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1
Soykin, A. A. "Discussion of the problem of US participation in the First World War at the meetings of the 65th American Congress." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 20, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/04.
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The article is devoted to the problem of discussing the participation of the United States in the First World War at the meetings of the 65th Congress. The importance of the topic lies in the fact that the materials of the sessions of the Congress, being important historical sources, make it possible, by interpolation, to introduce into scientific circulation new data on the entry and participation of the United States in the war, as well as to determine the attitude of American congressmen to this issue. The research is based on the materials of the American Congress, containing resolutions, draft laws and laws, verbatim records. The main ones are: Resolution on the Declaration of War on the German Empire by the United States; "A law allowing the issuance of bonds to cover the cost of national security and defense, as well as the provision of assistance to foreign governments in the conduct of war through the provision of loans"; discussion and amendment of the "Law on the Allocation of Appropriations for the Naval Service for the Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1917", etc. The author paid special attention to the analysis of the message of the American President to the US Congress dated April 2, 1917. The materials of the meetings of the 65th Congress are located on the official website of the US Library of Congress and contain information about the entry and participation of the United States in the First World War.
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Anderson, Gillian B. "Putting the Experience of the World at the Nation's Command: Music at the Library of Congress, 1800-1917." Journal of the American Musicological Society 42, no. 1 (1989): 108–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831419.
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Between 1800 and 1917 the music section at the Library of Congress grew from a few items in The Gentleman's Magazine to almost a million items. The history of this development provides a unique view of the infant discipline of musicology and the central role that libraries played in its growth in the United States. Between 1800 and 1870 only 500 items were acquired by the music section at the Library of Congress. In 1870 approximately 36,000 copyright deposits (which had been accumulating at several copyright depositories since 1789) enlarged the music section by more than seventy fold. After 1870 the copyright process brought an avalanche of music items into the Library of Congress. In 1901 Herbert Putnam, Librarian of Congress, hired American-born, German-educated Oscar Sonneck to be the second Chief of the Music Division. Together Putnam and Sonneck produced an ambitious acquisitions program, a far-sighted classification, cataloging, and shelving scheme, and an extensive series of publications. They were part of Putnam's strategy to transform the Library of Congress from a legislative into a national library. Sonneck wanted to make American students of music independent of European libraries and to establish the discipline of musicology in the United States. Through easy access to comprehensive and diverse collections Putnam and Sonneck succeeded in making the Library of Congress and its music section a symbol of the free society that it served.
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Chojnacka, Magdalena. "Participation of Women in the United States Congress: 1917-2011." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 45 (May 2, 2012): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/45/2394.
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The last decades have carried changes in the legal and social position of women bearing enfranchisement, a new approach to women’s education, and their increased participation in the job market. This article outlines the historical participation of women on the political scene of the United States between the years of 1917-2011 including an analysis of the situation in the individual states. Furthermore, it analyses what types of positions have been held by women in the American Government Administration including the most prestigious ones of the Speaker and the Secretary of State. It also introduces Hilary Rodham Clinton, the first woman ever to run in the presidential elections 2008. This analysis reveals that women are still underrepresented in the federal-level positions which makes it difficult for them to influence the quality of the lawmaking and results in a difficulty to promote such decisions that are important for the women themselves.
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Dadyan, Levon G. "THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS AND THE CONCEPT OF EUROPE LIBERATION: THE 1950s." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 1 (2020): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2020-1-83-90.
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Santose, Rachel A. "An Engaging Remembrance: A Review of the American Battle Monuments Commission Website." DttP: Documents to the People 44, no. 1 (September 7, 2016): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v44i1.6062.
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Over 100,000 US military personnel died during World War I, with many of these deaths occurring directly on foreign battlefields. Public Law 389, enacted by the 66th Congress, as well as Public Law 360, enacted by the 80th Congress, allowed for a family’s repatriation of soldier remains to the United States for burial in a national or private cemetery. In 1919, however, the US War Department decided to establish permanent American military cemeteries in Europe and offered this option as an alternative to repatriation. To persuade family members to consent, the War Department needed to ensure these cemeteries were impressive and significant symbols of the American sacrifice on foreign soil; therefore, the War Department detailed a group of Army officers to serve as the Battle Monuments Board in 1921. Two years later, on March 4, 1923, Congress passed the Act for the Creation of an American Battle Monuments Commission (ABMC), which established one authoritative organization under Title 36 of the United States Code to control the construction of monuments and memorials to the American military in foreign countries.
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Shchyhelska, Halyna. "Interaction of Ukrainian Diaspora and the USA Government Regarding Celebration of Ukrainian Independence Day on January 22." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (June 30, 2018): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.136-145.
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2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities.
Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress
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Lewis, Tiffany. "Democracy and Government: A Critical Edition of Jeannette Rankin’s 1917 Address at Carnegie Hall." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 20, no. 1 (January 2017): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.20.1.0047.
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Abstract In 1917, Jeannette Rankin became the United States’ first female member of Congress. This is a critical edition of the speech Rankin gave before 3,000 people in New York City on her way to be sworn in to office. Her speech promoted her home state of Montana, woman suffrage, and direct democracy.
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Unangst, Lisa, Ishara Casellas Connors, and Nicole Barone. "State-Based Policy Supports for Refugee, Asylee, and TPS-Background Students in US Higher Education." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 1 (April 29, 2022): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40819.
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Higher education for displaced students is rarely the focus of academic literature in the context of the United States, despite 79.5 million people displaced worldwide as of December 2019 and 3 million refugees resettled in the United States since the 1970s (UNHCR, 2020). An estimated 95,000 Afghans will be resettled in the US by September 2022, and the executive branch has requested $6.4 billion in funds from Congress to support this resettlement process (Young, 2021). This represents the most concentrated resettlement in the US since the end of the Vietnam War. It is therefore clear that policy supports for displaced students represent a pressing educational equity issue. This paper applies critical policy analysis to state-level policies supporting displaced students and argues that both data gaps and policy silence characterize the current state of play.
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Kwiatkowski, Wojciech. "PIERWSZY BANK STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH JAKO PIERWOWZÓR SYSTEMU REZERWY FEDERALNEJ." Zeszyty Prawnicze 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2017): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2009.9.1.07.
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First Bank of the United States as a Prototype for the Federal Reserve SystemSummaryThe article describes the history of the First Bank of the United Statesfirst banking- institution, that was charted in XVII-th century North America as an effect of a cooperation of two federal bodies – Congress and the President. Although, the federal government possessed only 20 %, of the shares with federal licences it could conduct its activity on territory of the whole country. Moreover – the Bank is now referred to as the first central bank in the United States because of its national scope and services rendered to the federal government. The Bank helped the government to obtain emergency loans, facilitated the payment of taxes, and served as the receiver and disburser of the public funds. In addition, it issued bank notes and made them fully redeemable in coin. During a 20-years period the Bank achieved a commercial success and maintained a financial stability. However, in 1811 Congress did not renew the charter because the Bank’s constitutionality was questioned.Alexander Hamilton (the first U.S. Secretary of the Treasury), who was [the followerof creation of the bank, already in 1790 assumed that the federal government had the power to charter banks because the Constitution granted the government the right to establish institutions necessary for its operations. Addifferent viewpoint was presented by Thomas Jefferson who favored a more decentralized government and believed that only the states could charter banks under the Constitution. Furthermore – because the Constitution did not expressly grant the power to Congress, he reasoned that federally chartered banks were unconstitutional. Finally in 1819, as a far-reaching decision, the Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall followed Hamilton’s reasoning and ruled in case McCulloch vs Maryland that the Second Bank of the United States was constitutional. For U.S. federal government this decision of the Supreme Court was very important about 200 years later – in 1913, when president Wilson, many politicians’ and main U.S. bankers decided to create the Federal Reserve System.
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Calavita, Kitty. "The Paradoxes of Race, Class, Identity, and “Passing”: Enforcing the Chinese Exclusion Acts, 1882–1910." Law & Social Inquiry 25, no. 01 (2000): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2000.tb00149.x.
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In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, barring the entry into the United States of all Chinese laborers. This article explores the dilemmas and contradictions associated with the enforcement of this legislation, focusing on the early years during which the most glaring dilemmas were exposed. Drawing from congressional documents, as well as unpublished letters, memoranda, and circulars of immigration officials, I argue that the difficulties encountered by enforcement personnel, and the sometimes chaotic and inconsistent nature of enforcement, were related to paradoxes associated with prevailing assumptions about the nature of race, class, and identity more generally. I then document how these same paradoxes, and the techniques employed by inspectors to deal with them, ironically facilitated aspiring immigrants'resistance to the full force of the law. This case study, with its emphasis on the contradictions implicit in the law and the dialectical quality of enforcement and resistance, may contribute to OUR understanding of the law's fundamental indeterminacy. Finally, I suggest that the focus on the everyday dilemmas faced by frontline officials may tell us more about the ordinary life of the law and its indeterminacy than the heavily scrutinized landmark cases that constitute much of the literature.
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Wainscott, Ronald H. "American Theatre Versus the Congress of the United States: The Theatre Tax Controversy and Public Rebellion of 1919." Theatre Survey 31, no. 1 (May 1990): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400000958.
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For eight days in January 1919 the theatre industry was at war with the U.S. Congress, a nationwide event surprisingly overlooked in previous theatre history. Theatre management and its host of workers joined with the public to wage a well-orchestrated campaign in the newspapers and mail, in the theatres and on the streets to stop what was perceived as a gross injustice to the American theatre and its paying audience.When the United States Congress was framing a six billion dollar tax revenue bill to recover exorbitant war costs from the first world war, it attempted to slip in a new tax which would raise theatre admissions by ten per cent in order to return between seventy-five and eighty-one million dollars to the government. The original bill levied a twenty per cent tax on all tickets of admission above thirty cents (thus most movie houses were exempt). In addition box seat holders at theatres and the opera were to be taxed twenty-five per cent.
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NAZARYAN, GEVORG. "THE INQUIRY’S QUEST TO SOLVE THE ARMENIAN QUESTION: 1917-1919." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 16, no. 1 (February 20, 2018): 212–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v16i1.340.
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At the end of 1917 an official U.S. government body, known as The Inquiry, was created in order to prepare documents for the peace negotiations that were to follow World War I. The Inquiry was composed of around 150 academics and was directed by the presidential adviser Edward House. The suggestions made by the research body were incorporated into President Woodrow Wilson’s famous “Fourteen Points” which he delivered in the U.S. Congress on January 8th, 1918, defining the war aims of the United States during World War I and suggesting possible peace terms that would to follow the Great War. Point 12 of the “Fourteen Points” proclaimed that non-Turkish nations (which included Armenia) of the Ottoman Empire, should be given an opportunity for “autonomous development,” and accordingly The Inquiry was also tasked with defining the boundary of the future State of Armenia. In 1918 a number of reports were prepared by the research group which proposed the territory for the State of Armenia which extended from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, covering mostly Armenian Highland and the coastal areas of the above noted seas. Members of The Inquiry also suggested a union of the above noted territory with Eastern Armenia, a scheme that was officially presented in 1919 during the Paris Peace Conference by the American delegation.
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Jeziorny, Dariusz. "‘The most momentous epochs in Jewish life’. American Jewish Congress in Philadelphia (December 15–18, 1918)." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 17, no. 3 (December 13, 2018): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.17.03.07.
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The American Jewish Congress began its activities as an organization established to represent all Jews living in the United States during the Congress in Philadelphia. On December 15–18, 1918, a meeting of 400 delegates representing all Jewish political parties and social groups in the USA took place. It aroused great hopes because new opportunities were opening up for the Jews to resolve the Palestinian question, the main Zionist project, and to guarantee equal rights for Jewish minorities in East-Central Europe. The article answers questions about how the American Jewish Congress was convened. How did the main political groups of Jews in the USA respond to it? What was the subject of the debate? What decisions were made? And then how were they implemented and what was the future of the initiative launched in Philadelphia? Answers to these questions will allow us to draw a conclusion as to the importance of the December congress in the history of Jews in the USA and whether it fulfilled its tasks.
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VALDEZ, DAMIAN. "PRUSSIAN FAUST OR UNIVERSALIST PURITAN?" Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (April 5, 2016): 585–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000487.
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At the end of May 1917, Max Weber attended a “cultural congress” at the picturesque castle of Lauenstein in Thuringia. The congress had been organized by the publicist Eugen Diederichs of Jena and by the Patriotic Society for Thuringia 1914. The moment was a particularly tense one in the life of the embattled German Reich. Against the advice of many cooler heads within the country, Germany had declared unrestricted submarine warfare in January, which together with other antagonistic moves on its part, had led to the entry of the United States into the war in April. By this point it was clear to all but the most indefatigable optimists that Germany would lose the war. In this atmosphere of dread and of new hope that a phoenix-like new Germany or a new humanity would arise out of the ashes of the war, the participants outlined their visions of the future. The eccentric former Social Democrat-turned-nationalist Max Maurenbrecher denounced capitalist mechanization but called for a revival of the traditional Prussian concept of the state, for an “idealistic state” and for workers to be educated towards national consciousness by means of the German literary and philosophical classics (Kaesler, 747–52).
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Irwin, Julia F. "Teaching “Americanism with a World Perspective”: The Junior Red Cross in the U.S. Schools from 1917 to the 1920s." History of Education Quarterly 53, no. 3 (August 2013): 255–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12022.
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The involvement of the United States in World War I, from April 1917 to November 1918, marked a high point in the history of American internationalist thought and engagement. During those nineteen months, President Woodrow Wilson and his administration called on Americans to aid European civilians and to support Wilson's plans for a peacetime League of Nations, defining both as civic obligations; many responded positively. The postwar years, however, saw a significant popular backlash against such cosmopolitan expectations. In 1920, Congress failed to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and rejected U.S. participation in the League. A growing chorus for 100% Americanism and immigration restriction, meanwhile, offered evidence of a U.S. public that was becoming more insular, more withdrawn from the world. Yet such trends were never universal. As scholars have begun to acknowledge, many Americans remained outward looking in their worldviews throughout the period, seeing engagement with and compassion for the international community as vital to ensuring world peace.
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Weiss, Colin. "Contractionary Devaluation Risk: Evidence from the Free Silver Movement, 1878–1900." Review of Economics and Statistics 102, no. 4 (October 2020): 705–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00841.
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I identify significant effects of devaluation risk on interest rates and output using US silver coinage policy news between 1878 and 1900 as clean shocks to exchange rate expectations. The Free Silver movement heightened fears the United States would abandon the gold standard and depreciate the dollar. Because Congress, rather than a central bank, set silver coinage policy, silver policy news was likely uncorrelated with economic shocks. Corporate bonds exposed to dollar devaluation returned an additional 1 percent relative to safer bonds when silver risk decreased. Additionally, increased silver coinage risk is associated with an economically significant fall in industrial production.
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SEYER, SEAN. "An Industry Worth Protecting? The Manufacturers Aircraft Association’s Struggle against the British Surplus, 1919–1922." Journal of Policy History 34, no. 3 (June 6, 2022): 403–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000112.
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AbstractThe American aircraft industry’s important role in the economic, military, and cultural expansion of the United States over the past one hundred years has been well documented by historians. But America’s twentieth century aerial dominance was not preordained. After World War I, the nascent American aircraft industry faced a concerted British effort to dump thousands of war surplus machines on the U.S. market. With aircraft outside of the nation’s tariff regime, members of the Manufacturers Aircraft Association turned to Congress for emergency protections in the face of what they considered an existential threat. Despite efforts to equate a strong industrial base for aviation with the national defense, aircraft antidumping legislation became mired in partisan debates over tariff policy and accusations of wartime corruption. In the absence of relief from Congress, the Wright patent served as a barrier against the importation of foreign surplus machines.
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Menger, Richard P., Christopher M. Storey, Bharat Guthikonda, Symeon Missios, Anil Nanda, and John M. Cooper. "Woodrow Wilson’s hidden stroke of 1919: the impact of patient-physician confidentiality on United States foreign policy." Neurosurgical Focus 39, no. 1 (July 2015): E6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2015.4.focus1587.
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World War I catapulted the United States from traditional isolationism to international involvement in a major European conflict. Woodrow Wilson envisaged a permanent American imprint on democracy in world affairs through participation in the League of Nations. Amid these defining events, Wilson suffered a major ischemic stroke on October 2, 1919, which left him incapacitated. What was probably his fourth and most devastating stroke was diagnosed and treated by his friend and personal physician, Admiral Cary Grayson. Grayson, who had tremendous personal and professional loyalty to Wilson, kept the severity of the stroke hidden from Congress, the American people, and even the president himself. During a cabinet briefing, Grayson formally refused to sign a document of disability and was reluctant to address the subject of presidential succession. Wilson was essentially incapacitated and hemiplegic, yet he remained an active president and all messages were relayed directly through his wife, Edith. Patient-physician confidentiality superseded national security amid the backdrop of friendship and political power on the eve of a pivotal juncture in the history of American foreign policy. It was in part because of the absence of Woodrow Wilson’s vocal and unwavering support that the United States did not join the League of Nations and distanced itself from the international stage. The League of Nations would later prove powerless without American support and was unable to thwart the rise and advance of Adolf Hitler. Only after World War II did the United States assume its global leadership role and realize Wilson’s visionary, yet contentious, groundwork for a Pax Americana. The authors describe Woodrow Wilson’s stroke, the historical implications of his health decline, and its impact on United States foreign policy.
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Koenig Richards, Cindy, and Paul McKean. "“Government Is an Instrument in Their Hands”: Jeanette Rankin on Progressive Technologies of Democracy." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 20, no. 1 (January 2017): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.20.1.0075.
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ABSTRACT Jeannette Rankin’s 1917 address at Carnegie Hall is replete with metaphors of political machinery, systems, and technologies. We argue that the metaphor of political machinery is central to Rankin’s definition and enactment of democratic power because it creates a cohesive vision of systemic change that combines equal suffrage with other progressive reforms. While scholars have noted Rankin’s appeals to domestic ideology, the political-machinery metaphor cluster provides a broader justification for equal suffrage as a necessary part of a democratic system. Further, Rankin’s deconstruction of the complexities of political machinery works to enact Rankin’s political leadership as the first woman to serve in the United States Congress.
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Buynova, Kristina R. "Foreign Commission of the Soviet Writers’ Union in the 1950s." Studia Litterarum 7, no. 3 (2022): 406–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-3-406-429.
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The article examines the development of the Foreign Commission of the Soviet Writers’ Union in 1953–1959. Commission’s goals were determined by the new document, “Regulations on the Foreign Commission.” Most of duties fell on consultants involved expanding ties with different countries. The Second and Third Writers’ All-Union Congresses (1954, 1959), where dozens of foreign authors participated, played an important role in the development of the Foreign Commission’s contacts. The main political events of the period, such as the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the Pasternak case, made the work of the institution’s staff more difficult. Aware of the influence of the United States among the foreign writers, as well as the competition of the young Chinese project, the Foreign Commission understood the need for a more open, democratic and businesslike approach, but was failing to achieve its implementation in the 1950s. But still the Foreign Commission of the Soviet Writers’ Union was not like other soviet propaganda institutions of its time, mainly because the special status of the foreigners it dealt with, and also due to the fact that this work was carried out not by professional propagandists, but by literary critics and translators.
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Danylets, Vadym. "Transformation of the US Energy Policy in the First Half of the 1970s." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.6.
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Violation of status-quo in the Middle East, which radically influenced the world oil supply system, generated the uncertainty of prospects in politics in general and energetics in particular. For the United States, it became necessary to transform their energy strategy, which included domestic and foreign policy aspects. However until October, 1973 the Administration of the USA could not develop a strategy capable of preventing an energy crisis of 1973–1974. Nevertheless, persistent looking for a new model of energy politics continued in the United States throughout the first half of 1970. As of December 1972, at least 42 federal agencies, bureaus, departments, and offices were involved in research into energy issues. The 93rd Congress (January 1973–January 1975) involved itself was in energy-related legislation on an unprecedented scale. More than 2,000 bills were introduced, and more than 30 standing congressional committees collectively held over 1,000 days of hearings on nearly every aspect of energy policy programs and problems. Nearly 40 energy-related laws were enacted. The magnitude of these efforts indicates that the United States leadership was deeply concerned about the situation. Despite the efforts made, the US administration could not avoid the dramatic events of the energy crisis. The cause for this was the untimely transformation of American energy policy. This article shows relationship between politics and energetics and explores, therefore, political methods, used in the USA in the process of developing the new energy politics in 1970 – 1975. It covers the history of this politics institutional and legal base creation. By the modern viewpoints it highlights the main problems and barriers to energy strategy formation, which slowed down its transformation.
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Hutchins, Vince L. "Maternal and Child Health Bureau: Roots." Pediatrics 94, no. 5 (November 1, 1994): 695–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.94.5.695.
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The Maternal and Child Health Bureau has roots that go back over 80 years to the creation of the United States Children's Bureau on April 9, 1912, when President William Howard Taft approved an Act of Congress that created the Children's Bureau and directed it "to investigate and report on all matters pertaining to the welfare of children and child life among all classes of our people." This was the federal government's first recognition that it has a responsibility to promote the welfare of our nation's children. The Bureau's Chief was to be appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. Originally placed in the Department of Commerce and Labor, it was transferred to the newly formed Department of Labor in March, 1913. The Children's Bureau was a logical sequel to several child-oriented social and public health activities of the late 19th century: the establishment of milk stations; concern with the spread of communicable disease after compulsory school attendance laws were passed; the movement to outlaw child labor; and, the opening of Settlement Houses. Lillian Wald, organizer of public health nursing, an ardent fighter against child labor, and the founder of the Henry Street Settlement in New York City, was the person who first suggested a federal Children's Bureau. A bill, with the support of President Theodore Roosevelt, was introduced in both houses of Congress in 1906 and annually during the next 6 years. It met with fierce opposition both from states which felt that the federal government was usurping their responsibility for the welfare of children and from those who feared that it would give federal employees the right to enter and regulate the homes of private citizens.
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Batlan, Felice. "Déjà Vu and the Gendered Origins of the Practice of Immigration Law: The Immigrants’ Protective League, 1907–40." Law and History Review 36, no. 4 (November 2018): 713–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000469.
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Donald Trump's administration has provoked crisis after crisis regarding the United States’ immigration policy, laws, and their enforcement. This has affected millions of immigrants in the U.S. and those hoping to immigrate. Stemming from this, immigration lawyers are providing extraordinary amounts of direct pro bono legal services to immigrants in need. Yet the history of the practice of immigration law has been largely understudied. This article closely examines Chicago's Immigrants’ Protective League between 1910 and 1940. The League provided free counsel to tens of thousands of poor immigrants facing a multitude of immigration-related legal issues during a time when Congress passed increasingly strict immigration laws. The League, always headed by women social workers, created a robust model of immigration advocacy at a time when only a handful of women were professionally trained lawyers. The League's archival documents, manifests how Trump's immigration policies have a long and painful history. U.S. immigration law and its enforcement have consistently been cruel, inhumane, arbitrary, and capricious. Told from the ground up and focusing upon the day-to-day problems that immigrants brought to the League, one dramatically sees how immigration laws and practices were like quicksand, thwarting the legitimate expectations of migrants. The League, in response, participated in creating what would become the practice of immigration law, engaging, and quickly responding to changing laws, rules, policies, and the needs of migrants.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, and S. A. Grechishkina. "The Debate in the US Congress on Legislative Restrictions on Immigration (1906-1917)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (206) (July 6, 2020): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-2-22-29.
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The article is concerned with the problem of legal restrictions on immigration to the United States using a literacy test. Attention to identifying participants of events and their motivation in voting on draft laws is paid. The opinion of US presidents on the possibility of restricting the immigration flow is analyzed. Based on an analysis of congressional transcripts, immigration Commission reports, and personal letters, the reasons for the lengthy debate on the issue of immigration law enforcement are identified. It was noted that certain beliefs of the participants in the discussions, as well as political conditions, prevented the adoption of the bill to restrict immigration. However, the active work of public organizations that encourage restrictive legislation, and their firm belief in the need to reduce the immigration flow, eventually led to the approval of the bill despite the veto of the US President.
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Matulewska, Aleksandra, and Marek Mikołajczyk. "Who is Right, Who is Wrong? Interpreting 14 Points of Wilson – A Case Study of Deontic Modals and their Meanings." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 66, no. 1 (November 19, 2021): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2021-0006.
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Abstract The document titled “14 points of Wilson” was announced by the President of the United States Woodrow Wilson in his speech addressed to the United States Congress on 8th January 1918. The speech is one of the most well known documents of the First World War as it touched upon several world issues. The text has been interpreted ever since in respect to the importance and real meaning of points formulated by Wilson. One of the points referred to Poland. The aim of the paper is to focus on the exponents of deontic modality used in that text of historical value and to find the answer to the question concerning the deontic value of each point. The analysis will encompass the principles of deontic logic as well as the meaning of deontic modals in legal discourse at the time of speech delivery as those 14 points should be classified as a text belonging to legal genres. The aim of the paper is to present the historical background and the linguistic analysis in order to find out whether historical facts, interpretations and language used correspond with one another.
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Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "WORLD WAR I AND THE PARADOX OF WILSONIANISM." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000548.
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One hundred years ago, on April 6, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the First World War. Four days earlier, in his war message to Congress, he gave his rationale for declaring war against Imperial Germany and for creating a new world order. He now viewed German submarine attacks against neutral as well as belligerent shipping as a threat to the whole world, not just the United States. “The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind,” he claimed. “It is a war against all nations.” He now believed that Germany had violated the moral standards that “citizens of civilized states” should uphold. The president explained: “We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.” He focused on protecting democracy against the German regime of Kaiser Wilhelm II. “A steadfast concert for peace,” he said, “can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.” Wilson called on Congress to vote for war not just because Imperial Germany had sunk three American ships, but for the larger purpose of a new world order. He affirmed: “We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundation of political liberty.”
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Coates, Benjamin A. "The Secret Life of Statutes: A Century of the Trading with the Enemy Act." Modern American History 1, no. 2 (May 16, 2018): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.12.
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In 1917 Congress passed the Trading with the Enemy Act to prevent trade with Germany and the Central Powers. It was a wartime law designed for wartime conditions but one that, over the course of the following century, took on a secret, surprising life of its own. Eventually it became the basis for a project of worldwide economic sanctions applied by the United States at the discretion of the president during times of both war and peace. This article traces the history of the law in order to explore how the expansion of American power in the twentieth century required a transformation of the American state and the extensive use of executive powers justified by repeated declarations of national emergency.
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Park, Myung Soo. "The Influence of the Korean Independence Movement conducted in North America on the March First Movement and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea." Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 45, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 49–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.49.
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This paper examines how the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was affected by the Korean Independence Movement in the United States which started in the aftermath of World War I. Korean immigrants considered the victory of the United States in the war as a victory of democracy and believed that the future independent government of Korean should be modeled upon the American democratic system. This idea was delivered by Rhee Syng-man to Hyun-soon soon after he heard that a provisional government would be established in Shanghai. Rhee emphasized this once again during the First Korean Congress in Philadelphia. These thoughts shared by the Korean immigrants at the time had a great influence on the Provisional Charter of the Republic of Korea. Many scholars have understood the so-called mandatory theory as an argument put forward by Rhee Syng-man and Jeong Han-kyung, but this paper has revealed that this was an official resolution approved by discussions within the Korean National Association. Rhee maintained this position for some time even after the March 1st Movement, but he changed his position and insisted on full independence after hearing that the provisional government would found in Shanghai. This idea was emphasized during the First Korean Congress and also in his letter to President Wilson in April of 1919. The theory that Rhee Syng-man planned the March 1st Movement was a widespread theory argued by advocates of Rhee Syng-man, but there are no evidences that support his planning or direction regarding the March 1st Movement in the Korean peninsula. Nonetheless, many people thought that Rhee had been involved in the movement, which led him to become president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. Rumors have made history.
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McDonagh, Eileen Lorenzi. "Electoral Bases of Policy Innovation in the Progressive Era: The Impact of Grass-Root Opinion on Roll-Call Voting in the House of Representatives, Sixty-third Congress, 1913–1915." Journal of Policy History 4, no. 2 (April 1992): 162–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089803060000693x.
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The 1900–1920 decades of the Progressive Era constitute a seminal period in American political history, evinced by successful invocation of government authority to contend with consequences of life in an urban, industrial, multicultural society. Legislative precedents established at the state and national level used public power to meet the needs of citizens unable individually to defend themselves against social and economic problems stemming from the brutal, take-off stage of industrial capitalism in the United States. Many scholars view the political transition marking these decades as profoundly significant for the development of public policies, if not for the very creation of the modern American state. This research investigates the electoral bases of national policy innovation in the Progressive Era.
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del Moral, Solsiree. "Colonial Citizens of a Modern Empire: War, Illiteracy, and Physical Education in Puerto Rico, 1917-1930." New West Indian Guide 87, no. 1-2 (2013): 30–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-12340003.
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Abstract The year 1917 marked a critical moment in the relationship between the United States and its Puerto Rican colony. It was the year the U.S. Congress approved the Jones Act, which further consolidated the island’s colonial relationship to the empire. Through the Jones Act, U.S. Congressmen granted Puerto Ricans U.S. citizenship. In turn, Puerto Rican men were asked to fulfill the obligations of their new colonial citizenship and join the U.S. military. The Porto Rican Regiment provided 18,000 colonial military recruits to guard the Panama Canal during the war. How did historical actors make sense of this new colonial citizenship? How did they interpret, debate, and adapt to the newly consolidated colonial status? This essay examines how local teachers and educators defined colonial citizenship. Puerto Rican teachers struggled to promote a citizenship-building project that cultivated student commitment to the patria (the island), while acknowledging the colonial relationship to the United States. In the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s, teachers debated military participation in World War I and the rights and obligations of U.S. citizenship. At the core, these debates were informed by anxieties over broader changes in constructions of gender. In the 1920s, Puerto Rico women aggressively and persistently challenged traditional gender norms. Working-class women joined the labor force in ever larger numbers and led labor strikes. Bourgeois women became teachers, nurses, and social workers. Both groups were committed suffragists. The historiography on citizenship and gender in the 1920s has focused on women’s emerging role in public spaces and their demands for just labor rights and the franchise. In this article, I propose we look at teachers, as intermediate actors in the colonial hierarchy, and examine their anxieties over changing gender norms. They debated men’s capacity to serve in the U.S. military and promoted modern physical education for the regeneration of boys and girls in the service of their patria. Debates among teachers in the 1920s sought to define the new category of colonial citizenship. As they did so, they helped liberalize some gender norms, while ultimately reinforcing patriarchy.
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Glass, Maeve Herbert. "Bringing Back the States: A Congressional Perspective on the Fall of Slavery in America." Law & Social Inquiry 39, no. 04 (2014): 1028–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12111.
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In the aftermath of America's Civil War, national lawmakers who chronicled the fall of slavery described the North as a terrain of states whose representatives assembled in Congress, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–77) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–70). Beginning in the early 1900s, scholars who helped establish the field of American constitutional history redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–1877) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–1870), a first generation of scholars writing during the Progressive Era redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in William A. Dunning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (1898), John W. Burgess's The Civil War and the Constitution (1901–1906), and James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems Under Lincoln (1926). Although a second generation of scholars uncovered traces of the lawmakers' perspective of states, new efforts in the wake of the civil rights movement to understand the internal workings of political parties and the contributions of ordinary Americans kept the study of national lawmakers and their states on the margins of inquiry, as evidenced in leading revisionist histories of Reconstruction, including Harold Hyman's A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution (1973), Michael Les Benedict's A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (1974a), and Eric Foner's Reconstruction: An Unfinished Revolution (1988). Today, the terrain of Northern states remains in the backdrop, as illustrated in recent studies featuring the wartime national government, including James Oakes's Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (2012) and Mark E. Neely, Jr.'s Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (2011), as well as studies of the mechanisms of constitutional change during Reconstruction, including relevant sections of Bruce Ackerman's We the People II: Transformations (1998) and Akhil Reed Amar's America's Constitution: A Biography (2005). This review essay argues that incorporating the states back into this century‐old framework will open new lines of inquiry and provide a more complete account of federalism's role in the fall of slavery. In particular, a return to the archives suggests that in the uncertain context of mid‐nineteenth‐century America, slavery's leading opponents in Congress saw the Constitution's federal logic not simply as an obstacle, but as a crucial tool with which to mobilize collective action and accommodate wartime opposition at a time when no one could say for sure what would remain of the United States.
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Kagramanov, A. K. "The Unity and Struggle of Opposites in Concepts of the Right of Nations to Self-Determination Developed by V.I. Lenin and V. Wilson." Actual Problems of Russian Law 19, no. 6 (June 30, 2024): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2024.163.6.167-176.
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The paper deals with the conflict between the concepts of self-determination stated by V.I. Lenin and V. Wilson, which determined the formation of a new world order from the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Second World War, which is based on the political and legal idea of self-determination.In 1914, Vladimir Lenin put forward the concept of self-determination in the article «On the right of nations to self-determination», which was dedicated to the confrontation between the «oppressive» and «oppressed» nation with the right to secede the latter and «form a national state». This concept was taken up by American President Woodrow Wilson. He used it as a basis for the «Fourteen Points» when addressing the US Congress in 1917 as a political formula and legal justification for the US entry into the First World War, the fragmentation of Europe into nation states and the increase in political influence.The author concludes that the principle of self-determination, developed by Lenin and further developed by Wilson, was based on various ideological premises and initially had a diametrically opposite meaning. Whereas in Lenin’s work the emphasis was on the creation of a sovereign state up to the point of secession and/or annexation to another state, but under the protection of international law, then for Wilson self-determination was almost identical to «government of the people» or «government by consent», with the possibility of exerting political influence on a self-determined nation and justifying military conflicts with the participation of the United States in Latin America.Exploring the conceptual component of ideas, foreign policy documents of Soviet and American diplomacy, the author, based on an analysis of the world order that emerged after the First World War and the rapid process of national liberation movements and decolonization, concludes about the stunning influence of the Leninist formula on the emergence of new states in Europe, Asia, and others regions of the world, as well as for the return of the national outskirts of the former Russian Empire lost as a result of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty.
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Perga, Tetiana. "Before the great journey: Plast in Germany in the second half of the 1940s." European Historical Studies, no. 17 (2020): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.17.6.
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This article examines the revival of the Ukrainian youth organization Plast in Germany in the first years after World War II. The reasons for this process have been studied. It was found that the establishing of Plast groups in di-pi camps was a spontaneous process, so Union of Ukrainian Plast Emigrants – SUPE was revived for the management of these activities and preventing of moral and physical degradation of Ukrainians. Number of meetings of the organization took place in 1946-1948 under its leadership. The most important were following: the Congress in Karlsfeld in April 1946, the meeting in Mittenwald in July 1947, and the First Ideological Plast Congress held in Ashschaffenburg in March 1948. The organizational and ideological background of Plast’ activities in the first postwar decades were adopted during these meetings. The article analyzes the ideas on the Educational Ideal of the Young Ukrainian and the principles of building further organization’ activities, in particular: apoliticalness, catholicity, acceptance of youth and senior Ukrainians without distinction of an origin and religion, using the ideas of world scouting and readiness to cooperate with other scout organizations, attention to the essence and spirit of the Plast idea and the development of propaganda among “ours”, and “of that which is not”. It was found that the 35th anniversary of the Plast establishment was celebrated in 1947–1948. However meetings of this period were dedicated not only to the summing up of the activities since its establishing. Given the fact that they took place on the eve of the mass resettlement of Ukrainians to other countries – the United States, Canada, Australia, etc., they aimed at developing the main directions of activities of the Plast members in emigration. The article explores the main achievements of the Congress held in 1948 under the slogan “On a further journey to the great purpose”. It is concluded that they were following: the election of the Main Plast Council headed by Plast Head (known as “Nachalniy Plastun”) Severin Levitsky, discussion of external and internal environment in the countries of new living and short-term prospects of this “journey”.
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Moore, Colin D. "State Building Through Partnership: Delegation, Public-Private Partnerships, and the Political Development of American Imperialism, 1898–1916." Studies in American Political Development 25, no. 1 (April 2011): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x11000034.
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In the first decades of the twentieth century, the United States transformed itself from a commercial republic into a major international actor and acquired its first overseas colonies and dependencies. This article investigates the role of public-private partnerships between American state officials and American financiers in the management and expansion of American empire. Confronted with tepid support from Congress for further imperial expansion and development, colonial bureaucrats looked to investment bankers to accomplish goals for which they lacked the financial capacity and political support to achieve independently. These partnerships were soon formalized as “Dollar Diplomacy,” an arrangement that would govern America's imperial strategy in the Caribbean. This article highlights two theoretical processes: (1) the downstream effects of congressional delegation decisions and their role in motivating institutional adaptations, and (2) the formation of public-private partnerships as an alternative means of state development, and the unique pitfalls of this approach. To illustrate these mechanisms, this article presents historical narratives, based largely on archival research, on the emergence of this Dollar Diplomacy partnership in the formal American colonies, the spread of this system of imperialism to the Caribbean, and its partial collapse during the early Wilson administration.
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Balleisen, Edward J. "American Better Business Bureaus, the Truth-in-Advertising Movement, and the Complexities of Legitimizing Business Self-Regulation over the Long Term." Politics and Governance 5, no. 1 (March 15, 2017): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i1.790.
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This essay considers the question of how strategies of legitimatizing private regulatory governance evolve over the long term. It focuses on the century-long history of the American Better Business Bureau (BBB) network, a linked set of business-funded non-governmental organizations devoted to promoting truthful marketing. The BBBs took on important roles in standard-setting, monitoring, public education, and enforcement, despite never enjoying explicit delegation of authority from Congress or state legislatures. This effort depended on building legitimacy with three separate groups with very different perspectives and interests—the business community, a fractured American state, and the American public, in their roles as consumers and investors. The BBBs initially managed to build a strong reputation with each constituency during its founding period, from 1912 to 1933. The Bureaus then in many ways adapted successfully to the emergence of a more assertive regulatory state from the New Deal through the mid 1970s. Eventually, however, the resurgence of conservative politics in the United States exposed the challenges of satisfying such divergent stakeholders, and led the BBBs to focus resolutely on shoring up its support from the business establishment. That choice, over time, undercut the Bureaus standing with other stakeholders, and especially the wider public. This history illustrates: the salience of generational amnesia within private regulatory institutions; the profound impact that the shifting nature of public faith in government can have on the strategies and reputation of private regulatory bodies; and the extent to which private regulators face long-term trade-offs among strategies to sustain legitimacy with different audiences. It also suggests a rich set of research questions for longer-term histories of other private regulatory institutions, in the United States, other societies, and at the international level.
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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s." Journal of Austrian-American History 6, no. 2 (October 2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.6.2.0105.
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Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris treaties, even as they refused to ratify those actual treaties. This resolution formed the basis of the 1921 US treaties with Austria, Hungary, and Germany. The process of settling property claims dragged on until the end of the decade. The coverage in the New York Times reveals the importance of conflicts between the executive and legislative branches, partisanship and debates over the future of US foreign policy, US politicians’ focus on Germany rather than on the particular circumstances facing Austria, and a commitment to protecting private property rights as elements that shaped and prolonged the process of reaching a US-Austrian peace.
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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s." Journal of Austrian-American History 6, no. 2 (October 2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.6.2.0105.
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Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris treaties, even as they refused to ratify those actual treaties. This resolution formed the basis of the 1921 US treaties with Austria, Hungary, and Germany. The process of settling property claims dragged on until the end of the decade. The coverage in the New York Times reveals the importance of conflicts between the executive and legislative branches, partisanship and debates over the future of US foreign policy, US politicians’ focus on Germany rather than on the particular circumstances facing Austria, and a commitment to protecting private property rights as elements that shaped and prolonged the process of reaching a US-Austrian peace.
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Švoger, Vlasta. "Parliamentary Debates and Freedom of Speech of MPs as Defined in the Rules of Procedure of the 19th Century Croatian Parliament and Other Parliaments." Review of Croatian history 19, no. 1 (December 20, 2023): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/rch.v19i1.28474.
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This paper presents different aspects of regulating parliamentary debate in the second half of the 19th century in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor) and other parliaments in a comparative discourse. This includes parliament's constituent session, preparation and course of parliamentary debate, MPs’ motions and interpellations, MPs’ freedom of speech, voting and adoption of conclusions. The analysis will be based on a comparison of the rules of procedure of the Croatian Parliament (1861-1918), the 1848 Frankfurt National Assembly (Frankfurter Nationalversammlung), the 1848 Imperial Diet in Vienna (Reichstag), the Imperial Council (Reichsrat), the Hungarian Parliament and parliaments of some German lands in the second half of the 19th century as well as a collection of precedents serving as a basis for the operation of the British Parliament (the so-called Westminster procedure) and the rules of the United States Congress. Moreover, acceptance and modification of individual aspects of the Westminster procedure or provisions in the procedural rules of other countries will be presented as examples suggesting that the transfer of ideas and practices in parliamentarianism in Croatia and other European countries in the 19th century should be viewed through the prism of multidirectional influence and creative receptions.
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Klynina, Тetiana. "THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES (FRUS) SERIES AS AN EXAMPLE OF OFFICIAL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (November 20, 2023): 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.262.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal the idea of the emergence and evolution of the FRUS publication as the gold standard of official documentary history, to analyze the main periods of the collection's development, focus on the legislative basis for the publication of the series and the problems of understanding the FRUS series as an example of the transparency of the American government. Analyzing the scientific work on the topic of the study, the author draws attention to two aspects: the lack of interest in this collection in the Ukrainian scientific community and the rather limited interest among the world scientific community. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, a systematic approach, and relevant general scientific methods such as problem-chronological and information analysis. The scientific novelty is determined by showing the evolution of the collection, its functional orientation, and the proposed periodization of the publication's development. Conclusions: The publication of the collection began in 1861 and was viewed by Congress not only as a means of informing the public but also as a tool to control the executive branch. No clear criteria for publishing or removing materials were made public, although there was a consensus on which materials should not be published, namely those “that would be detrimental to the public good”. The publications of the period 1861-1905 did not take into account the fact of inconvenience to foreign governments, American diplomats, or US presidents. It is emphasized that the publications of the period 1920-1945 underwent profound changes in purpose, production, design procedures, and target audience. This period is associated with the appearance of the first official order that provided for mandatory historical “objectivity” and served as a charter for the series (with minor changes) until 1991. It is pointed out that the content of the collection and the speed of its appearance were seen as direct evidence of the US government's adherence to the policy of transparency and accountability. As a result, between 1920 and 1945, the State Department released 56 volumes, covering the years between 1913 and 1930. It is noted that gradually the balance between transparency and national security became increasingly difficult. The FRUS series has been and remains a vital resource for the public, academia, political scientists, and others. After the end of World War II, the State Department redefined the transparency paradigms of the 20th century. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the imperatives of the Cold War affected the timeliness of publication, as well as the decision-making process for declassifying U.S. government documents. At the beginning of the Cold War, the FRUS series was 15 years behind on average; by the 1980s, this gap had doubled to about 30 years. The volumes were also subjected to greater scrutiny by the U.S. government before being released. This was partly a result of expanding bureaucratic frameworks and partly a consequence of the Cold War. The publications of the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries moved away from the functional component of the nineteenth century and instead became a means of a certain historical transparency. The FRUS publications will allow us to analyze not only the evolution of US diplomatic skill but also the policy of openness as a key element of democratic development.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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Finn, Daniel. "Republicanism and the Irish Left." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341457.
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The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically been among the weakest in Western Europe, repeated attempts have been made to fuse republicanism with socialism, from the Republican Congress in the 1930s to the Official Republican Movement of the 1970s and ’80s. At present, Sinn Féin poses the main electoral challenge to the conservative parties in the southern state, while holding office in a devolved administration north of the border. Eoin Ó Broin’s Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism offers an assessment of these efforts from a leading Sinn Féin activist who maintains a certain critical distance from his own party’s approach, while The Lost Revolution by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar and INLA: Deadly Divisions give comprehensive accounts of two earlier left-republican projects.
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Whittier, Jack C., Ivan Rush, David Lalman, Allison M. Meyer, and Kim Mullenix. "180 Importance and Practices of Interaction with Producers and Industry for Land-Grant Animal Science Faculty: How are These Practices Developed and Implemented?" Journal of Animal Science 100, Supplement_3 (September 21, 2022): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jas/skac247.162.
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Abstract The Morrill Land Grant Act of 1862 created colleges to “benefit the agricultural and mechanical arts” and established one college per state “where the leading object shall be…to teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture…to promote liberal and practical education”. Further, the purpose of Smith-Lever Act of 1914 is “to aid in diffusing among the people of the United States useful and practical information on subjects relating to agriculture…and to encourage the application of the same”. From this legislation the role of universities was established to research and disseminate scientific information to various audiences. A key component of these legislative charges is the feedback loop between university faculty, producers, and industry professionals to assure the continuance of “liberal and practical education”. This feedback loop ensures that relevant information is pursued by faculty and provides an avenue for producer needs to be communicated back to faculty. Development of personal relationships between stakeholders and faculty is an integral part of the information flow. On-farm research and in-person educational programs, along with on-the-ground visits by faculty, have historically served an important mechanism for information flow and feedback. However, across the U.S., Animal Science undergraduate enrollment has increased dramatically while faculty and field staff extension FTEs have declined. Funding for such has remained stable over the past 20 years. These trends resulted in prioritization for undergraduate teaching and grantsmanship among faculty. The advent of electronic communications has diminished personal face-to-face interactions and on-site visits by faculty to production entities. Consulting with producers at their business often is most rewarding in learning and respected by producers, however this interaction is sometimes viewed as “service” which is viewed as a low priority by some administrators. This symposium will examine best practices by faculty to ensure land-grant universities align with the legislative mandates established by Congress and benefit from valuable interaction with clientele.
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SHAW, M. "The United States: Congress Under Stress." Parliamentary Affairs 50, no. 3 (July 1, 1997): 453–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028743.
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Martis, Kenneth C. "Sectionalism and the United States Congress." Political Geography Quarterly 7, no. 2 (April 1988): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0260-9827(88)90022-5.
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Clayton, Bruce, and Steven Biel. "Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 5 (December 1993): 1694. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167241.
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Steigerwald, David, and Steven Biel. "Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945." History of Education Quarterly 34, no. 2 (1994): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369123.
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Wilcox, Leonard, and Steven Biel. "Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080518.
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Orr, Elaine, and Steven Biel. "Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945." American Literature 65, no. 3 (September 1993): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2927402.
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Noble, David W. "Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910–1945." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950864.
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Brick, Howard, and Steven Biel. "Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 2 (1994): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206382.
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