Dissertations / Theses: 'United States. Congress – Management'

1

McDanal, Charles E. "Ethics in Congress." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063346/.

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Craig, Alison W. "Policy Collaboration in the United States Congress." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500388358652607.

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3

Feeley, T. Jens. "Policy ownership in the modern Congress, 1979-1998 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10695.

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4

Bovitz, Gregory Lowell. "Porkbusters in congress : the electoral politics of terminating distributive programs /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945688.

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5

Beillard, Mariano J. "The United States Congress and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1477.

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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.

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6

Jordan, Nicholas Edward. "Predictors of incivility in Congress." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002153.

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7

Berlin, Peter. "The budget, the President and the 97th Congress." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26783.

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This thesis looks at House budgetary actions in the 97th Congress in 1981 and 1982. In 1981, despite the opposition of the economic committees and the Democratic majority leadership, the House voted through a budget drawn up by the White House. In 1982, however, they refused to pass a budget drawn to President Reagan's blueprint. The first chapter is a narrative of the events of those two years. The second chapter is an account of the theoretical literature on the subject which pose several questions about those events and also suggest some answers. The third chapter is a statistical analysis of nine House roll calls over the two years. It attempts, first, to identify those Representatives who made the difference between Presidential victory in 1981 and frustration in 1982. Second, it tries to explain what these marginal presidential supporters had in common and what made them switch sides.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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8

Thompson, Steven Mark. "The United States administration, Congress, and NATO : 1969-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305922.

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9

Mason, Drew. "The political effect of casework on Congress : the congressman and the American political system /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1987.

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10

Morris, Melanie K. "Term limits in the U.S. Congress : a historical and judicial investigation." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014810.

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Limiting the terms of members of Congress has become a highsalience issue in contemporary American political discourse, necessitating the attention of the United States Supreme Court to provide constitutional guidance. The forces reviving this debate, dormant since the nation's founding period, merit scrutiny. In addition to reviewing the positions of term limitation advocates and opponents, specific limitation proposals--which lack uniformity as some are chamber-specific, others are life-time bans, etc--also require investigation. The review of relevant judicial precedents will also provide helpful preliminary information useful to analyze U.S. Term Limits vs. Thornton, the term limits case decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in May 1995. Researching this increasingly divisive political issue ought to generate a useful, concise synopsis of the historical and judicial issues underpinning the debate, the discussion itself, and analysis of relevant judicial action.
Department of Political Science

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11

Johnson, Mark Chapin. "An Assessment of United States Ethanol Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/24.

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From 1978 on there have been a series of legislative acts that have placed substantial protectionist burdens on the American taxpayer to provide incentives, credits and mandates for the production and use of ethanol under the rationale of reducing U.S. dependence on foreign sources of oil while purporting to economically benefit the American economy and strengthening American security. While there has been much discussion about the economic benefits of ethanol policy, there is growing literature suggesting that in addition to being neither economically nor environmentally beneficial, ethanol policy may not be achieving its intended goals. Connection between political contributions, policy formation, and the actual outcomes of the enacted policies does not appear to have been addressed. Throughout the course of ethanol policy development the narrow interests of some stakeholders may have been met at the expense of others. Given the very large economic and social costs of ongoing ethanol subsidies and mandates an exploration of such a nexus would be illuminating and valuable. Hence the question of this research will be: Has the ethanol energy policy of the United States, as outlined in legislative actions, requiring subsidies and mandates from taxpayers, been reflective of a deliberative democratic process that after taking into account the input and influence of various competing viewpoints has resulted in a beneficial national policy? Consequently have the policy outcomes of the legislative stakeholders matched the stated intentions of those involved in the deliberative debate that enacted it or, where have those objectives not been met? Research that can increase understanding of how such an important policy may have failed can inform policy deliberation in such diverse areas as agriculture, national security and energy policy while illuminating how and why such public policy was made. Examination of a policy created and continuing which may have failed the most basic cost benefit analysis and does very little to enhance national energy security could demonstrate how a distortion of the legislative process resulted in outcomes that differ markedly from the stated intentions of those who enacted the policy.

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12

Ragland, James Deen Greig James Michael. "The commander's sword & the executive's pen presidential success in congress and the use of force /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3926.

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13

Lacefield, Arleigh B. "Earmark Reform within the 110th Congress policy, transparency and effectiveness." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FLacefield.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Doyle, Richard. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-135). Also available in print.

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Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.

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The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.

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Moti, Danish Saleem. "The Dichotomy of Congressional Approval." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30496/.

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This thesis seeks to understand how political awareness affects what information one uses to indicate their approval or disapproval of Congress and its members. More concisely, do more and less aware individuals rely on the same pieces of political information to mold their opinions of Congress? The second question of concern is what role does media consumption play in informing survey respondents about Congress. Third, I consider how survey respondents use cues like the condition of the economy and presidential job performance to help formulate their opinion of Congress Finally, by applying the Congressional approval literature to incumbent level approval, I seek to advance the theory and literature on what motivates the approval of incumbents.

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16

Hanson, Todd T. "An analysis of Other Transactions : have Other Transactions met the intent of Congress? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHanson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Richard B. Doyle, E. Cory Yoder. Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-130). Also available online.

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17

Holm, Michael 1975. "Brothers in arms : Congress, the Reagan administration and Contra aid, 1981-1986." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101882.

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From 1981 to 1986, the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua's Marxist regime as a threat to regional and U.S. national security. The administration's support of the Contra rebels, who were actively fighting to overthrow Nicaragua's government, embroiled the U.S. in a "limited" regional war. While conventional scholarship has characterized this conflict as "Reagan's War", Congress played a significant role in keeping the Contra army active and intact. Caught between Reagan's strident anti-Communist ideology and the fear of a Marxist state in Central America, Congress attempted to establish a middle-of-the-road policy, first cautiously funding the Contras through covert operations and non-lethal aid, finally approving full military support in 1986. Despite opportunities to end U.S. involvement, Congress failed to curb both military escalation and Reagan's ideological ambitions. Ultimately, responsibility for U.S. involvement in the Contra war does not lie solely with the White House; this burden must also be shared by Congress.

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18

Grove, Carl D. "The official English debate in the United States Congress : a critical analysis /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9481.

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19

MECHAM, MILO ROSS. "CONGRESS AND THE ENERGY DECADE: A ROLL-CALL ANALYSIS OF CONGRESSIONAL VOTING ON ENERGY RELATED QUESTIONS, 1973 - 1983." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184027.

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This study examines individual roll call votes on energy issues taken in Congress during the years 1973 to 1983. Logit analysis is used to compare the influence of partisan identification; personal ideology, as measured by support and opposition to the conservative coalition; and district or state energy characteristics, including energy consumption and production. The potential for misleading results due to the multicollinearity of party and ideology is eliminated through the use of a residual variable representing the non-party component of ideology. The results indicate that members of Congress demonstrated considerable variability in voting on energy matters. The House of Representatives was more responsive to variations in energy constituencies. Both the House and the Senate showed a different response when the substantive character of energy issues varied. Questions with an economic impact were more influenced by partisanship, while environmentally related issues were more strongly influenced by ideology. The gross impact of changes in public opinion and changes in the presidency are noticeable throughout, but most especially after the election of Ronald Reagan, when many of the policy changes made previously were dismantled. The results of this study support the basic proposition that individual roll call votes are a product of constituency influence. The results also indicate that the political partisanship and ideology of members are representative of a member's supportive and reelection constituency. The statistical methods used allowed a direct comparison of the influence of party, ideology, and variables representing the characteristics of member's districts. The results obtained substantiate the importance of constituent influence in congressional voting.

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20

Barzilay, Karen Northrop. "Fifty gentlemen total strangers: A portrait of the First Continental Congress." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623537.

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When news of the Coercive Acts reached the mainland colonies of British North America in May 1774, there was no such thing as a Continental Congress. Provincial leaders, agreeing that an intercolonial gathering was necessary to protest recent Parliamentary measures, anticipated only a congress---an isolated diplomatic convention in the tradition of the Stamp Act Congress and the Albany Congress. Although the fifty-six colonial deputies assembling in Philadelphia knew that they attended an historic meeting, none of them foresaw that this conference would turn out to be the genesis of the United States government. Recasting the First Continental Congress as an essentially diplomatic encounter, this dissertation asks how members of twelve independent delegations, products of a dozen disparate and distrustful American provinces, defied precedent to construct an imperfect yet permanent intercolonial coalition.;"Fifty Gentlemen Total Strangers" argues that the congressional deputies' unified public support for the Suffolk Resolves and revolutionary Continental Association, hardly preordained, was heavily dependent on the identities and actions of the men who were present and on the character of their interactions with one another. Using biographical information, letters, and portraits made prior to 1774, the dissertation develops a prosopography of the congressional delegates that encompasses age, family, religious affiliation, education, professional background, political involvement, and previous associations. What emerges is a collective profile of leaders with similar values, sensibilities, and life experiences. Dominating the Congress were cosmopolitan men who had come of age in the 1730s and 1740s---established members of the popularly-elected political elite shaped by both the persistent localism of their respective provinces and the homogenizing and Anglicizing forces of the Consumer Revolution.;Turning to the Congress itself, the dissertation focuses especially on ostensibly non-political encounters and venues, carefully examining the deputies' out-of-doors experiences as crucial political and diplomatic work took place outside of Carpenters' Hall. Making formal visits to one another's lodgings, attending dinner parties at the homes of local gentlemen, and gossiping in quiet private conversations, the delegates continually manipulated mutually understood standards of gentility, speech, and sensibility to advance their political interests. Building on relationships formed in person or through correspondence prior to 1774, a crucial nucleus of resistance leaders---including Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, Christopher Gadsden, and Thomas Mifflin---were able to fashion a potent and organized faction while in Philadelphia that successfully shaped the direction of the meeting, pushing the Congress to take irrevocable steps towards revolution.

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21

Hussey, Wesley Allen. "The coalition of extremes ends against the middle in the United States Congress /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1481678211&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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22

Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.

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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.

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23

Burdge-Small, Paulina. "Personality Conflict vs. Partisan Conflict in the United States Congress, from 1851-2004." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1207.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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24

Lowenberg, Benjamin J. "The United States and the 1973 Arab-Israeli War: Congress Holds the Line." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1247596386.

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Fossett, Victoria Lea Hagler Dorse Harland. "May 1856 Southern reaction to conflict in Kansas and congress /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3673.

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Kim, Insook. "Toshiba crisis: U.S. Congress threatens sanctions for violating COCOM regulations." Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38056.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This case study explores how Toshiba Corporation, a Japanese electronics company, managed the crisis caused by its subsidiary. Toshiba Machine Co. (TMC)'s illegal exporting activities to the Soviet Union. Between 1981 and 1984, TMC sold eight military sensitive machine tools to the Soviet Union. It was a violation of COCOM (Coordinating Committee on Export Controls) regulations that monitor the sales of sensitive military equipment to the Communist countries. Because the sales allegedly damaged the U.S. national security, the Congress accused TMC as well as its parent company, Toshiba, and threatened sanction to ban importing an Toshiba products. How did Toshiba identify and confront the crisis? What was the impact and the effect of tactics and strategies employed by Toshiba? The major discussions focus on Toshiba's crisis management efforts. This study is based on articles from American and Japanese newspapers and magazines as well as documents and news releases obtained from Toshiba. Furthermore, interviews with two managers of Toshiba's public communications office, one in charge of domestic and the other in charge of overseas public communications, were conducted in order to get Toshiba's insights and perspectives towards the crisis. The results of this study show some influential factors which arise from the diversity of infrastructures and characterize the public relations strategies of a Japanese company manufacturing its product in the United States. Moreover. the interdependency of the multinational corporations is clarified through the study.
2031-01-01

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27

Norton, Mike. "Papers on the polarization of Congress." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ce87b5b-2d2f-403e-b2d4-85f23b2a14cc.

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This dissertation, a collection of independent papers, explores the polarization of the United States Congress through the lens of primary elections, campaign finance, and party structures during a pivotal moment in American political history. Paper 1 focuses on the top two primary format and its potential in producing moderate candidates and legislators, while Paper 2 expounds on the deleterious consequences it poses for the party system as a whole, particularly in this modern era of both high polarization and high fragmentation. Paper 3 examines the Downsian median voter theorem from the perspective of primary election voters, asking if general election wins/losses beget the nomination of more ideological/moderate nominees next cycle. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the parties instead retain consistent records through both election wins and losses, linked to credibility concerns from position changes as well as the inability of members to disentangle from national party identities. Its companion paper, Paper 4, takes that Downsian question to elites in Washington, D.C. Through original interviews with twenty-three individuals including former members of Congress, leadership, congressional staff, and think tank scholars, I describe the electoral and legislative pressures that prevent officeholders from responding to their median voter, especially among those in swing districts most exposed to the risks of partisan behavior. Paper 5, the final paper, brings together the themes of those preceding it by analyzing the ways in which outside interference, specifically political action committees and more inclusive primary elections, propagates legislative caucus fragmentation and weakens official leadership. This work plays one minor role in providing prescriptive steps to improve and empower channels of dialogue in the U.S. legislative brancha - in spite of larger systemic sorting along geographical and partisan lines - and ensure the mediation of ideology between voters and their elected representatives results in policy solutions rather than gridlock.

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28

English, Ross M. "Legislation for clean water : Congress and the Water Quality Act of 1987." Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301457.

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Ragland, James Deen. "The Commander's Sword & the Executive's Pen: Presidential Success in Congress and the Use of Force." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3926/.

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Post-force congressional rally effects are presented as a new incentive behind presidential decisions to use diversionary behavior. Using all key roll call votes in the House and Senate where the president has taken a position for the years 1948 to 1993, presidents are found to receive sharp decreases in both presidential support and success in Congress shortly after employing aggressive policies abroad. Evidence does suggest that presidents are able to capitalize on higher levels of congressional support for their policy preferences on votes pertaining to foreign or defense matters after uses of force abroad. But, despite these findings, diversionary behavior is found to hinder rather than facilitate troubled presidents' abilities to influence congressional voting behavior.

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Cox, Jamesha. "The Influence of Campaign Contributions on Proportionality of Representation in the United States Congress." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/945.

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There are proportionally fewer Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women in Congress than in the United States population. Existing literature prescribes a variety of explanations for this disparity including skewed nominations procedures, differing participation rates, racial gerrymandering, voting biases, and funding inequities. This study revisits one aspect of the underrepresentation issue: campaign contributions. Money has been an integral component of the electoral process since before the American Revolution and its impact on the current composition of Congress ought to be explored to a greater extent. Previous research shows that contributors rarely, if at all, discriminate on the basis of gender. This study intends to further investigate the congressional campaign funding of African Americans and provide some much needed insight regarding the campaign financing of Hispanic American candidates. Using financial and biographical data from each candidate within the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, a multiple regression model will be employed to evaluate the extent to which gender and minority status determine the distribution of congressional campaign funds independent of other electability traits considered influential by contributors (the percentage of vote received in the last election, incumbency, and the leadership position held are indications of candidate strength that affect campaign contributions). The magnitude and statistical significance of these coefficients provides further understanding into funding inequities
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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31

Ivanchenko, Roman. "Interactions Between Congress and the Supreme Court." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1180455617.

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Dunaway, Johanna. "Changing Ideological Boots: Adaptive Legislator Behavior in Changing Districts." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3254/.

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Congressional roll-call votes are often used to investigate legislative voting behavior. To depict adaptive roll-call behavior in response to demographic changes that occur during redistricting, I use issue specific interest group scores from the ADA, NFU, and COPE. This exploits the bias in the selection of the issues that interest groups utilize to rate U.S. representatives, by using them to reflect changes in response to significant demographic fluctuations in the constituency population. The findings indicate that while party is the most significant factor in whether legislators adapt their voting in favor of certain groups, they do notice group composition changes within district and adapt their voting accordingly. This illustrates the impact of redistricting on policy and legislators' adaptation to changes in district composition.

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McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.

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This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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34

Curry, Brett W. "The courts, congress, and the politics of federal jurisdiction." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124055554.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 421 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-412). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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Endsley, Stephen C. (Stephen Craig). "The President's Influence on Congress: Toward an Explanation of Senators' Support for Presidents Carter and Reagan." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500443/.

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This study examines the possible effect of the president's vote totals in states on Presidents Carter's and Reagan's support among senators. Using senators' Congressional Quarterly (CQ) presidential support scores as the dependent variable, this paper hypothesizes that Carter and Reagan's support is significantly and positively related to their electoral success in that Senator's state for the years 1977 through 1988. Several control variables are included to help explain support. There is qualified corroboration for the hypothesis that senator's presidential support scores are significantly and positively related to the president's electoral success for specific administrations and for specific-party senators, although not for the original hypothesis that aggregated the period 1977 to 1988.

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Michel, Aaron. "Does background matter?: an examination of whether the background and party affiliation of members of Congress predict their environmental voting record." Thesis, Boston University, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27723.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02

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37

Menifield, Charles E. "Influence on minority groups in Congress : the black, women's issues, and hispanic caucuses /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9821336.

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Newman, Andrew Minto Clarke. "The United States Congress and the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program : August 1991 to December 1996." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9285.

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Singh, Robert. "The Congressional Black Caucus : representation and policy-making in the United States Congress, 1971-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241339.

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Petterson, Matthew. "The Characteristics of Physicians Elected and Serving in State Legislatures and the United States Congress." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/603678.

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A Thesis submitted to The University of Arizona College of Medicine - Phoenix in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Medicine.
Physician participation in United States governance has a long and honorable history, dating to the nation’s inception. At a time of unprecedented change in health policy ‐ to control the growth of health care costs, to cover the uninsured through Affordable Care Act (ACA) provisions, to improve quality, to meet the demand for health services as the population grows and ages ‐ the need for physician leadership to guide policy interventions has never been greater. Yet physician‐legislator participation has declined. There is little data about physicians involved in shaping health policy in state or federal legislative branches. This study examines the characteristics of physician‐legislators at the federal and state levels, and compares them to U.S. physicians in general. Using rosters fixed on March 13, 2014, the study reviewed biographic and demographic information on physician‐legislators. The study’s four hypotheses were that physician‐legislators were more likely to be (1) men than women, (2) members of the Republican Party than the Democratic Party, (3) a non‐primary care physician than a primary care physician, and (4) elected in the states where they completed graduate medical education than where they attended college. Ninety‐five physician‐legislators were identified in 51 legislative bodies in 2014. Physician‐legislators were more likely to be male than female, to be Republican than Democrat, and to be practicing in a non‐primary care than in a primary care specialty. Physician‐legislators were less likely to be elected in the state where they completed graduate medical education training than where they attended college. No personal factor was identified that linked the majority of physician‐legislators to the state in which they were elected.

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Williams, Jeffrey David. "Strategic Versus Sincere Behavior: The Impact of Issue Salience and Congress on the Supreme Court Docket." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3106/.

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The theory proposed here is that the Supreme Court behaves in a strategic manner at the agenda-setting stage in order to vote sincerely on the merits. To test this, I measure the impact issue salience and ideological distance between Congress and the Supreme Court has on the agenda. The results indicate that whether the Supreme Court behaves either sincerely or strategically depends on the policy area. The strategic nature of the Supreme Court at the agenda-setting phase may be in large part why some research shows that the Court behaves sincerely when voting on the merits. By behaving strategically at the agenda-setting phase, the Court is free to vote sincerely in later parts of the judicial process.

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42

Beck, Daniel S. "Microelectronic obsolescence management." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FBeck.pdf.

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Skarin, John W. "The horizon of financial management for the Department of Defense." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Dec%5FSkarin.pdf.

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Anderson, Beth Johnson. "Visual Framing: A Study in Face-ism from the Websites for the 108th United States Congress." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2003. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-1104103-212523/unrestricted/AndersonB112603f.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2003.
Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-1104103-212523. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.

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Sokoloski, Joseph A. "Strategic PSYOP management : a marketing management approach /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSokoloski.pdf.

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Elichabe, Benoît. "United States stem cells research boundaries." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/39529.

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Thesis (M.B.A.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves [88]-90).
Recent empirical work has demonstrated the importance of a number of elements of scientific infrastructure that seem to be crucial particularly in fields such as molecular and cellular biology in which the materiality of research renders the process of replication and validation more complex. Scientific infrastructure has many interconnecting elements such as the ability to exchange material used in experiments, the ability to share ideas and information and the ability to share, exchange and promote the mobility of researchers. We focus our investigation on stem cell research in the United States (US). Research in human developmental biology has led to the discovery of human stem cells. The science of stem cell therapies is about to enter a phase of research and development that could lead to unprecedented cures and palliative treatments. However, it is a highly regulated field of research and it raises an important amount of moral, religious and ethical concerns. We seek to examine the boundaries that have emerged in the US in this particular field and we try to understand their impact on the US market of fertilized eggs, embryos and human embryonic stem cells.
by Benoît Elichabe.
M.B.A.

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Steiner, Leonard T. "Training in commercial logistics practices to improve inventory management in the Army." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA327083.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1996.
"December 1996." Thesis advisor(s): Paul J. Fields and Keebom Kang. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available online.

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Doyle, Michael C. "Baseline assessment of the Department of the Army cost estimating and analysis (CE/A) and cost management (CM) capabilities." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FDoyle.pdf.

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Feinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences

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Ahn, Taehyung. "Politics at the Water's Edge: The Presidency, Congress, and the North Korea Policy of the United States." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/252.

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For all their efforts to avoid a nuclear North Korea, the Clinton and Bush administrations failed to achieve this goal, the most important policy objective of the United States in its relations with North Korea for decades, mainly because of inconsistencies in U.S. policy. This dissertation seeks to explain why both administrations ultimately failed to prevent North Korea from going nuclear. It finds the origins of this failure in the implementation of different U.S. policy options toward North Korea during the Clinton and Bush administrations. To explain the lack of policy consistency, the dissertation investigates how the relations between the executive and the legislative branches and, more specifically, different government types—unified government and divided government—have affected U.S. policy toward North Korea. It particularly emphasizes the role of Congress and partisan politics in the making of U.S. policy toward North Korea. This study finds that divided government played a pivotal role. Partisan politics are also central to the explanation: politics did not stop at the water’s edge. A divided U.S. government produced more status quo policies toward North Korea than a unified U.S. government, while a unified government produced more active policies than a divided government. Moreover, a unified government with a Republican President produced more aggressive policies toward North Korea, whereas a unified government with a Democratic President produced more conciliatory policies. This study concludes that the different government types and intensified partisan politics were the main causes of the inconsistencies in the United States’ North Korea policy that led to a nuclear North Korea.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'United States. Congress – Management'

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