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1
Uscinski, Joseph, Michael S. Rocca, Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Marina Brenden. "Congress and Foreign Policy: Congressional Action on the Darfur Genocide." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090799.
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ABSTRACTAs of January 2008, more than 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million people have been displaced in the regions of Darfur and Chad. This event has not gone unnoticed in the United States, as the 109th United States Congress (2005–2006) considered several measures in the House of Representatives to provide funding and peacekeeping forces to quell the violence in Darfur. The goal of this article is to explain individual members' of Congress (MCs') support for Darfur legislation by examining the influence of their individual, district, and institutional characteristics. The Darfur case provides the opportunity to analyze factors critical to congressional behavior in a context where there is reason to expect an MC's usual set of incentives—e.g., reelection and adherence to party—to be less prominent. In all, we contribute to congressional and foreign policy research by parceling out the determinants of congressional support for foreign policy in comparison to domestic policy.
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Lee, Ji-Eun. "Can the Japanese Military ‘Comfort Women’ speak in English?: Americanization of the ‘Comfort Women’ issue and The Politics of Representation of “I Can Speak”." K-Culture·Story Contents Reasearch Institute 3 (July 31, 2023): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.56659/kcsc.2023.07.3.77.
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This article targets the movie “I Can Speak”, which was produced based on the actual case in which the “Resolution on Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (H. Res. 121)” was passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Through the analysis of “I Can Speak”, this paper critically examines the discourse of ‘Comfort Women’ in the United States. Today, ‘Comfort Women’ issue is raised in the United States as a matter of human rights for universal women, but on the other hand, this discourse omits the issue of American intervention and (neo)colonialism in the Pacific War and post-war processing. At this time, 'universal value' means built by the state-knowledge power of the United States, and at the same time reproduces it. “I Can Speak” puts the U.S. outside the issue by erasing the U.S. political landscape surrounding the ‘Comfort Women’ issue and reducing it to just ‘Korea-Japan’ relations. In “I Can Speak,” the U.S. Congress is represented as a place where historical truth wins, and the victim receives an apology from the audience in a parliament surrounded by a statue of an American great man. This paper confirms that the U.S. Congress is also a powerful place to capture Servalton's speech with its ruling discourse by revealing the action of power that the word ‘universal value’ conceals. What is important is that these limitations are not only “I Can Speak,” but also our view of recognizing the ‘Comfort Women’ issue being publicized in the United States today. Therefore, the analysis of “I Can Speak” allows us to critically examine the discourse and movement that is ‘globalizing’ the ‘Comfort Women’ problem through the United States.
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Horner, Jennifer R. "Clogged systems and toxic assets." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 1 (June 28, 2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.1.02hor.
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The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, also known as the “Wall Street Bailout,” authorized the allocation of $700B US to address the financial crisis of 2008. The “bailout” did not pass easily; members of the United States Congress reported feedback from angry constituents urging them to vote against it, and the measure failed its first vote in the House of Representatives. This essay focuses on metaphors used in public discourse to describe the “bailout” in the ten days between its introduction to Congress and its failure in the House. Advocates of the economic stimulus plan relied on metaphors that evacuated human agency, portraying the plan as an emergency measure necessitated by crises such as illness, natural disasters, and mechanical failures. Opponents to the plan extended and modified the administration’s metaphors to communicate a critique of the transfer of federal funds to private entities for the good of the public.
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Travkina, Natalya. "Left-Wing Democrats in US contemporary political system." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018903-0.
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The current state of the progressive movement in the political life of the United States is analyzed. It is noted that the movement took shape politically in the early 1990s with the formation of a small faction of progressives in the House of Representatives of the US Congress. From the very beginning, the faction promoted left-wing socialist ideas, believing that the processes of globalization would only increase social differentiation in American society in terms of income distribution and accumulated wealth. The financial and economic crisis of 2007-2009 contributed to the transformation of the progressive movement into an important political force in modern America. The ideological and political polarization of American society in the 2010s contributed to the growth of not only right-wing, but also left-wing populism. As a result, in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections Progressives played an important political role, contributing to the victory in 2020 of the Democratic candidate J. Biden. In the 116th and 117th Congresses the Progressive faction amounted to almost 100 representatives, or about 40% of the total number of Democrats in the House of Representatives. The conquest of the White House and the establishment of control of the Democratic Party over both houses of the US Congress allowed the Progressive Democrats Caucus for the first time to develop its own program of social and economic transformation in American society in the amount of about $2.5 trln to be spent within 10 years. The program is based on the principles of large-scale redistribution of financial resources from large corporations and the wealthiest segments of American society in favor of the poor and the American middle class. In addition to socio-economic reforms, the program includes the allocation of hundreds of billions of dollars to combat climate change and the gradual transition of the American economy to the "green technologies". The bill passed the US House of Representatives in November 2021, but its further fate is uncertain, since in the Senate its main opponent in the ranks of the Democratic Party was West Virginia Senator J. Manchin. It is entirely possible that in 2022 the Democrats will still be able to get parts of the Build Back Better legislation passed through Congress. In conclusion, the life path and political career of a native of India, P. Jayapal, who has been the chairman of the Progressive Democrats Caucus in the US Congress for the past three years, are covered. It is noted that, unlike past historical epochs when the main “social elevator” for immigrants of the first wave was the business sector, at present, the struggle for the rights of racial, ethnic and gender minorities plays such role.
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R. BOWES, Dr DAVID, Dr JAY JOHNSON, and Dr MATTHEW ALFORD. "U.S. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION UNCERTAINTY AND STOCK MARKET VOLATILITY." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management Review 05, no. 04 (2022): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37602/ijssmr.2022.5405.
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This paper uses a Generalized AutoRegressive Conditional Heteroskedasticity (GARCH) model to estimate the effect of uncertainty surrounding U.S. congressional elections on the level and volatility of U.S. stock market returns from 2000-2008. Uncertainty in these elections is measured using asset prices from the Iowa Electronic Market (IEM), online, real money, and online futures market where payoffs are based on real-world events including U.S. elections. This research model uses IEM futures contracts based on the control of the U.S. Senate and/or House of Representatives by either of the two major political parties in the United States. The election futures market prices are used to measure the “closeness” of upcoming election outcomes. The model results indicate that the volatility of U.S. stock market returns in the S&P 500 index is increased by uncertainty regarding which political party will control the U.S. Congress after the results of upcoming elections.
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Majette, Gwendolyn Roberts. "PPACA and Public Health: Creating a Framework to Focus on Prevention and Wellness and Improve the Public's Health." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 39, no. 3 (2011): 366–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2011.00606.x.
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On March 23, 2010, President Obama signed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), a major piece of health care reform legislation. This comprehensive legislation includes provisions that focus on prevention, wellness, and public health. Some, including authors in this symposium, question whether Congress considered public health, prevention, and wellness issues as mere afterthoughts in the creation of PPACA. As this article amply demonstrates, they did not.This article documents the extent of congressional consideration on public health issues based on personal experience working on the framework for health care reform — specifically, my experience as a Fellow for a member of the Health Subcommittee of the Senate Finance Committee from 2008-2009. I also include a review of congressional activity in the United States House of Representatives. Analysis of the congressional meetings and hearings reveals that Congress had a deep understanding about the critical need to reform the U.S. public health and prevention system.
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Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.
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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.
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Furnas, Alexander C., Michael T. Heaney, and Timothy M. LaPira. "The partisan ties of lobbying firms." Research & Politics 6, no. 3 (July 2019): 205316801987703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019877039.
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This article examines lobbying firms as intermediaries between organized interests and legislators in the United States. It states a partisan theory of legislative subsidy in which lobbying firms are institutions with relatively stable partisan identities. Firms generate greater revenues when their clients believe that firms’ partisan ties are valued highly by members of Congress. It hypothesizes that firms that have partisan ties to the majority party receive greater revenues than do firms that do not have such ties, as well as that partisan ties with the House majority party lead to greater financial returns than do partisan ties to the Senate majority party. These hypotheses are tested using data available under the Lobbying Disclosure Act from 2008 to 2016. Panel regression analysis indicates that firms receive financial benefits when they have partisan ties with the majority party in the House but not necessarily with the Senate majority party, while controlling for firm-level covariates (number of clients, diversity, and organizational characteristics). A difference-in-differences analysis establishes that Democratically aligned lobbying firms experienced financial losses when the Republican Party reclaimed the House in 2011, but there were no significant differences between Republican and Democratic firms when the Republicans reclaimed the Senate in 2015.
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Kamiński, Mariusz Antoni. "Kontrola tajnych operacji wywiadu przez Kongres Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.64.
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In democratic countries, the so-called covert actions are the most controversial element of the intelligence services activities. Covert actions are secret operations aimed, inter alia, at influencing the political, economic or military situation of other countries (e.g., inspiring coups d’état, paramilitary actions, assassinations, training and financing of armed troops or the use of “black” propaganda). Covert actions are a powerful tool in the hands of the executive, but they should be effectively controlled by the legislative authority. The purpose of the article is to analyze the powers of the Senate and the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States of America to control covert actions. The author presents current legal and organizational solutions and also indicates how, under the influence of successive covert action scandals, legal provisions have changed in the direction of extending the powers of the Congress in the field of control. At the same time, the author presents problems with the interpretation of some legal solutions in the context of the supervision of the Congress after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and the extension of covert actions to include actions of special forces and targeted killings of terrorists.
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Marshall, Laura H. "Blogging about the Affordable Care Act: A rhetorical analysis of weblogs kept by the Democratic and Republican Parties and the White House." Public Relations Inquiry 6, no. 1 (January 2017): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x16679224.
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Political parties in the United States have used public relations tools to promote their opinions about health care reform since the subject first entered the lexicon in the 20th century. As the Affordable Care Act was introduced and debated in Congress in 2008 and 2009, political parties’ public relations teams used political weblogs or ‘blogs’ to disseminate their messages. The language used in those blogs illustrated attitudes underlying the explicit messages, including assumptions of victimhood and villainy, which were used to support party positions regarding the law. This rhetorical analysis examines content of the blogs within the ‘zones of meaning’ Heath proposed as models of effective public relations. Differences between the parties’ content and the administration’s is particularly noticeable in the uses of humor and sarcasm, the social positioning of women and families, and the villainy or victimhood inherent in many of the social roles depicted by the uses of language.
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Kathman, Jason P. "Constructive Strict-Approach to Attorney-Client Privilege in Bankruptcy: Lack of Clarity in Rule 502 Makes Its Application to Bankruptcy Unclear." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 15, no. 1 (October 2008): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v15.i1.3.
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Electronic discovery (e-discovery) creates issues that are fundamentally different from the issues associated with paper discovery.' In response to these differences, the United States Congress promulgated the 2006 Amendments to the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. These amendments address a number of problems associated with e-discovery; however, they do not address many of the specific problems associated with the attorney-client privilege that arise from large amounts of electronically stored information (ESI).2 The United States House of Representatives Committee on Rules of Practice and Procedure proposed Rule 502 of Evidence (Rule 502) to address these issues. Rule 502 addresses the effects of inadvertent disclosures in discovery, and whether those inadvertent disclosures operate as waivers of the attorney-client privilege. Unfortunately, the proposed rule does not address many of the intricate situations that are present in every bankruptcy case. This Note first examines broadly the scope of ESI and e-discovery and their effect on the legal field. Next, it discusses generally the attorney- client privilege and how waiver occurs. Then this Note analyzes Rule 502 and how it addresses several problems attorneys currently face with waiver of the attorney-client privilege in e-discovery. Then, it shows how Rule 502 does not address two specific problems in the bankruptcy context. Finally, it will offer attorneys a few suggestions to insure that the client's attorney-client privilege is preserved.
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Chung, Min-Jung. "The Current Status of United States Legislation in Resolving the Problem of Non-citizen Adoptees and South Korea’s Response to Prevent the Deportation of Korean Adoptees." Center for Public Interest & Human Rights Law Chonnam National University 30 (February 28, 2023): 153–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.38135/hrlr.2023.30.153.
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The ｢2021 Adoptee Citizenship Act｣ was issued by the House of Representatives on March 3, 2021, and the U.S. Senate on March 25, 2021. It is a bill that amends Section 320(b) of the ｢Immigration and Nationality Act｣ within U.S. Federal Law. If the U.S. Congress passes the ｢2021 Adoptee Citizenship Act｣, the number of adopted children who were born in a third country and automatically acquire U.S. citizenship after being adopted by U.S. citizens could increase in comparison to the time period ｢2000 Child Citizenship Act｣ has been in effect. Presently, the Overseas Director of Korean Consular Affairs, the Consulate General of the Republic of Korea in Los Angeles, civic group that campaign for the rights of adoptees in the United States, as well as Korean American groups, are making efforts to pass the bill.
Although the Biden administration has made significant positive amendments to the immigration regulations of the Trump administration, the bill is still in a deadlock along with other significant immigration reform bills proposed by the Biden administration and the prospects for the passage of the bill remain unclear. In addition, even if the ｢2021 Adoptee Citizenship Act｣ passes, the law could not be a remedy for all the Korean adoptees (their estimated number is 19,000) who have not been able to receive U.S. citizenship.
Hence, South Korea needs to understand the situation of the adoptees who have not acquired U.S. citizenship and should individually and legally support these people so that they could obtain the legal status of residence and citizenship within the United States. As South Korean supports Korean adoptees in their acquisition of citizenship, it is of utmost importance to respect the territorial sovereignty of the United States and pay close attention not to undermine the friendly relationship between the two sides. Meanwhile, the United States needs to actively seek legislative measures for granting citizenship to all Korean non-citizen adoptees based on the principle of respect for human rights (the right to family reunification in this case). These are people who legally entered the United States immediately after birth, under the connivance of the governments of the two sides, and have lived all their lives in the United States as children of parents who are U.S. citizens. However, classifying them as illegally residing foreigners and deporting them from the United States is quite an inhumane and humiliating treatment to those people of concern who naturally consider the United States as their homeland.
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Patterson, Samuel C., and Gregory A. Caldeira. "Party Voting in the United States Congress." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000497x.
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By the standard of most European parliaments, levels of party voting in the United States Congress are relatively low. Nevertheless, party voting does occur in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the American context, a party vote occurs when majorities of the two congressional parties, the Democrats and the Republicans, oppose one another. The authors construct measurements of levels of party voting in Congress in the years after the Second World War. They then develop a model to test the effects of a number of independent variables that influence fluctuations in party voting levels over time. The study models the time series for party voting and demonstrates striking differences between the House and Senate in the correlates of partisan cleavage.
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Jordan, Larry. "Federal Trauma Legislation: The 101st United States Congress." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 5, no. 3 (September 1990): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00026923.
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The United States Congress presently is considering comprehensive legislation regarding emergency medical services (EMS) and trauma systems planning. This legislation amends the Public Health Service Act and, if enacted, would represent the federal government's first significant statutory mandate to exercise a leadership role in EMS since the federal EMS program was abolished in the early 1980s. On 14 November 1989, the House passed House Resolution (H.R.) 1602, Trauma Care Systems Planning and Development Act of 1989, authored by Representative Jim Bates. The Senate is considering similar legislation (S. 15) by Senator Alan Cranston, titled the Emergency Medical Services and Trauma Care Improvement Act of 1989. The Senate Bill is awaiting final action by the full Senate. If the Senate approves S. 15, a joint House and Senate conference committee will meet to present its own conference report to each of those bodies for consideration and passage.
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HERRERA MÁVIL, ROMÁN. "EL PARADIGMA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS COMO BASE PARA UNA REGULACIÓN DE LA INTELIGENCIA ARTIFICIAL GLOBAL (THE PARADIGM OF HUMAN RIGHTS AS A BASIS FOR A GLOBAL ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE REGULATION)." Universos Jurídicos 21, no. 21 (November 22, 2023): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/uj.v21i21.2663.
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La rápida evolución de la ciencia ha generado una diversidad tecnológica de difícil reglamentación e implementación normativa en el Derecho. El surgimiento y mejora continua de sistemas de Inteligencia Artificial amplían esta esfera de escenarios potenciales no legislados de vulneración a los derechos humanos; lograr trascender un enfoque basado en principios y valores fundamentales en el desarrollo tecnológico, requiere de un análisis fundamentado en las propuestas sociales que rigen a los países democráticos, de manera que se establezca un compendio de valores globalizado que rija la elaboración de instrumentos normativos y descienda a los Estados, similar en importancia a una Declaración de los Derechos Humanos enfocada en la Inteligencia Artificial.
Amnistía Internacional (2023). Informe 2022/2023. Recuperado de https://www.es.amnesty.org/en-que-estamos/paises/pais/show/mexico/
Animal Político (2023). Parlamento Europeo aprueba proyecto para regular uso de la Inteligencia Artificial. Recuperado de https://www.animalpolitico.com/tendencias/ciencia-tecnologia/parlamento-europeo-regular-uso-ia
Artificial Intelligence Act (2021). The Artificial Intelligence Act. Recuperado de https://artificialintelligenceact.eu/
Bajo, C. (2022). La amenaza de una nueva forma de dominación para África. El País. Recuperado de https://elpais.com/planeta-futuro/2022-02-21/la-amenaza-de-una-nueva-forma-de-dominacion-para-africa.html
Carta Africana sobre los Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos. Carta de Banjul (27 de julio de 1981). Recuperado de https://www.acnur.org/fileadmin/Documentos/BDL/2002/1297.pdf
Comisión Europea (2021). Propuesta de Reglamento del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo por el que se establecen normas armonizadas en materia de Inteligencia Artificial (Ley de Inteligencia Artificial) y se modifican determinados actos legislativos de la Unión. Recuperado de https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/ES/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52021PC0206&from=ES
Consejo de Europa (2019). Responsibility and AI: A Study of the Implications of Advanced Digital Technologies (Including AI Systems) for the Concept of Responsibility within a Human Rights Framework. Recuperado de https://rm.coe.int/a-study-of-the-implications-of-advanced-digital-technologies-including/168096bdab
Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (2023). Diario Oficial de la Federación. Cámara de Diputados del H. Congreso de la Unión. CDMX. México. Recuperado de https://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/pdf/CPEUM.pdf
Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (s. f.). Sistema Africano de Derechos Humanos. Recuperado de https://www.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/r33357.pdf
Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos (2023). Dialogue between Regional Human Rights Courts: “Challenges to the European Human Rights Protection System”. Third International Human Rights Forum. Recuperado de https://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Speech_20230525_OLeary_Seminar_Challenges_EU_HR_protection_ENG.pdf
Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos (2021). The use of Artificial Intelligence in the justice system, with emphasis on judicial decision-making. Annual Judicial Seminar 2021 of the ECHR. Recuperado de https://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Speech_20210910_Valcke_JY_ENG.pdf
Future of Life Institute (11 de Agosto de 2017). AI Principles. Recuperado de https://futureoflife.org/open-letter/ai-principles/
Future of Life Institute (22 de marzo de 2023). Pause Giant AI Experiments: An Open Letter. Recuperado de https://futureoflife.org/open-letter/pause-giant-ai-experiments/
Giles, C. (abril 2023). El uso de la Inteligencia Artificial (IA) en el Poder Legislativo. Instituto Belisario Domínguez. Senado de la República. Recuperado de http://bibliodigitalibd.senado.gob.mx/bitstream/handle/123456789/5955/185_IA_PoderLegislativo.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
Gobierno de México (2018). Estrategia de Inteligencia Artificial MX 2018. Recuperado de https://datos.gob.mx/blog/estrategia-de-inteligencia-artificial-mx-2018
Lagunes, A. (2023). Punto de acuerdo por el que se exhorta a la Coordinación de Estrategia Digital Nacional y a la Comisión Intersecretarial de Tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación, y de la Seguridad de la Información a informar sobre el estado actual que guarda la Estrategia de INTELIGENCIA ARTIFICIAL MX 2018. Recuperado de https://www.senado.gob.mx/65/gaceta_del_senado/documento/133507
Laslo, M. (2023). Regular la IA en EE UU requiere cambios en las leyes de privacidad. Recuperado de https://es.wired.com/articulos/regular-ia-en-ee-uu-requiere-cambios-en-leyes-de-privacidad
Ley General en Materia de Humanidades, Ciencias, Tecnologías e Innovación. Diario Oficial de la Federación. Cámara de Diputados del H. Congreso de la Unión. CDMX. México. Recuperado de https://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/pdf/LGMHCTI.pdf
Loyola, I. (2023). Iniciativa que expide la Ley para la Regulación Ética de la Inteligencia Artificial para los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Cámara de Diputados del H. Congreso de la Unión. Recuperado de http://sil.gobernacion.gob.mx/Archivos/Documentos/2023/04/asun_4543395_20230413_1680209417.pdf
Martínez, G. (2012). La inteligencia artificial y su aplicación al campo del derecho. Alegatos, (82),827-846. Recuperado de http://biblioteca.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/r30570.pdf
Méndez, L. y Sánchez, R. (2023). Inteligencia Artificial y el futuro del Derecho. Recuperado de https://eljuegodelacorte.nexos.com.mx/inteligencia-artificial-y-el-futuro-del-derecho/
Naciones Unidas (1948). Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos. Recuperado de https://www.un.org/es/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights
National Artificial Intelligence Initiative Act of 2020 (2021). 116th Congress. Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. Recuperado de https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/6216/text
National Geographic España (2020). Breve historia visual de la Inteligencia Artificial. Recuperado de https://www.nationalgeographic.com.es/ciencia/breve-historia-visual-inteligencia-artificial_14419
Parlamento Europeo (2022). Inteligencia Artificial en la Era Digital. Recuperado de https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2022-0140_ES.html
Türk, V. (2023). Comentario de Volker Türk, Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos sobre avances en inteligencia artificial. Recuperado de https://www.ohchr.org/es/statements/2023/02/comment-un-high-commissioner-human-rights-volker-turk-advances-artificial
UNESCO (2021). Recomendación sobre la ética de la Inteligencia Artificial. Recuperado de https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000381137_spa
VDW (2018). Informe sobre los principios Asilomar en Inteligencia Artificial. Recuperado de https://vdw-ev.de/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Informe-sobre-los-principios-Asilomar-en-Inteligencia-Artificial_final.pdf
White House (2022). Blueprint for an AI Bill of Rights. Making Automated Systems Work for The American People. Recuperado de https://www.whitehouse.gov/ostp/ai-bill-of-rights/
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Rivera, Temario C. "The Philippines in 2004: New Mandate, Daunting Problems." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.127.
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National elections in the Philippines took place on May 10, 2004, providing incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with a six-year electoral mandate and control of both houses of Congress and most of the local governmental positions. However, the Arroyo administration faced a worsening budget deficit and debt crisis, increased incidence of hunger and poverty, pervasive corruption scandals in the military, inconclusive peace negotiations with communist guerrillas and Muslim separatists, and an unexpected twist in the country's relations with the United States, provoked by a crisis in the Philippines' involvement in Iraq.
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صبري شاكر, أحمد, and أزهار عبد الرحمن عبد الكريم. "نشوء وتنامي الصلات التجارية الأميركية مع الصين حتى عام 1844." Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no. 23 (January 17, 2018): 161–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss23.197.
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1- D.C.U.S.A , The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Archive. . 2- L.C.C. , The Letters of Continental Congress
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6- (T.E.C.F.P.) ,Treaties The Empire of China Foreign Powers.
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Corbett, Charles R. "UNITED STATES PROGRESS TOWARD ENACTMENT OF COMPREHENSIVE OIL SPILL LIABILITY AND COMPENSATION LEGISLATION." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1987, no. 1 (April 1, 1987): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1987-1-559.
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ABSTRACT Comprehensive oil spill liability and compensation legislation, including adoption of two important international oil spill treaties, has eluded the United States for too long. Although there is broad agreement in the Administration, both houses of Congress, oil and shipping interests, state governments and the environmental community that we need comprehensive oil spill legislation, these often divergent interests have not been able, at least as of this writing (December 1986), to agree on a compromise package. Both houses of Congress passed bills during the 99th Congress, the latest House versions in Titles VI and VIII of H.R. 5300 and, in the Senate, S. 2799. These bills were dissimilar in several ways. However, most informed interests suggested that, had a compromise House bill emerged near the end of the Congress, a Senate-House conference committee could have reached agreement between the House offer and S. 2799. Unfortunately this did not occur. Also, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee reported out favorably (to the full Senate), the ratification of the 1984 protocols to the 1969 Civil Liability Convention and the 1971 Fund Convention (CLC and Fund), with a “reservation” and a number of “understandings.” The need for appropriate legislation arises from deficiencies in and the patchwork approach of current U.S. legislation.
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Rogova, Natalia. "Midterm Elections in the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023481-6.
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The article deals with the midterm elections of 2022 in the United States. It analyses the race, ethnic, gender and age composition of the electorate of the two main political parties. It also discusses priorities of the supporters of the Democratic and Republican parties. The article provides analyses of the outcome of the elections of members of the Senate and the House of Representatives, and of the new balance of power in the US Congress.
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Barkow, Rachel E. "The Evolving Role of the United States Sentencing Commission." Federal Sentencing Reporter 33, no. 1-2 (October 2020): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2020.33.1-2.3.
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This essay explores how the role of the United States Sentencing Commission has changed over time. It has gone through three different phases in terms of its role (either actual or perceived) in federal sentencing. The first phase covers the Commission at its inception, and the perceived role of the Commission that dominated then was that of a politically insulated, expert agency that would serve, essentially, as an independent policy maker. This vision of the Commission never materialized, but it is important to understand this model in order to appreciate why the Commission was set up the way it was. During the second and dominant phase, which lasted for roughly two decades, from 1986 until 2007, the Commission played a weak supporting role to the political actors who oversaw its work, with Congress largely controlling its output. This period was characterized by political battering by Congress. Given the political climate of the time, that meant increases in sentences, but little else, from the Commission. The third phase began in 2007 and continues today. The Commission is now seen as a respected supplier of data, and its judgments are given more deference. In a sense, this role combines the first two. The Commission is recognized for its expertise, but that expertise is valuable only insofar as the information it generates has political value. The essay concludes with ways the Commission’s design can be improved to give it greater political influence in setting sentencing policy.
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Merriam, Scott. "Olmsted, Challenging The Secret Government; The Post-Watergate Investigations Of The CIA And FBI." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 22, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.22.1.53.
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Almost immediately after Watergate, the news broke that the CIA and FBI had been guilty of huge abuses of power both in the United States and abroad. The media, Congress, and the White House all promised investigations. However, contrary to popular expectations, the inquiries were stymied. The end result, Olmsted argues, was that neither Congress nor the press pushed for changes, or challenged the executive branch, in the oversight of the intelligence community.
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Mixon, Franklin G., Chandini Sankaran, and Kamal P. Upadhyaya. "Is Political Ideology Stable? Evidence from Long-Serving Members of the United States Congress." Economies 7, no. 2 (May 6, 2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7020036.
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This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken–Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.
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Nikolova, Ivana. "[The Fate of Healthcare Reform in The United States in the 1940s." Istoriya-History 30, no. 4 (September 10, 2022): 428–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2022-4-5-res.
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The article focuses on the attempts at healthcare reform by the Truman administration alongside the liberal wing of the Democratic party in the 1940s. The proposals of both the White House and different groups of congressmen are laid out in detail. The main reasons for the failure of healthcare reform, as proposed by the author, are the lack of coordination among the Democrats supporting healthcare reform, Truman’s poor influence on Congress, and the role some key professional organizations play in weakening public support for the administration’s initiatives.
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Peterson, Paul E., and Jay P. Greene. "Why Executive-Legislative Conflict in the United States is Dwindling." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (January 1994): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006773.
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An examination of executive-legislative conflict occurring in US congressional committees between 1947 and 1990 reveals that, despite current concerns of gridlock, the overall level of conflict declined during this period. There are two structural sources of inter-branch conflict – constituent and partisan. The constituent basis for conflict in the United States is rooted in the differing manner in which members of the two branches are elected. Because the executive has a national constituency, it is primarily concerned with matters of national policy. Members of Congress, who have smaller, more homogeneous constituencies, are more concerned with the geographically distributive effects of these policies. The authors' evidence suggests that conflict between the executive and legislative in the United States is greatest on issues that are of both national and distributive significance. The partisan basis for conflict, long established in the House and increasingly visible in the Senate, is reinforced by competitive political contests. Yet conflict between members of Congress and executive officials of the opposite party did not increase between 1947 and 1990. And conflict with executive officials of the same party declined, producing an overall drop in executive-legislative conflict.
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Rubio, Antonio Daniel Juan, and Isabel María García Conesa. "<p>CONGRESSWOMAN ALEXANDRIA OCASIO-CORTEZ: A GREEN NEW DEAL OUTRIDER</p>." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 10 (December 20, 2022): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v10i1.6986.
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Since 1899, at least one Hispanic has served in every Congress of the United States (U.S.). When the U.S. 116th Congress convened on January 3, 2019, it comprised the highest number of Hispanics in its history with a record of 48 between both chambers (44 in the House of Representatives and 4 in the Senate). This article focuses on the figure of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, perhaps being the most important emerging Hispanic member in the current Congress, whose top policy priority is a “Green New Deal”, a comprehensive plan to address climate change in the U.S.
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Wilsford, David. "Le Département d’État : une administration d’étrangers ou une étrange administration ?" Revue française d'administration publique 69, no. 1 (1994): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2775.
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The United States Department of State A Government of Strangers or a Strange Government ? Within American government, the United States Department is typical of a fragmented ‘stateless’ bureaucracy. It shares a great deal of power with the Congress, interest groups and the mass media, and has seen its influence gradually eroded by the White House and the Department of Defense. Because other institutional actors are structurally very strong in the American political System, the American Department of State is correspondingly less powerful within its universe compared to its counterparts in most advanced industrial democracies. It is both a ‘government of strangers’ and a ‘strange government’. Nonetheless, as an actor on the international stage, the American Department of State is powerful because of the position of the United States on the geopolitical scene.
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Pitts, Britney. "“Uneasy Lies the Head that Wears a Crown”: A Critical Race Analysis of the CROWN Act." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 7 (June 2, 2021): 716–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211021096.
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Black hair in the United States remains misunderstood and othered against Eurocentric standards of beauty and professionalism as evidenced by the ongoing policing of Black hair in schools and workplaces. The CROWN Act of 2019 was passed in several states to protect Black adults and children from hair-biased discrimination, and was introduced to the United States Congress in December 2019. In September 2020, the CROWN Act passed in the US House of Representatives, however, it has not been passed in the Senate, yet. In this paper, I provide a critical race analysis of hair policies and challenges collected from news articles, the CROWN Research Study, and testimonies in support of the CROWN Act to demonstrate the importance of this bill’s passing at the federal level.
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Shchyhelska, Halyna. "Interaction of Ukrainian Diaspora and the USA Government Regarding Celebration of Ukrainian Independence Day on January 22." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (June 30, 2018): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.136-145.
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2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities.
Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress
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McKEEVER, ROBERT J. "Race and Representation in the United States: the Constitutional Validity of Majority–Minority Congressional Districts." Journal of American Studies 33, no. 3 (December 1999): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006210.
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In an effort to maximize the representation of African Americans and Hispanics in the United States House of Representatives, many state legislatures have consciously sought to create so-called “majority–minority” congressional districts. This involves carving out districts in which African Americans or Hispanics constitute more than 50 per cent of the voting age population. The expectation is that such districts will elect a minority member of the House, which in turn will lead to a Congress that is more sensitive and responsive to the needs and interests of America's two largest ethnic minorities. Indeed, this expectation has become an article of faith for the mainstream civil rights movement and its white sympathizers.However, like other forms of affirmative action, majority–minority districting sits rather uncomfortably alongside the Constitutional principle of race-neutrality. In a series of recent cases, the United States Supreme Court has declared that, by subordinating traditional districting principles to the overriding need to draw boundaries along racial lines, states have violated the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
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Garber, Judith A. "THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT, THE FEDERAL COURTS, AND THE CONSTITUTION IN THE UNITED STATES." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 24, 2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9967g.
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Twenty-five years have passed since the newly formed Moral Majority helped put Ronald Reagan in the White House and a Republican majority in the United States Senate. The Moral Majority was one organization (and its founder, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, one figure) at the centre of an emerging evangelical Protestant social movement. This movement was galvanized by two aims: defeating the Equal Rights Amendment,3 which Congress submitted to the states for consideration in 1972, and contesting the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade4 ruling, which recognized a constitutional right to abortion. In the early 1980s, “New Christian Right” was an accurate description of the first widespread public engagement of evangelicals in half a century.
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Makurin, A. I. "WHITE HOUSE AND UNITED STATES CAPITOL: BATTLE FOR THE SUPREME COURT (SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY)." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2 (61) (2023): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-2-84-95.
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The U.S. Constitution requires the President to submit Supreme Court nominees to the Senate for its advice and consent. The appointment of a Supreme Court Justice is an event of major significance in American politics. Since the early 20th century, Presidents have submitted 62 nominations for the Court, including those for the post of Chief Justice. Of this total, 55 were confirmed (seven declined to serve). The article dissects the crucial constitutional disputes between the executive and legislative branches of government from the Eisenhower administration to the end of the Clinton administration, and examines the day-to-day working relations between the President and Congress, which go beyond the traditional discussions of Supreme Court decisions. The article analyzes the conflicts between the President and Congress in the field of shared power – nomination and confirmation of the Supreme Court Justices in the Senate. The research is based on historical and statistical data on the Supreme Court: its institutional development; decision trends; background, nomination; its relations with public, governmental, and other judicial bodies; and its influence. A special place in the article is given to the analysis of the policies of the Nixon, Reagan and Clinton administrations.
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Schultz, David. "The Implementation and Evaluation of the United States Affordable Care Act." Medicine, Law & Society 12, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/mls.12.1.17-38.2019.
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In 2010 the United States Congress adopted the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“ACA”), more commonly referred to as Obamacare. The ACA was proposed by President Barack Obama while running for president and it was passed with a near straight party-line vote of Democrats in the US House and Senate in 2010. The ACA was meant to address several problems with the American health care delivery system, including cost, access and outcomes. This article describes the major features of the ACA including the context of the US health care system, evaluates the ACA’s implementation history and assesses its fate and future reforms throughout the presidency of Donald Trump. The overall conclusion based on its implementation is that while the ACA made significant reforms in terms of access to health care, it is not clear that it addressed affordability or began to improve health care outcomes in the US.
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Cuzán, Alfred G. "Will the Republicans Retake the House in 2010?" PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 639–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001083.
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Historically, statistical models for forecasting the outcome of midterm elections to the United States House of Representatives have not been particularly successful (Jones and Cuzán 2006). However, in what may have been a breakthrough, most models correctly predicted that the Democrats would re-emerge as the majority party in 2006 (Cuzán 2007). One successful model was estimated using 46 elections, beginning with 1914 (only the second time that 435 representatives, the present number, were elected). The model was relatively simple, making use of national-level variables only (Cuzán and Bundrick 2006). Using a similar model, I generated a forecast for the 2010 midterm election.
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Greco, Pietro. "University in the 21st Century." Journal of Science Communication 06, no. 02 (June 21, 2007): E. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.06020501.
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The Scientific Communications Act of 2007 (HR 1453) was introduced by the US House of Representatives on 9th March. The National Science Foundation, an independent United States Government agency that supports fundamental research and education, has thus been allowed to spend ten million dollars for each of the fiscal years 2008 through 2012 to provide communications training to improve the ability of scientists to engage in public dialogue.
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Siburian, H. M. Sahat Radot. "Constitution Formulation and Amendment in Indonesian and American Legal System: A Comparative Study." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v3i1.49536.
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The purpose of this study is to find out the comparison of constitutional law in Indonesia and the United States in terms of the development of the constitution and the mechanism for changing the constitution (UUD). The method used in this research is in the form of legal research. The type of research used for this approach is normative legal research. As in the United States constitution, Article V regulates how to amend the constitution. Meanwhile, in Indonesia, the mechanism for this change is regulated in Article 37 of the 1945 Constitution (UUD). The United States and Indonesia are countries that have adopted a presidential system of government with a republican form of government. In addition, the state institution authorized to make changes to the constitution of each country is the legislature. If in the United States the one who can amend the Constitution is the Congress consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate, then in Indonesia the authority to make changes to the Constitution is the MPR, which includes the DPR and DPD. Then, the form of the constitution used by the two countries is the same as the Written Constitution. The existence of the United States Constitution is actually an effort to realize the principles stated in a Declaration of Independence (1776). The Declaration is based on French philosophical and English Enlightenment schools. The main purpose of the United States constitution is to guarantee the rights of the states.
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Darusman, Yoyon Mulyana. "PENTINGNYA PENERAPAN SISTEM STRONG BICAMERAL DALAM KEKUASAAN LEGISLATIF REPUBLIK INDONESIA." ADIL: Jurnal Hukum 14, no. 1 (July 11, 2023): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33476/ajl.v14i1.3226.
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Lembaga parlemen dalam praktek negara-negara di dunia pada umumnya menggunakan sistem dua kamar, walaupun terdapat juga negara-negara yang menggunakan sistem satu kamar. Lembaga parlemen dalam praktek ketatanegaraan disebut dengan kekuasaan legislatif. Republik Indonesia menggunakan sistem dua kamar, sebagaimana yang disebutkan dalam Article 2 Section 1 naskah asli UUD 1945 menyebutkan adanya lembaga MPR yang di dalamnya terdapat DPR, ditambah dengan Utusan Golongan dan Daerah. Seperti halnya United States of America juga menggunakan sistem dua kamar sebagaimana yang disebutkan dalam Article 1 Section 1 Constitution of USA menyebutkan adanya Congress of United States which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Setelah amandement UUD 1945 sebagaimana yang disebutkan pada Article 2 Section 1 terjadi perubahan pada kekuasaan pada lembaga legislatif Indonesia, yang berbunyi : MPR yang di dalamnya terdapat DPR dan DPD. Namun demikian kedua kamar ini sebagaimana disebutkan dalam UUD 1945 naskah perubahan tidak memiliki kekuasaan yang sama, di mana DPR memiliki kewenangan membentuk UU sedangkan DPD tidak memiliki kewenangan membentuk UU hanya memiliki kewenangan untuk mengajukan RUU kepada DPR. Hal ini sangat berbeda dengan dua kamar di United State of America yaitu di mana Kongres di dalamnya terdiri dari Senate and House of Resentatives sama-sama memiliki kewenangan membentuk UU.
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Mabry, Donald. "The US Military and the War on Drugs in Latin America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, no. 2-3 (1988): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165979.
Full textAbstract:
In The Face Of The Unsuccessful Efforts of law enforcement agencies (including the Coast Guard) to staunch the flow of illegal narcotics into the United States, Congress and the public have been demanding that the military increase its role in the nation's anti-drug campaign. These demands vary in scope. The minimum demand is that the military provide more logistical support and intelligence data. Another, which was approved by Congress in 1988, is also to give military personnel powers of search, seizure, and arrest outside the land area of the United States. Some also advocate giving civilian police powers to the military to patrol the national borders, including ports of entry. In May 1988, the US House of Representatives voted to demand that the military “seal the borders” to drug traffic within 45 days, an effort which would require both naval and border interdiction, and the Senate voted overwhelmingly to expand the role of the military in the anti-drug campaign. The most extreme demand has come from Representative Arthur Ravenel, Jr. (R-SC) who has called for the military shoot-down, on sight, of any aircraft suspected of smuggling drugs.
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Autor, David H., David Dorn, and Gordon H. Hanson. "The China Syndrome: Local Labor Market Effects of Import Competition in the United States." American Economic Review 103, no. 6 (October 1, 2013): 2121–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.6.2121.
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We analyze the effect of rising Chinese import competition between 1990 and 2007 on US local labor markets, exploiting cross-market variation in import exposure stemming from initial differences in industry specialization and instrumenting for US imports using changes in Chinese imports by other high-income countries. Rising imports cause higher unemployment, lower labor force participation, and reduced wages in local labor markets that house import-competing manufacturing industries. In our main specification, import competition explains one-quarter of the contemporaneous aggregate decline in US manufacturing employment. Transfer benefits payments for unemployment, disability, retirement, and healthcare also rise sharply in more trade-exposed labor markets. (JEL E24, F14, F16, J23, J31, L60, O47, R12, R23)
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Tuohy, Carolyn Hughes. "The Self-Undermining Peril of “Mosaic” Reform Strategies: A Comparative View." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 45, no. 4 (March 11, 2020): 693–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8255601.
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Abstract The American Democratic leadership in the White House and Congress in 2009–10 and the British Conservative/Liberal-Democrat Coalition government in 2010–12 each pursued a strategy of rapidly assembled multiple adjustments to the prevailing policy framework for health care rather than attempting a “big-bang” strategy of sweeping institutional change. Despite their relative modesty, each set of reforms encountered a highly conflictual and tortuous process of legislative passage. Subsequently, the reforms failed to gain broad public acceptance and were variously hobbled (in the United States) and transformed (in the United Kingdom) in the course of implementation. These two cases thus offer some common lessons about the potential and the pitfalls of such complex “mosaic” reforms.
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Farrier, Jasmine. "Louis Fisher on Congress and the Budget: Institutional Responsibility and Other Taboos." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 03 (June 21, 2013): 510–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000735.
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The serial fiscal policy and budgeting woes of the United States over the last three decades have been compounded by a bipartisan evasion of institutional responsibility by elected leaders. Long before “sequestration” and “fiscal cliffs,” Louis Fisher argued that presidents and members of the House and Senate undermined constitutional power balance and the spirit of budgeting law. A variety of ill-conceived process “reforms” further damaged the separation of powers system. As a scholar, Fisher uses an institutional lens to explore budget concepts that are rare in political science, such ascapacity, accountability, andduty. And as a public intellectual, Fisher's relevance has been secured by his repeatedly broaching these scholarly and political taboos.
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Tomaszewski, Norbert. "Reclaiming the House of the Representatives from Republicans: Case Study of Districts TX-32 and NJ-3." Political Preferences, no. 23 (August 21, 2019): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.23.37-54.
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2018 midterm elections in the United States allowed more ethnically and racially diverse candidates to become members of the Congress. The use of social media tools helped them to reach out to their community and get out the vote, which is especially important in Democratic campaign tactics. The article, by focusing on Colin Allred's and Andy Kim's Congressional bids, focuses on how their issue-oriented campaigns helped to mobilize the liberal voters. Furthermore, by analysing the rapidly changing demographics, it tackles the crucial question: do they mean the doom of the Republican Party?
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Shenk, Elaine M. "H.R. 2499 Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2010." Journal of Language and Politics 12, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.4.05she.
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In 2010, the U.S. House of Representatives passed The Puerto Rico Democracy Act, a bill that ostensibly focused on the authorization of a plebiscite on the Island’s future political status in relationship to the United States. Nevertheless, the final text included language policy on (a) ballot language, (b) official language legislation, and (c) language ideologies favoring English as the “language of opportunity ”. Using CDA, this paper examines the House discussion of the bill on April 29, 2010, as found in the Congressional Record Proceedings and Debates of the 111th Congress. The paper focuses on how the discussion of the bill shifted from political status issues to the inclusion of language policies to be imposed on the Island, the role of the Burton Amendment in shaping these policies, and the ways in which the construction of identity with and through language was both promoted and erased on the House floor.
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Kolkmann, Michael. "Zurück zum „Divided Government“: Die US-amerikanischen Kongresswahlen vom 8. November 2022." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, no. 1 (2023): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-1-3.
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The 2022 Congressional elections have ended with ambivalent results . Typically, the party of the governing president loses seats in midterm elections, sometimes several dozens . In this regard, President Joe Biden and his party managed to achieve a surprisingly good result . While his Democrats lost their narrow majority to Republicans in the U .S . House of Rep- resentatives, they succeeded in keeping their equally narrow majority in the U .S . Senate . In the 118th Congress, Washington will be dominated by “divided government”, meaning one party has control over the House and the other party dominates the Senate and the White House . In regard to its composition, the new Congress is more diverse than ever . The elec- tion of Republican Kevin McCarthy as new speaker after 15 ballots indicates that, due to its heterogenous membership, it will be very hard in the upcoming two years to secure majori- ties for far reaching legislative projects . Republicans have already announced that they will focus on investigating various policy areas of the Biden administration as well as the presi- dent and his family himself . After last year’s midterm election, all eyes will be on the con- gressional and presidential elections of 2024 which will overshadow current political devel- opments in the United States .
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Cope-Kasten, Cali. "It's Time to Start Showing a Little Restraint: In Search of a Compromise on Federal Seclusion and Restraint Legislation." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 47.1 (2013): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.47.1.time.
Full textAbstract:
In 2009, the United States House of Representatives heard testimony that hundreds of students had been injured in schools by teachers secluding or physically restraining them. Congress had never legislated on seclusion and restraint, but the alarming allegations of student injuries and deaths prompted many parents to demand a ban on the use of the techniques in schools. In the continuing debate, school officials have protested that seclusion and restraint are important tools for teachers to protect their classrooms from out-of-control students. Torn between these two extreme positions, Congress has twice attempted — but failed — to pass federal legislation regulating seclusion and restraint. This Note examines the most recent failed legislative attempts and proposes a more moderate statute that has a greater likelihood of passing through a polarized Congress. By banning certain forms of restraint, raising safety standards for seclusion spaces, and broadening grant authority to help schools develop alternatives to seclusion and restraint, this Note’s proposed statute would protect both student safety and teacher autonomy.
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Goldstein, Leslie Friedman. "The Specter of the Second Amendment: Rereading Slaughterhouse and Cruikshank." Studies in American Political Development 21, no. 2 (2007): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0700017x.
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In 1866, members of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction introduced the Fourteenth Amendment into the House of Representatives and the Senate, respectively. Several speakers indicated that the force of the new amendment would be to protect basic or fundamental citizen rights against adverse action by state governments, and would allow Congress for the first time to protect such rights against such state action. The clause that would do this was the privileges or immunities clause: “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States.”
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Lee, Hwan-Kyung. "A Study on the Legislative Process of the American Congress." Kyung Hee Law Journal 58, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 99–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.15539/khlj.58.2.3.
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The legislative process of the United States Congress has been largely divided into four stages: first, writing and submitting bills; second, deliberating and voting by the committee; third, deliberation and voting by the plenary session; fourth, the president's signature and the procedure of fear. When a bill is submitted to the Senate or House of Representatives in Congress, it is referred to the Standing Committee for a hearing to determine whether the bill will be adopted or modified. Once adopted, the bill will be brought to the plenary session for debate and voting. Thus, the passed bill will be transferred to another circle, namely, the Senate bill will be transferred to the House of Representatives and the House of Representatives bill will be transferred to the Senate, where the same procedure will be taken. The bills can be deliberated and reviewed according to parliamentary procedures if each senator or congressman submits them to a party to which they belong.
When a bill is submitted, the President of the House Speaker of the Senate and the House of Commons shall refer the bill to the respective competent committees in accordance with the rules of Congress. There are quite detailed rules and precedents concerning the jurisdiction of the Committee, so there is little room for discretion in the submission of the Bill. However, a private bill can be referred to a committee desired by the proposal. Once the bill is referred to the committee, it will be put on the committee's calendar.
Each committee will have a subcommittee, which will review the submitted proposal in detail.
The Committee's resolution is not just a preliminary review process and does not mean final decision-making rights, but the Committee's deliberation process can be said to be a decisive process in passing bills, since it is a general tendency to accept the Committee's decision as it is.
A bill passed by a standing committee is usually deliberated in the House of Representatives before the Senate. By the time the bill is completed in the House of Representatives, the same bill will be passed by the Senate committee and the lawmakers who proposed the bill will discuss the schedule for deliberation at the plenary session with the Congressional leaders.
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Kraśnicka, Izabela. "Dwukrotny impeachment prezydenta Donalda Trumpa jako precedens w historii Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki." Przegląd Sejmowy 2(169) (2022): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.100.
Full textAbstract:
In January 2021, an unusual precedent was set in the history of the political system of the United States. For the second time in a single term, an incumbent president was impeached by the House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress. Due to the unusual circumstances of the expiration of the president’s term and the change in the balance of power in the upper chamber, the Senate hearing of the charges was accompanied by legal problems of a constitutional nature, for which answers had to be sought in the Constitution itself and in the possible previous practice of Congress. The analysis of Donald Trump’s second impeachment, as the aim of the presented article, seems necessary not only to historically document the specifics of the subsequent acquittal, but also to indicate the dissimilarities accompanying this particular political process.
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Lohmann, Susanne, and Sharyn O'Halloran. "Divided government and U.S. trade policy: theory and evidence." International Organization 48, no. 4 (1994): 595–632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028320.
Full textAbstract:
If different parties control the U.S. Congress and White House, the United States may maintain higher import protection than otherwise. This proposition follows from a distributive politics model in which Congress can choose to delegate trade policymaking to the President. When the congressional majority party faces a President of the other party, the former has an incentive to delegate to but to constrain the President by requiring congressional approval of trade proposals by up-or-down vote. This constraint forces the President to provide higher protection in order to assemble a congressional majority. Evidence confirms that (1) the institutional constraints placed on the President's trade policymaking authority are strengthened in times of divided government and loosened under unified government and (2) U.S. trade policy was significantly more protectionist under divided than under unified government during the period 1949–90.
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Pekarnikova, Marina E., and Alexander Borisovich Polonskiy. "The changing vector of the United States climate policy in 1992-2023." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 10 (December 15, 2023): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023100073.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the work is to analyze the US climate policy, starting with the preparation and signing of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992) and its Kyoto Protocol (1997) and ending with the debate on raising the US public debt ceiling by 2023. It is shown that this policy is characterized by pronounced inconsistency, which is a reflection of bipartisan disagreements and an ambiguous approach to this problem, which is demonstrated by the Congress and the Administration of the US President. The country that signed the Kyoto Protocol has not ratified it. At first, supporting the Paris Climate Agreement (2015), the United States then withdrew from it and almost immediately after that rejoined the Agreement. The reason for this inconsistency is that, in general, the two main US political parties have fundamentally different attitudes to the problem of controlling the anthropogenic climate change. Therefore, almost every change of the White House Administration, with the victory of a candidate for the US presidency from an opposition party, leads to a reversal of the climate policy vector by 180 degrees. Such political practice is one of the reasons why it is impossible to fulfill the main goal of the Paris Agreement.
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Mikhaylenko, Ekaterina B., and Elena I. Sinitsyna. "The role of the U.S. Congress in Determining Nuclear Arms Control Policy under the Biden Administration." Koinon 2, no. 2 (2021): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/koinon.2021.02.2.023.
Full textAbstract:
On November 3, 2020, a general election was held in the United States, as a result of which Joe Biden was declared the new president and a third of the Senate and the entire House of Representatives were re-elected. Under the new administration, nuclear arms control, one of the very few possible spheres of U.S.-Russian cooperation, is believed to be reanimated. At least, the president-elect has kept his promise to extend the last remaining treaty in this sphere, the New START, for five years without any preconditions. However, despite the traditionally stronger role of the executive branch in the development and implementation of U.S. nuclear policy, the legislative branch, represented by the U.S. Congress, has particular instruments to influence the decision-making process. This paper sets out to analyze how the new balance of power in Congress established after the 2020 general election will affect actions taken by the Biden administration in the sphere of nuclear arms control. For this purpose, the authors used methods of situation analysis, analytical and predictive measures. In the end, the authors conclude that, despite the Democratic majority in both the Senate and the House of Representatives, the continued strong opposition from Republicans in both houses of Congress will not allow the president-elect to significantly change the current political course in the field of nuclear arms control.