collides With Future Technology." Texas A&M Law Review 11, no. 1 (December 2023): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v11.i1.8.
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This Comment discusses the importance of developing a solar waste management plan. Specifically, this Comment presents the argument that the United States should not create a large federal regulatory framework that includes expansive subsidies for solar panel recycling, but instead should invest in solar recycling technologies that offer solar recyclers the opportunity to profitably recycle junk panels. Ultimately, the federal government’s role should be limited to one of investment and support as states craft solar waste management systems that work for them.
In support of this argument, this Comment explores the history and future of solar panel development, the current state of solar production and recycling, and the magnitude of the threat solar waste presents. Additionally, this Comment discusses how nations outside the United States are addressing the solar waste problem, the advent of new solar recycling technologies, how Congress may adapt the existing Resource Conservation and Recovery Act to include solar panels and encourage recycling of junk panels, the success story of lead-acid battery recycling, and what the solar recycling network of the future may look like.
Ultimately, this Comment concludes that given recent advancements in recycling technology, with proper planning, encouragement, and investment from both state and federal governments, the private sector will be incentivized to recycle used solar panels without burdensome government intervention while sustaining a profitable business. Such a result will create a truly clean and renewable source of energy and relieve American taxpayers from bearing the cost of expensive solar recycling subsidy programs.
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Young, Jeff. "One strategy at work for more than 260 reasons." Forestry Chronicle 81, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc81088-1.
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Canadians are taking action to advance sustainable forest management with the National Forest Strategy (NFS) 2003–2008, A Sustainable Forest: The Canadian Commitment. This national policy framework reaffirms Canadians' long-term vision and defines strategic targets to be achieved by the forest community at large. Seen as an international model, the NFS serves to establish partnerships and to promote policies as encouraged by the Final Statement issued at the XII World Forestry Congress. Canada and the United States of America have national forest programmes that are advancing a sustainable North American forest and are contributing to the well-being of the global forest. Stronger mechanisms and liaisons between developed countries with such programmes will help Canada and other likeminded countries to push sustainable forest management concepts even further as they evolve. Key words: global forest convention, international network, national forest programme, National Forest Strategy Coalition, sector roundtable
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Wald, Niel. "Injuries from Nuclear Accidents." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 1, S1 (1985): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00045246.
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In view of public concern about health impairment from accidental radiation exposure, the record of forty years experience in the utilization of nuclear energy was reviewed. All reported exposure incidents producing health effects from external radiation sources and internal radionuclide contamination in the United States and some in other countries have been included. Preparations for the management of such accidents will be considered briefly. The relationship of this actual accident experience to the unresolved problems in management planning and professional and public education for future accidents like that at the Three Mile Island nuclear power station in Middletown, Pennsylvania, March 1979, but with potential associated health impairment, was discussed. The complete paper is published in the Proceedings of the 3rd World Congress for Emergency and Disaster Medicine, organized by the “Club of Mainz” in Rome, Italy, 1983 (see Manni, C and Magalini, S, Springer Publ, Heidelberg, 1984).
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Fordham, Benjamin O. "The Domestic Politics of World Power: Explaining Debates over the United States Battleship Fleet, 1890–91." International Organization 73, no. 02 (October 29, 2018): 435–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000449.
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AbstractThe United States' 1890–91 decision to begin building a battleship fleet, an important point in its development as a world power, can illuminate the domestic sources of foreign policy ambition. An analysis of roll-call votes in the House of Representatives indicates that socioeconomic divisions arising from industrialization strongly influenced support and opposition to the battleship fleet. This relationship worked mainly through trade policy interests: members of Congress from import-competing states tended to support the effort, while those from export-oriented states tended to oppose it. The patriotic symbolism of battleships at a time of labor unrest also helped motivate support for the program, though evidence of this pattern is less conclusive. Although party affiliation was crucial, it was also partly a function of economic structure, which shaped the two parties’ electoral fortunes. The impact of trade interests during this period is a mirror image of what previous research has found concerning the post-World War II era, when export-oriented interests tended to support American global activism and import-competing interests to oppose it. The reason for the difference is the Republican Party's commitment to trade protection, which strongly influenced both the goals of the policy and the identity of its supporters.
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Basile, Anthony, Sheila Handy, and Felisha N. Fret. "A Retrospective Look at the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002- Has it accomplished its original purpose?" Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 31, no. 2 (March 3, 2015): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v31i2.9155.
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As a result of notable frauds including Enron, WorldCom and Waste Management, the United States Congress enacted the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 (SOX). The Act would forever change the accounting profession. After a little more than a decade, publicly traded companies have been able to create and implement policies and procedures to ensure compliance with the Act, specifically the provisions set forth in Section 404. Since all public companies have implemented SOX compliance together with other regulations imposed by the Internal Revenue Service and other regulatory agencies into their normal reporting routines, management of these companies have realized further benefits associated with SOX compliance. Because of these reported benefits many private companies have begun to voluntarily implement SOX-like policies and procedures into their own internal framework. This paper will discuss the perceptions of the enactment and implementation of the Act, the associated benefits derived from SOX compliance and reasons why private companies have begun voluntarily adopting SOX-like policiesprocedures and strategies.
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Plouffe, Michael. "Liberalization for Sale: Corporate Demands and Lobbying over FTAs." Administrative Sciences 13, no. 10 (October 22, 2023): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/admsci13100227.
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Firm-based approaches to international trade have revolutionized the study of trade politics. Corporate participation in political processes is costly, limiting access to large, productive, well-resourced, and often internationally engaged firms. This implies a pro-trade bias in corporate lobbying demands over trade policy. I examine this relationship in the case of three free trade agreements passed by the United States Congress in 2011. I combine public statements from firms on the FTAs with corporate lobbying activities and find that both lobbying firms and those that lobbied and publicly disclosed their policy positions were more productive than the typical publicly traded firm. Likewise, firms with income from foreign affiliates were more likely to be politically active than others. These results contribute to a vibrant body of research into the complex relationships firms hold with policies governing access to international markets.
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Markelz, Ana Elizabeth, Alice Barsoumian, and Heather Yun. "Formalization of a Specialty-Specific Military Unique Curriculum: A Joint United States Army and United States Air Force Infectious Disease Fellowship Program." Military Medicine 184, no. 9-10 (February 22, 2019): 509–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usz006.
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Abstract Introduction There are many unique aspects to the practice of military Infectious Diseases (ID). San Antonio Uniformed Services Health Consortium Infectious Disease (ID) Fellowship is a combined Army and Air Force active duty program. Program leadership thought ID military unique curriculum (MUC) was well integrated into the program. We sought to verify this assumption to guide the decision to formalize the ID MUC. This study describes our strategy for the refinement and implementation of ID specific MUC, assesses the fellow and faculty response to these changes, and provides an example for other programs to follow. Methods We identified important ID areas through lessons learned from personal military experience, data from the ID Army Knowledge Online e-mail consult service, input from military ID physicians, and the Army and Air Force ID consultants to the Surgeons General. The consultants provided feedback on perceived gaps, appropriateness, and strategy. Due to restrictions in available curricular time, we devised a three-pronged strategy for revision: adapt current curricular practices to include MUC content, develop new learning activities targeted at the key content area, and sustain existing, effective MUC experiences. Learners were assessed by multiple choice question correct answer rate, performance during the simulation exercise, and burn rotation evaluation. Data on correct answer rate were analyzed according to level of training by using Mann–Whitney U test. Program assessment was conducted through anonymous feedback at midyear and end of year program evaluations. Results Twelve military unique ID content areas were identified. Diseases of pandemic potential and blood borne pathogen management were added after consultant input. Five experiences were adapted to include military content: core and noon conference series, simulation exercises, multiple choice quizzes, and infection control essay questions. A burn intensive care unit (ICU) rotation, Transport Isolation System exercise, and tour of trainee health facilities were the new learning activities introduced. The formal tropical medicine course, infection prevention in the deployed environment course, research opportunities and participation in trainee health outbreak investigations were sustained activities. Ten fellows participated in the military-unique spaced-education multiple-choice question series. Twenty-seven questions were attempted 814 times. 50.37% of questions were answered correctly the first time, increasing to 100% correct by the end of the activity. No difference was seen in the initial correct answer rate between the four senior fellows (median 55% [IQR 49.75, 63.25]) and the six first-year fellows (median 44% [IQR 39.25, 53]) (p = 0.114). Six fellows participated in the simulated deployment scenario. No failure of material synthesis was noted during the simulation exercise and all of the fellows satisfied the stated objectives. One fellow successfully completed the piloted burn ICU rotation. Fellows and faculty reported high satisfaction with the new curriculum. Conclusions Military GME programs are required by congress to address the unique aspects of military medicine. Senior fellow knowledge using the spaced interval multiple-choice quizzes did not differ from junior fellow rate, supporting our concern that the ID MUC needed to be enhanced. Enhancement of the MUC experience can be accomplished with minimal increases to curricular and faculty time.
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Manchikanti, Laxmaiah. "Medicare Physician Payment Systems: Impact of 2011 Schedule on Interventional Pain Management." Pain Physician 1;14, no. 1;1 (January 14, 2011): E5—E33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36076/ppj.2011/14/e5.
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Physicians in the United States have been affected by significant changes in the patterns of medical practice evolving over the last several decades. The recently passed affordable health care law, termed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 (the ACA, for short) affects physicians more than any other law. Physician services are an integral part of health care. Physicians are paid in the United States for their personal services. This payment also includes the overhead expenses for maintaining an office and providing services. The payment system is highly variable in the private insurance market; however, governmental systems have a formula-based payment, mostly based on the Medicare payment system. Physician services are billed under Part B. Since the inception of the Medicare program in 1965, several methods have been used to determine the amounts paid to physicians for each covered service. Initially, the payment systems compensated physicians on the basis of their charges. In 1975, just over 10 years after the inception of the Medicare program, payments changed so as not to exceed the increase in the Medical Economic Index (MEI). Nevertheless, the policy failed to curb increases in costs, leading to the determination of a yearly change in fees by legislation from 1984 to 1991. In 1992, the fee schedule essentially replaced the prior payment system that was based on the physician’s charges, which also failed to live up to expectations for operational success. Then, in 1998, the sustainable growth rate (SGR) system was introduced. In 2009, multiple attempts were made by Congress to repeal the formula – rather unsuccessfully. Consequently, the SGR formula continues to hamper physician payments. The mechanism of the SGR includes 3 components that are incorporated into a statutory formula: expenditure targets, growth rate period, and annual adjustments of payment rates for physician services. Further, the relative value of a physician fee schedule is based on 3 components: physician work, practice expense (PE), and malpractice expense that are used to determine a value ranking for each service to which it is applied. On average, the work component represents 53.5% of a service’s relative value, the fee component represents 43.6%, and the malpractice component represents 3.9%. The final schedule for physician payment was issued on November 24, 2010. This was based on a total cut of 30.8% with 24.9% of the cut attributed to SGR. However, as usual, with patchwork efficiency, Congress passed a one-year extension of the 0% update, effective through December 2011. Consequently, CMS issued an emergency update of the 2011 Medicare fee schedule, with multiple revisions, resulting in a reduction of the conversion factor of $36.8729 from December 2010 to $33.9764 for 2011. Key words: Health policy, physician payment policy, physician fee schedule, Medicare, sustained growth rate formula, interventional pain management, regulatory reform
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Marshall, Laura H. "Blogging about the Affordable Care Act: A rhetorical analysis of weblogs kept by the Democratic and Republican Parties and the White House." Public Relations Inquiry 6, no. 1 (January 2017): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x16679224.
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Political parties in the United States have used public relations tools to promote their opinions about health care reform since the subject first entered the lexicon in the 20th century. As the Affordable Care Act was introduced and debated in Congress in 2008 and 2009, political parties’ public relations teams used political weblogs or ‘blogs’ to disseminate their messages. The language used in those blogs illustrated attitudes underlying the explicit messages, including assumptions of victimhood and villainy, which were used to support party positions regarding the law. This rhetorical analysis examines content of the blogs within the ‘zones of meaning’ Heath proposed as models of effective public relations. Differences between the parties’ content and the administration’s is particularly noticeable in the uses of humor and sarcasm, the social positioning of women and families, and the villainy or victimhood inherent in many of the social roles depicted by the uses of language.
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Herbert, John. "Risk Mitigation of Chemical Munitions in a Deep-Water Geohazard Assessment." Marine Technology Society Journal 44, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/mtsj.44.1.4.
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AbstractThe Department of Defense is currently conducting a review of archival information in an attempt to verify the types, quantities, and locations of chemical warfare material and conventional munitions disposed of by the Department of Defense (DoD) in waters of the United States, in accordance with Section 314 of the Fiscal Year (FY) 2007 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), and report the results of that review annually in the Defense Environmental Programs Annual Report to Congress. Previous to this effort, disposal of military munitions, including chemical warfare materials (CWM) and conventional munitions, in the ocean from World War I through 1970 was done by many nations and was not well documented. A 2001 U.S. Army report entitled “Off-shore Disposal of Chemical Agents and Weapons Conducted by the United States” indicated that the disposal of CWM in the ocean through 1970 was more widespread geographically than was widely known. In accordance with Section 314, the DoD published updated information on disposals in the 2006 and 2007 “Defense Environmental Programs Annual Report to Congress.” Two directives implemented in 2006 and 2007, respectively, by the Minerals Management Service referenced an increased concern with unexploded ordnance (UXO) in deep water (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bib5">NTLs 2006-G12</xref> and <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="bib6">2007-G01</xref>). With the industry’s increase in deep-water exploration, the potential for encounters with military munitions is increasing. This paper will describe an unprecedented in-depth study that provided the oil and gas industry quantitative avoidance criteria and risk management analysis of CWM including drums that were critical during a routine geohazard survey in the Gulf of Mexico. During the underway period, a team of UXO technicians from AMTI, an operation of Science Applications International Corporation, located and identified munitions and drums in one of seven known dumping zones in 1,710 feet of water. Using their global munitions expertise and the information obtained in the previously conducted study, AMTI provided analysis of supporting conclusions and risk mitigation strategies, including in-depth decontamination procedures. The UXO technicians used proven risk assessment and risk mitigation processes and quickly assessed and quantified risk.
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Syofyan, Donny. "Discovering Self-Identity and Confronting Racism in the Novel, 'Indian No More' by Charlene Willing McManis and Traci Sorell." Cultural Landscape Insights 1, no. 1 (October 20, 2023): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.59762/cli901324531120231017144415.
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Indian No More is about the story of a little girl whose identity and world changed circumstantially due to a certain government intervention. Her life of struggle in search of finding her identity in this perplexed world while facing racism is the focus of this article. This entire aspect has been discussed in the article through the four main phases of her life, which can be said to be the turning point. The first part of her life was of an ordinary Indian girl living with her family members in a reservation shelter with her fellow Indian tribes. The second phase of her life was when the United States Congress passed the bill for removing the tribal status of the Umpqua tribe. The third phase of her life was when the government passed the law to settle those tribes in the Urban areas of the United States, where they were dealing with problems like racism. In the final phase, the real character appeared, where she worked with all the challenges and became successful in her life.
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Al-Zyoud, Khlaif. "The Legislative Guarantees for the Sufficiency of the House of Representatives in the Presidential and Parliamentary Systems' Formation “Jordan and The United States as a Model”." Political Sciences and Law Series 3, no. 2 (July 22, 2024): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.59759/law.v3i2.596.
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This study indicates the importance of forming an elected council through a fair election and ensuring its composition representing all segments of society. This is achieved through a set of guarantees established by the parliamentary system, whether it is presidential or parliamentary. Therefore, the problem addressed in this study revolves around the sufficiency of legislative guarantees related to the formation of elected councils in presidential and parliamentary systems. As a result, this study examined the legislative guarantees for the effectiveness of the House of Representatives' formation in the parliamentary system, using Jordan as a model, and in the presidential parliamentary system, using the United States of America as a model. The researcher used the descriptive and comparative methodologies for the purposes of the study, which are suitable for this research. The study concluded with a series of findings and recommendations, including the observation that in Jordan, the management of the electoral process is entrusted to an independent entity, while in America, it is entrusted to legislative bodies in the states. Additionally, it was noted that the Jordanian legislator has expanded the categories from which the sorting and voting committees are composed. Consequently, a recommendation was made for the U.S. Congress to enact a law adopting an independent management approach to elections to ensure the integrity and transparency of the electoral process.
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Alekhin, B. I. "Real money and economic growth in Russia and the United States in the 21st century." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 7 (July 27, 2023): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2307-02.
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The aim of this paper is to test empirically the point of view that economic growth is a function of only one variable — money supply. According to Russian economist S.N. Blinov, to achieve 5 % annual growth rate of GDP within three months it is sufficient to increase real money supply by 26 % annually. For empirical verifi cation Granger causality test and other instruments of econometrics of time series were used on data ranging from the 1st quarter of 2000 to the 4th of 2022 (92 quarterly observations). The null hypothesis that causality runs from real M2 to real GDP, but not in the opposite direction was rejected in favor of by-directional causality. Lagged GDP systematically contributes much more to economic grows than real M2 and contributes much more in Russia than in the United States. In addition, the author comes to the conclusion that in the USA the influence of real money on the economy is much stronger and faster than in Russia, and the role of the central bank is much more signifi cant. Since 1977, when the US Congress gave the Fed a «double mandate», i.e. assigned it responsibility for economic growth, the Fed’s monetary policy is designed to ensure maximum employment, stable prices and moderate long-term interest rates in the US economy. Employment and inflation targets as a rule, they are complimentary. Working in a completely different economy, the Bank of Russia successfully disavows this responsibility.
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Nollen, Stanley D., and Dennis P. Quinn. "Free trade, fair trade, strategic trade, and protectionism in the U.S. Congress, 1987–88." International Organization 48, no. 3 (1994): 491–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028277.
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What conditions led the One Hundredth Congress of the United States to enact fair trade and strategic trade policies into law during 1987-88? Political partisanship is an important force, with Democrats supporting and Republicans opposing all types of trade intervention. Otherwise, the coalitions of support for and opposition to the various trade policies differ, particularly in the Senate. In that body, international business is associated with support for fair trade policies and with opposition to classical protectionism, while domestic U.S. business is associated with support for classical protectionism. Liberalism is strongly associated with support for fair and strategic trade policies but is not associated with classical protectionism. In the House of Representatives, the long-standing protectionist coalition remains an influence. Few forces in support of free trade remain in U.S. politics. Changing international market conditions rapidly affect the making of U.S. trade policy.
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Renshaw, Patrick. "Why Shouldn't a Union Man Be a Union Man? The ILGWU and FOUR." Journal of American Studies 29, no. 2 (August 1995): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800020818.
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Historians generally agree that in the 1950s and 1960s organized labour in the United States had become thoroughly bureaucratized. This is often explained as part of a general process of growth and maturity. In their lean, radical youth in the 1930s, those American unions which had launched the Congress of Industrial Organizations had aimed at two targets: to organize and bargain collectively, as promised by the 1935 National Labor Relations Act; and then to use this power to press for wider industrial democracy and social reform. By the time the CIO was reunited with the American Federation of Labor in 1955, this picture had been substantially changed. Increasingly labour cooperated with management and had become part of the white, male, liberal corporate power structure which ran the American capitalist industrial and political system. This military-industrial complex was the indispensable basis, not just for American prosperity but the whole Cold War strategy of containment of communism through the Pax Americana.
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Farrah, Jeffrey E. "Resolution of NTBs in Bilateral Trade Agreements – Lessons from the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement and a Model for Market Access in the Twenty-First Century." Global Trade and Customs Journal 5, Issue 7/8 (July 1, 2010): 317–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2010038.
Full textAbstract:
The incredible success of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and bilateral Free Trade Agreements in reducing tariffs has shifted the battle for market access in the twenty-first century. Countries that seek to protect their markets now must resort to non-tariff barriers (NTBs). Unfortunately for exporters, NTBs are elusive and it is difficult to prove the illegality of a measure within the confines of the standard dispute settlement system. This article draws upon lessons from the U.S.-Korea FTA (KORUS) and the current political climate and concludes that the United States must develop a new framework to address NTBs to trade within bilateral trade agreements. It is proposed that an NTB Resolution Mechanism be included within U.S. bilateral trade agreements. The NTB Resolution Mechanism should build on proposals at the WTO that require that NTBs be examined within 60 days and focus on the trade restrictiveness—and not the legality—of the measure. However, the Congressional Proposal to Open Korea’s Automotive Market makes it clear that the NTB Resolution Mechanism must have teeth to assure exporters that trade barriers will be addressed. One option is to include the Korea trade agreement’s “snap-back” provision within the NTB Resolution Mechanism. Next, the NTB Resolution Mechanism should allow for a private right of action. Exporters are concerned that the U.S. government may not take up their cause over discrete NTBs in otherwise complicated bilateral relationships. A private right of action would guarantee that all companies with market access problems are heard. Finally, a continuous monitoring platform should be created that documents NTBs. The platform would exist within U.S. bilateral trade agreements and would be built upon the principles of current structures that document trading difficulties. The platform would provide a formal channel to raise NTBs and ratchet up pressure to remove the barriers. The platform would also provide a channel to build evidence prior to engaging the NTB Resolution Mechanism. Market access is the issue that drives corporate support for liberalization of international trade. The United States must build structures within its trade agreements that can adequately address market access inhibitors like NTBs. Without these structures, agreements like KORUS will not be ratified by a Congress that is increasingly skeptical of liberalized trade, and the United States will fall further behind in global trade agreements.