Journal articles on the topic 'United Roumanian Jews of America'
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1
Faradhillah, Nadia. "Jewish Immigrant Foodways: Hyphenating America." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 4, no. 1 (July 19, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v4i1.47868.
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The article’s propose is understanding the position of Kosher Laws in Jewish foodways as religious and cultural signifier for Jews’ identity. Beside, this article also aims to explain the way the Jewish immigrants assimilate with American culture through their foodways. This topic is chosen because Jewish immigrants have unique position in American society in accordance to their food way. In the New Land that guarantees them freedom they struggle to keep their identity and assimilate as religious and cultural group through Jewish foodways.Qualitative method will be used in this library research on Jewish foodways archives and writings. This article will be started by introduction portraying Jews migration to the United States and their foodways that they brought along the migration.The findings of this research show that Jewish foodways divided the Jews for the difference of opinion between the Jews towards their Kosher Laws. The non-religious Jews adapt easily to the American foodways. The religious Jews found it difficult to assimilate to the American foodways, albeit they found a way to assimilate, yet still keep their obedience.Keywords: Kosher Law, Jewish American, Theory of Practice, Post-Nationalism, Foodways
2
Hieke, Anton. "Aus Nordcarolina: The Jewish American South in German Jewish Periodicals of the Nineteenth Century." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 2 (2011): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x607195.
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Abstract For many German Jewish papers of the nineteenth century, the United States of America was held up as an ideal. This holds true especially for the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, then Germany’s most influential Jewish publication. In America, Jews had already achieved what their co-religionists in Germany strove for until complete legal emancipation with the formation of the German Empire in 1871: the transition from ‘Jews in Germany’ via ‘German Jews’ to ‘Germans of the Jewish faith.’ Thus, the experiences of Jews from Germany in America represented the post-emancipation hopes for those who had remained behind.2 When examined for the representation of Jewry living in the American Southern states,3 it becomes apparent that German Jewish papers in their coverage of America largely refrained from a regionalization. Most articles and accounts concerning Jewish life in the South do not show any significant distinctiveness in the perception of the region and its Jews. The incidents presented or the comments sent to the papers might in fact have occurred in respectively dealt with any region of the United States at the time, barring anything that remotely dealt with slavery or secession prior to 1865. When the Jewish South was explicitly dealt with in the papers, however, it either functioned as an ‘über-America’ of the negative stereotypes in respect to low Jewish piety, or took the place of an alternative America of injustice and slavery—the ‘anti-America.’ Jewish Southerners who actively supported the region during the Civil War, or who had internalized the South’s moral values as supporters of the Confederacy and/or slavery were condemned in the strongest words for endangering the existence of ‘America the Ideal.’ As the concept of the United States and its Jewish life is represented in a largely unrealistic manner that almost exclusively focused on the positive aspects of Jewish life in America, the concept of the Jewish South was equally far from being accurate.
3
Diner, Hasia. "The Encounter between Jews and America in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, no. 1 (January 2012): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781411000442.
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The period after 1870 through the middle of the 1920s, the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, coincided with the mass migration of Jews to the United States. Nearly three million Jews, primarily from eastern Europe, overwhelmed the numerically small Jewish community already resident in America. Of the Jews who left Europe in those years, approximately 85 percent opted for the United States, a society that took some of its basic characteristics from the particular developments of this transitional historical period. This essay focuses on five aspects of Gilded Age and Progressive Era America and their impact on the Jews. These features of American society both stimulated the mass migration and made possible a relatively harmonious, although complicated, integration. Those forces included the broader contours of immigration, the nation's obsession with race, its vast industrial and economic expansion, its valorization of religion, and its two-party system in which neither the Democrats or the Republicans had any stake in demonizing the growing number of Jewish voters.
4
R.Kh., Murtazaeva. "BUKHARAN JEWS FROM UZBEKISTAN IN AMERICA, AS A SPECIAL ETHNIC GROUP." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 02, no. 03 (June 1, 2022): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-02-03-07.
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This article is devoted to the study of Bukhara Jews from Uzbekistan in the United States. The study reveals the reasons for their entry into America, their unique lifestyle, and the process of forming them as a separate ethnic group.
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Hieke, Anton. "Farbrekhers in America: The Americanization of Jewish Blue-Collar Crime, 1900-1931." aspeers: emerging voices in american studies 3 (2010): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.54465/aspeers.03-10.
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The mass immigration of Eastern European Jews between 1880 and 1924—some two and a half million came to the United States—caused a thorough change in the nature of New York Jewry. Following wealthier German uptown Jews, it was now marked by poor Polish or Russian Jews living on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. The Jewish quarters functioned as the hinges between Eastern Europe and the US for many immigrants. Crime was a shade of it. Jews only constituted a small minority of American society; their Americanized criminal structures, however, became one of the most influential factors of modernization of crime from the fringes to the center of American society. Through the development of the Jewish underworld, the exclusion of and the cooperation with criminals of a different ethnic background, as well as the professionalization and the struggle for respectability, the phenomenon of Jewish blue-collar crime itself experienced an Americanization. Additionally, this process of Americanization was key not only to the rise but also to the downfall of Jewish American blue-collar crime in New York.
6
Mart, Michelle. "The “Christianization” of Israel and Jews in 1950s America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 109–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.109.
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AbstractIn the 1950s, the United States experienced a domestic religious revival that offered postwar Americans a framework to interpret the world and its unsettling international political problems. Moreover, the religious message of the cold war that saw the God-fearing West against atheistic communists encouraged an unprecedented ecumenism in American history. Jews, formerly objects of indifference if not disdain and hatred in the United States, were swept up in the ecumenical tide of “Judeo-Christian” values and identity and, essentially, “Christianized” in popular and political culture. Not surprisingly, these cultural trends affected images of the recently formed State of Israel. In the popular and political imagination, Israel was formed by the “Chosen People” and populated by prophets, warriors, and simple folk like those in Bible stories. The popular celebration of Israel also romanticized its people at the expense of their Arab (mainly Muslim) neighbors. Battling foes outside of the Judeo-Christian family, Israelis seemed just like Americans. Americans treated the political problems of the Middle East differently than those in other parts of the world because of the religious significance of the “Holy Land.” A man such as Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who combined views of hard-nosed “realpolitik” with religious piety, acknowledged the special status of the Middle East by virtue of the religions based there. Judaism, part of the “Judeo-Christian civilization,” benefitted from this religious consciousness, while Islam remained a religion and a culture apart. This article examines how the American image of Jews, Israelis, and Middle Eastern politics was re-framed in the early 1950s to reflect popular ideas of religious identity. These images were found in fiction, the press, and the speeches and writings of social critics and policymakers. The article explores the role of the 1950s religious revival in the identification of Americans with Jews and Israelis and discusses the rise of the popular understanding that “Judeo-Christian” values shaped American culture and politics.
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Michels, Tony. "The Russian Revolution in New York, 1917–19." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (October 2017): 959–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417724213.
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The events of 1917 exerted strong influences on immigrant Jews in the United States of America, who, over the previous three decades, had cultivated ties with various Russian-Jewish and Russian political parties. With the lives of friends, relatives, and comrades hanging in the balance, immigrant Jews felt a deep investment in a successful outcome of the Russian Revolution. This article seeks to uncover the broad climate of opinion – the mix of perceptions, emotions, and ideas – toward Bolshevism as it coalesced among immigrant Jews in New York City and found extreme political manifestation in the Communist movement.
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Ülgen, Övgü. "Language, Religion and Difference: North African and Turkish Jewish Identity Formation Vis-À-Vis Ashkenazim in Canada." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 34 (December 20, 2022): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40295.
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This article examines Sephardic identity formation in the North American context through Sephardic Jews’ encounter with their co-religionists, Ashkenazi Jews. It explores the shifting cultural, linguistic and traditional boundaries between Ashkenazi Jews and North African and Turkish Jews in Montreal and Toronto to understand the North American dynamics of this inter-ethnic encounter. Given that they are a minority in relation to Yiddish and English-speaking Ashkenazim who started to settle in Canada in the 19th century, how then did the relationship between Sephardim and Ashkenazim develop and what specific role did language play in shaping this inter-ethnic encounter in North America? After a historical overview of encounters between these two groups in North America, drawing on twenty life-story interviews with Moroccan, Tunisian, and Turkish Jews, this article presents an empirical portrait of these relationships in contemporary Canada from a relational sociology perspective. Providing an historical contextualization from a selective literature on the Jewish migration from Ottoman lands, the Middle East and North Africa to North America helps formulate the question of how this encounter relates to the current context in Canada. By paying specific attention to both the continuities and the ruptures in the relations between Sephardic and Ashkenazic groups in North America since the 1910s, this article argues that the encounter between these two groups in Montreal and Toronto shows how the linguistic pluralism in Quebec, which is different from the United States and Toronto, illuminates a unique context. As such, the collective experiences of North African and Turkish Jews I interviewed in this study reveals Canadian pluralism through the interplay between language, ethnicity, and religion.
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Parham, Angel Adams. "A racial re-framing of Modernity and the Jews." Journal of Classical Sociology 20, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x19886701.
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Goldberg presents a nicely argued examination that demonstrates how sociology’s foundational thinkers used the experience of Jews to make sense of the transition from traditional to modern societies. While major European theorists were either negative or ambivalent about the Jewish community, US scholars were more likely to see Jews as pointing the way toward a more modern, diverse America. The US story, however, is more complex, and Goldberg’s analysis would benefit from a deeper, more careful discussion of race and racialization. Jews’ eventual incorporation in the United States required a careful process of de-racialization that culminated in their revaluation as white. But this process was never complete. The periodic resurfacing of race-inflected, anti-Jewish acts testifies to this. If Jews, who have been admitted to whiteness, are still subject to periodic racialization and stigmatization, this strongly suggests that their experience in the United States may represent the limits of full incorporation. If so, there is little hope for other racial outsiders to ever be fully accepted into the US mainstream.
10
Cohen, Yinon, and Andrea Tyree. "Palestinian and Jewish Israeli-born Immigrants in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (June 1994): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800201.
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This article considers both Arab and Jewish emigration from Israel to the United States, relying on the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the 1980 U.S. census. Using the ancestry and language questions to identify Jews and Arabs, we found that over 30 percent of Israeli-bom Americans are Palestinian-Arab natives of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip. While the Jews are of higher educational levels, hold better jobs and enjoy higher incomes than their Arab counterparts, both groups have relatively high socioeconomic characteristics. Both have high rates of self-employment, particularly the Palestinian-Arabs, who appear to serve as middlemen minority in the grocery store business in the cities where they reside. The fact that nearly a third of Israeli-born immigrants are Arabs accounts for the occupational diversity previously observed of Israelis in America but does not account for their income diversity as much as does differences between early and recent immigrants.
11
Varat, Deborah. "“Their New Jerusalem”: Representations of Jewish Immigrants in the American Popular Press, 1880–1903." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, no. 2 (April 2021): 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000766.
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AbstractMillions of immigrants arrived in the United States during the Gilded Age, drastically altering the ethnic character of the American citizenry. This dramatic social change was met with mixed reactions from the native-born population that were vividly communicated in the popular press. Cartoonists for newspapers and magazines across the country developed a language of caricature to identify and distinguish among ethnic groups and mocked new arrivals in imagery that ranged from mild to malicious. One might assume that the masses of Eastern European Jews flooding into the country (poor, Yiddish-speaking, shtetl-bred) would have been singled out for anti-Semitic attack, just as they were in Europe at the time. However, Jews were not the primary victims of visual insults in America, nor were the Jewish caricatures wholly negative. Further, the broader scope of popular imagery, which, in addition to cartoons, includes a plethora of illustrations as well as photographs, presents a generally positive attitude toward Jewish immigrants. This attitude aligned with political rhetoric, literature, newspaper editorials, and financial opportunity. This article will propose a better alignment of the visual evidence with the scholarly understanding of the essentially providential experience of Jews in America during this period.
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Whalen, Robert K. "“Christians Love the Jews!” The Development of American Philo-Semitism, 1790-1860." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 6, no. 2 (1996): 225–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1996.6.2.03a00050.
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Philo-Semitism is America's enduring contribution to the long, troubled, often murderous dealings of Christians with Jews. Its origins are English, and it drew continuously on two centuries of British research into biblical prophecy from the seventeenth Century onward. Philo-Semitism was, however, soon “domesticated” and adapted to the political and theological climate of America after independence. As a result, it changed as America changed. In the early national period, religious literature abounded that foresaw the conversion of the Jews and the restoration of Israel as the ordained task of the millennial nation—the United States. This scenario was, allowing for exceptions, socially and theologically optimistic and politically liberal, as befit the ethos of a revolutionary era. By the eve of Civil War, however, countless evangelicals cleaved to a darker vision of Christ's return in blood and upheaval. They disparaged liberal social views and remained loyal to an Augustinian theology that others modified or abandoned.
13
Rabin, Shari. "Working Jews: Hazanim and the Labor of Religion in Nineteenth-Century America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 25, no. 02 (2015): 178–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2015.25.2.178.
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Abstract This article uses the case of hazanim, nonordained Jewish religious functionaries, to explore how religious work operated as a market activity in the nineteenth century. Building on recent work at the intersection of religion, class, and capitalism, it recasts ministers, rabbis, and other religious leaders as contracted workers who sought ways to acquire wages through the specific marketing of ritual authority. Scholars have described the history of the American ministry as a path toward professionalization, seen as the outcome of clerical self-assertion in the aftermath of disestablishment. These accounts, however, ignore the everyday social and economic factors shaping the development of American religious institutions, which were particularly challenging for Jews, who had specific needs for religious labor, no existential distinction between ministers and congregants, and no institutional infrastructure to oversee qualifications and placement. As Jews founded congregations in the United States, they required particular human resources, which were acquired through unregulated contracts and unreliable credentials. These complex conditions contributed to the possibility of religious exploitation, personal fraud, communal instability, interpersonal distrust, and social conflict, which shifted in meaning and intersected with notions of religious authenticity. In this context, Jews increasingly prioritized preaching and teaching and founded national institutions, which together would make religious work more specialized, labor markets more efficient, and the resultant professionals more reliable in their work. Understanding religious workers in this way encourages us to see how religion was, and is, labor.
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Schorsch, Jonathan. "The Return of the Tribe." Common Knowledge 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 40–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8723035.
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As a part of “Xenophilia: A Symposium on Xenophobia’s Contrary” in Common Knowledge, this essay examines the interest in, affection for, friendship with, and romanticization of Native Americans by Jews in the United States since the 1960s. The affinity is frequent among Jews with “progressive” or “countercultural” inclinations, especially those with strong environmental concerns and those interested in new forms of community and spirituality. For such Jews, Native Americans serve as mirror, prod, role model, projection, and fictive kin. They are regarded as having a holistic and integrated culture and religiosity, an unbroken connection to premodern attitudes and practices, an intimate relationship with the earth and with nonhuman creatures, along with positive feelings toward their own traditions and a simple, honest, and direct way of living. All of these presumed characteristics offer to progressive Jews parallels and contrasts to contemporary Jewishness and Judaism. For some, Native America has become a path back to a reconstructed Jewishness and Judaism; for others, a path away. Each path is assessed in this article with respect to questions of authenticity, psychobiography, family history, theology, and theopolitics.
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Levinson, Julian. "On the Uses of Biblical Poetics: Protestant Hermeneutics and American Jewish Self-Fashioning." Prooftexts 40, no. 1 (2023): 190–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ptx.2023.a899253.
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Abstract: This article shows how new trends in Protestant biblical hermeneutics in nineteenth-century America helped to raise the cultural status of modern-day Jews, while inspiring bold new directions in American Jewish literary culture. The interpretive framework under discussion emerged in the work of Bishop Robert Lowth and Johann Gottfried Herder, whose studies of biblical poetry became highly influential in the United States when they were both published at the height of the Second Great Awakening. By reconceptualizing biblical poetry (especially in the works of the biblical prophets) as sublime art, their approach created the possibility for valorizing the biblical tradition for its aesthetic power alongside its religious teachings. Since Jews were commonly seen as continuous with biblical Israel, this approach meant that Jews could be seen as heirs to a glorious literary tradition, a point that American Jewish poets, such as Emma Lazarus, emphasized when they launched their own poetic experiments modeled on the biblical prophets.
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Pohl, Jana. ",,Only darkness in the Goldeneh Medina?" Die Lower East Side in der US-amerikanischen Kinder- und Jugendliteratur." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 58, no. 3 (2006): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007306777834546.
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AbstractThe paper deals with the Lower East Side as a site of memory in children's literature in the United States. Contemporary children's books depict the Lower East Side in migration narratives about Eastern European Jews who came to America around the turn of the last century. They do so both verbally and visually by incorporating an often reproduced photograph that has come to symbolize the imaginary place. The Lower East Side is a Jewish site of immigrant poverty, crowded tenement houses, and sweat shops. In the examples given, it is used to dismantle the image of the Goldeneh Medina.
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Model, Suzanne W. "Italian and Jewish Intergenerational Mobility: New York, 1910." Social Science History 12, no. 1 (1988): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001600x.
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Although most Italian and Jewish immigrants arrived in the United States during the same turn-of-the-century period, the occupational trajectories of their descendants have been very different. Many writers have emphasized that Jews brought with them urban-industrial experience, entrepreneurial skills, a determination to settle in America, and a reverence for education (Joseph, 1969, orig. 1914; Glazer, 1958). Italians were more often peasants or farm laborers, though their familiarity with commerce and the crafts should not be underestimated (Briggs, 1978; Gabaccia, 1984). Some have also argued that familism and disdain for education further delayed Italian participation in the upgrading of the American occupational structure (Covello, 1972; Child, 1970).
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Sinclair, Christopher. "Une «genèse pour l'Amérique» : le mormonisme comme essai d'explication du nouveau monde." Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 37, no. 1 (2004): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ranam.2004.1735.
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The mormon religion was founded in 1830 in the United States. Its main holy writ, The Book of Mormon, is an epic narrative aiming at explaining the origins of the American Indians. In the same line as the theories prevailing since the XVIth century, it claims that the American Indians are the descendants of Jews who migrated to America 600 years before the Christian era. In that sense, it can be called a "Genesis for America". However, at the beginning of the XXth century the mormon explanatory epic of the origin of the American Indians was to be challenged by new scientific theories. In that new context, the mormon Church has managed to resist and has continued to expand, but without rising above the status of a marginal minority religion. The destiny of mormonism provides a good illustration of the difficulties encountered by religious explanations faced with the progress of scientific explanations. But it also testifies to the persistance of religion in modern America and the modern world.
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Adesokan, Abdurrahman Toyese, Abdullah Yusof, and Aizan Ali Mat Zin. "Contributions of the Law and Order Towards the Proliferation of Muslim Ideologies in The United States of America." Al-Muqaddimah: Online journal of Islamic History and Civilization 8, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/muqaddimah.vol8no1.2.
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Law and order of the United States of America play tremendous role towards the proliferation of Muslims ideologies. Muslims benefits from the Law of the land that permits the believers to practice their religion and its tenets freely and Islam disallow the Muslims to go against the law of the land so far it allows them to practice their religion. It has been normal for the Muslims in America to enjoy the same opportunity of the protection and security that the Jews, Gentiles and the Christians enjoy in the States. This has been the case since 1786 when Thomas Jefferson recounted his satisfaction with the state of Virginia’s landmark bill for establishing religious freedom that was passed by then. The friendly neighborhood that Islam encouraged made it applicable to American law. Houston Congress-man Al-Green supported Islam been a friendly religion, condemning atrocity of labelling Islam with terrorism, defending this course in the congress of America by saying: “I stand here to support Islam today, one of the great religions of the world. He said: to demean Islam by adding the world terrorist with it is an injustice to the religion” (Record, 2015). President Thomas Jefferson’s recognition of the Ramadan iftar in 1805 proved that the American Founding Fathers appreciated the existence of Islam in their domain since then and it continued till today (Wang, 2017). This work will showcase many of the American Law and Order in favor of Islam and the Muslims. The result will clear America as a safe place for moderate and obedient Muslims.
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Киселёва, Е. В. "Shrines as a Trigger for Escalating Tensions in International Relations: The Case of the State of Palestine." Праксис, no. 2(7) (December 27, 2021): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/praxis.2021.7.2.010.
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Защита культурных ценностей имеет как национальное, так и международное значение. ЮНЕСКО является специализированным учреждением ООН, в наибольшей степени способствующим государствам в сохранении всемирного культурного наследия. Однако даже вопросы поддержания Святых мест могут быть использованы в политических целях, что наглядно показывает пример Государства Палестины. Принятие Палестины в ЮНЕСКО стало основанием для прекращения выплаты членских взносов ЮНЕСКО со стороны США и Израиля, принятие резолюции, в которой касательно объектов Храмовой горы были использованы только мусульманские обозначения, послужило поводом для выхода США и Израиля из ЮНЕСКО и толчком к реализации переноса дипломатического представительства США в Израиле из Тель-Авива в Иерусалим в нарушение действующего международного права, что было обжаловано, в свою очередь, Палестиной в Международный Суд ООН. На жизнь верующих христиан, иудеев и мусульман политические перипетии сказываются осложнением доступа к Святым местам. The protection of cultural heritage has both national and international importance. UNESCO is a specialized agency of the United Nations that is most conducive to helping states in the preservation of the world cultural heritage. However, even the maintenance of Holy Places can be used for political purposes, and that can be clearly shown by the example of the State of Palestine. The admission of Palestine to UNESCO became the reason for the termination of the UNESCO membership fees payment by the United States of America and Israel; the adoption of a resolution in which only Muslim designations were used for the Temple Mount sites, served as a reason for the withdrawal of the United States of America and Israel from UNESCO and as an impetus for the implementation of the transfer of the diplomatic mission of the United States of America in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in violation of international law, what Palestine, in turn, appealed to the International Court of Justice. Political vicissitudes affect the lives of believing Christians, Jews and Muslims by complicating access to the Holy Places.
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Williams, John P. "Exodus from Europe: Jewish Diaspora Immigration from Central and Eastern Europe to the United States (1820-1914)." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 1-3 (April 7, 2017): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341422.
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This article examines one of the largest exoduses in human history. In less than three decades, over five million Jews from Poland, Germany, and Russia journeyed to what they considered to be the “American Promised Land.” This study serves five main purposes: first, to identify social, political, and economic factors that encouraged this unprecedented migration; second, to examine the extensive communication and transportation networks that aided this exodus, highlighting the roles that mutual aid societies (especially the Alliance Israelite Universelle in Paris, the Mansion House Fund in London, and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society in New York City) played in the success of these migrations; third, to analyze this diaspora’s impact on the cultural identity of the Jewish communities in which they settled; fourth, to discuss the cultural and economic success of this mass resettlement; and finally, fifth, identify incidents of anti-Semitism in employment, education, and legal realms that tempered economic and cultural gains by Jewish immigrants to America.
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Iosif, Ștefana. "The Birth of a New Narrative: Jewish-American Autobiographical Writing." Linguaculture 11, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/lincu-2020-2-0173.
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The Jewish diaspora quickly became one of the most notable immigrant groups in the American context. Faced with an arduous process of assimilation and acculturation, as exiles, Jews in America felt the pressure of the difficult choice between preserving their tradition and adapting to the new pragmatism and materialism that their new circumstances required. The issue of accelerated assimilation and loss of Jewishness became a real concern. As such, initiatives such as the one proposed by the YIVO Institute of a contest for autobiographical writing belonging to Jewish immigrants, dedicated to protecting Jewishness, offered a forum for personal written histories, submitted in different languages, but united through their English translations. Autobiography, as an essentially American genre, constituted an auspicious venue of expression, thus aiding the communal efforts of (re-)shaping and (re-)defining what it meant to be a Jew and what it meant to be a Jewish-American.
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Waldinger, Roger. "Structural Opportunity or Ethnic Advantage? Immigrant Business Development in New York." International Migration Review 23, no. 1 (March 1989): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838902300103.
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Research on ethnic enterprise emerged in the United States as part of an attempt to explain the historical differences in business activity between blacks and other ethnic groups. In Beyond the Melting Pot, Glazer and Moynihan argued that “the small shopkeeper, small manufacturer, or small entrepreneur of any kind played such an important role in the rise of immigrant groups in America that its absence from the Negro community warrants at least some discussion.”1 Glazer and Moynihan offered some brief, possible explanations, but the first extended treatment came with the publication of Ivan Light's now classic comparison of Blacks, not with Jews, Italians, or Irish, but with immigrants—Japanese, Chinese, West Indians—whose racial characteristics made them equally distinctive; the argument developed an imaginative variant of the Weber thesis, showing that it was ethnic solidarism, not individualism, that gave these immigrants an “elective affinity” with the requirements of small business.
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Mihăilescu, Dana. "The Jewish Fusgeyer Migration Movement from Early Twentieth-Century Romania as Transcultural Rhetorical Tool in US Memorial Literary Culture." MELUS 45, no. 1 (2020): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlz063.
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Abstract From 1900 to 1907, a so-called fusgeyer phenomenon was the most salient characteristic of Jewish emigration from Romania, given the high number of impoverished, desperate Jews who were on the brink of starvation and started to go on foot in the attempt to leave the country. My essay considers the literary representation of this fusgeyer movement over time as a conduit upholding transcultural networks of memory work in the United States. To that end, I will examine the representation of fusgeyers in the literature produced by immigrant fusgeyers to the United States immediately after emigration (M. E. Ravage’s 1917 An American in the Making: The Life Story of an Immigrant and Jacob Finkelstein’s 1942 “Memoirs of a Fusgeyer from Romania to America”) and in the literature created in contemporary times in the United States (Stuart Tower’s 2003 historical novel The Wayfarers). In my analysis, I rely on Astrid Erll’s demonstration that literature can be a powerful conduit of cultural memory by its use of “four modes of a ‘rhetoric of collective memory’: the experiential, the mythical, the antagonistic, and the reflexive mode.” I will show which of these modes of rhetoric apply to the literary works I consider and how they highlight a dynamic movement toward a transcultural type of rhetoric shaping Jewish memory forms in contemporary US literature.
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Tehranian, Katharine Kia. "Consuming Identities: Pancapitalism and Postmodern Formations." Prospects 24 (October 1999): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000284.
Full textAbstract:
The dramatic rise of identity anxieties in most parts of the world — as reflected in posttraditional movements in politics and postmodernist movements in art, architecture, and social theory — calls for an explanation. Also known disparagingly as fundamentalism or neoconservatism, posttraditionalism is often a response from the peripheral sectors of the population to the onslaught of rapid modernization, often accompanied by social disequilibria, income inequities, and feelings of relative deprivation. The Bible Belt in the United States, the oriental Jews in Israel, the rural and semi–urbanized Muslims in the Islamic world, the evangelical Protestants in Latin America, and the Hindu nationalists in secular India demonstrate the rich diversity and complexity of such political religions. By contrast, postmodernist movements are primarily situated in the intellectual circles of the contemporary world. In the face of an economically globalizing and technologically accelerating history, they represent a dual response to homogenizing forces by reasserting cultural pluralism and nihilism.
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Bracey, Ph.D., DPA, Earnest N. "Politics, Antisemitism, Anti-Blackness, Kanye West (aka Ye), and the Rise of the New “Uncle Toms” in America." Social Science, Humanities and Sustainability Research 4, no. 3 (April 13, 2023): p22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sshsr.v4n3p22.
Full textAbstract:
This paper shatters the notion or myth that Kanye West (aka Ye) is some kind of cunning, musical genius, or a political mastermind, as he has waded into the trouble waters of American politics. Indeed, nothing can be further from the truth, as the rapper is the most obvious example of the “Uncle Tom” phenomenon. This is to say that Ye’s racial transgressions will never be overlocked, as he is tarred forever because of his association with white supremacists. West’s (or Ye’s) hatred of Black people in the United States is quite evident in his public antisemitism and anti-black speeches, and “know-it-all,” disgusting antics. Moreover, West’s outlandish rhetoric is not particularly easy to ignore, especially on certain social media platforms. It goes without saying that West (aka Ye) has a misguided, and weak constitution, particularly since he has involved himself with very bad and disreputable people. Finally, his disdain for the daily struggles of Black people, Jews and other people of color is a testament to his lack of compassion and empathy. Hence, this paper will explore the political issues of antisemitism and anti-blackness in relation to Ye.
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POSNOCK, ROSS. "“LIKE BUT UNALIKE”: ERIC SUNDQUIST AND LITERARY HISTORICISM." Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 3 (October 4, 2007): 629–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430700145x.
Full textAbstract:
Eric Sundquist, Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005)As measured by that deadly but inescapable phrase “quantity and quality,” Eric Sundquist is perhaps the most productive American literature scholar of his generation. Since 1979, when he was still in his twenties, he has authored half a dozen books while editing another half-dozen. All have made an impact and many of these have been highly influential—his first book, Home as Found: Authority and Genealogy in Nineteenth-Century American Literature, was among the very first to read canonical American works through the lens of contemporary literary and psychoanalytic theory; his edited collection American Realism: New Essays (1982) proved pivotal in reviving the critical energy in a major but long-dormant literary and historical period. To Wake the Nations: Race in the Making of American Literature (1993) was by implicit design and to powerful effect nothing less than a rewriting of the foundational work of American literary history and criticism—F. O. Matthiessen's monumental American Renaissance: Art and Expression in the Age of Emerson and Whitman (1941). I will spend some time describing To Wake the Nations not only because of the book's exceptional importance but because its eloquent introduction provides the closest thing to a critical credo that Sundquist has written. His description there of his critical ideals—particularly of “justice,” boundary-crossing and “verification”—will help orient our approach to Strangers in the Land, which remains loyal to these ideals as it extends his interest in race and ethnicity, black and white, to the tormented subject of blacks and Jews, united by a “bond of alienation.” (52).
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Burmistrova, E. S., and A. A. Chuprikova. "FAR-RIGHT POLITICAL FORCES OF THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN: IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS TO THREATS TO NATIONAL IDENTITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 339–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-3-339-351.
Full textAbstract:
The article attempts to analyze the rhetoric and methods of promoting the ideas of far-right groups in the United States of America and Great Britain in the context of immigration processes and the multiculturalism policy connected with them. The authors draw attention to the tendency that right-wing radical groups hold different positions: from moderate to most radical. The focus of the study is on comparing the tactics and discourse of such organizations whose degrees of radicalism differ because of their positions on the problem of national identity. The study attempts to highlight the activities of previously unexplored right-wing radical groups in the United States and Great Britain. The focus is on “Proud Guys” and “Generation of Identity”, trying to create a socially acceptable image; Richard Spencer and Tomi Robinson, who are trying on the image of extreme right-wing leaders; Andrew Anglin and members of "National Action", who occupy ultra right positions in expressing their views. The study deals with a massive selection of sources: mass media materials, statistical reports of public organizations and accessible official resources of right-wing forces. The authors conclude that the modern far-right associations of the USA and Great Britain are similar on the agenda and in its implementation. The main enemies of the right radicals are immigrants, Muslims, Jews and feminists. In this sense, adepts of such ideas constitute a threat to the stability of a democratic society.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 84, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2010): 277–344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002444.
Full textAbstract:
The Atlantic World, 1450-2000, edited by Toyin Falola & Kevin D. Roberts (reviewed by Aaron Spencer Fogleman) The Slave Ship: A Human History, by Marcus Rediker (reviewed by Justin Roberts) Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, edited by David Eltis & David Richardson (reviewed by Joseph C. Miller) "New Negroes from Africa": Slave Trade Abolition and Free African Settlement in the Nineteenth-Century Caribbean, by Rosanne Marion Adderley (reviewed by Nicolette Bethel) Atlantic Diasporas: Jews, Conversos, and Crypto-Jews in the Age of Mercantilism, 1500-1800, edited by Richard L. Kagan & Philip D. Morgan (reviewed by Jonathan Schorsch) Brother’s Keeper: The United States, Race, and Empire in the British Caribbean, 1937-1962, by Jason C. Parker (reviewed by Charlie Whitham) Labour and the Multiracial Project in the Caribbean: Its History and Promise, by Sara Abraham (reviewed by Douglas Midgett) Envisioning Caribbean Futures: Jamaican Perspectives, by Brian Meeks (reviewed by Gina Athena Ulysse) Archibald Monteath: Igbo, Jamaican, Moravian, by Maureen Warner-Lewis (reviewed by Jon Sensbach) Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones, by Carole Boyce Davies (reviewed by Linden Lewis) Displacements and Transformations in Caribbean Cultures, edited by Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert & Ivette Romero-Cesareo (reviewed by Bill Maurer) Caribbean Migration to Western Europe and the United States: Essays on Incorporation, Identity, and Citizenship, edited by Margarita Cervantes-Rodríguez, Ramón Grosfoguel & Eric Mielants (reviewed by Gert Oostindie) Home Cooking in the Global Village: Caribbean Food from Buccaneers to Ecotourists, by Richard Wilk (reviewed by William H. Fisher) Dead Man in Paradise: Unraveling a Murder from a Time of Revolution, by J.B. MacKinnon (reviewed by Edward Paulino) Tropical Zion: General Trujillo, FDR, and the Jews of Sosúa, by Allen Wells (reviewed by Michael R. Hall) Downtown Ladies: Informal Commercial Importers, a Haitian Anthropologist, and Self-Making in Jamaica, by Gina A. Ulysse (reviewed by Jean Besson) Une ethnologue à Port-au-Prince: Question de couleur et luttes pour le classement socio-racial dans la capitale haïtienne, by Natacha Giafferi-Dombre (reviewed by Catherine Benoît) Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth, and Reality, edited by Patrick Bellegarde-Smith & Claudine Michel (reviewed by Susan Kwosek) Cuba: Religion, Social Capital, and Development, by Adrian H. Hearn (reviewed by Nadine Fernandez) "Mek Some Noise": Gospel Music and the Ethics of Style in Trinidad, by Timothy Rommen (reviewed by Daniel A. Segal)Routes and Roots: Navigating Caribbean and Pacific Island Literatures, by Elizabeth M. DeLoughrey (reviewed by Anthony Carrigan) Claude McKay, Code Name Sasha: Queer Black Marxism and the Harlem Renaissance, by Gary Edward Holcomb (reviewed by Brent Hayes Edwards) The Sense of Community in French Caribbean Fiction, by Celia Britton (reviewed by J. Michael Dash) Imaging the Chinese in Cuban Literature and Culture, by Ignacio López-Calvo (reviewed by Stephen Wilkinson) Pre-Columbian Jamaica, by P. Allsworth-Jones (reviewed by William F. Keegan) Underwater and Maritime Archaeology in Latin America and the Caribbean, edited by Margaret E. Leshikar-Denton & Pilar Luna Erreguerena (reviewed by Erika Laanela)
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Nikolic, Kosta. "Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the resistance movements in Yugoslavia, 1941." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950339n.
Full textAbstract:
During the Second World War a brutal and distinctly complex war was fought in Yugoslavia. It was a mixture of an anti-fascist struggle for liberation as well as an ideological, civil, inter-ethnic and religious war, which witnessed a holocaust and genocide against Jews and Serbs. At least a million Yugoslavs died in that war, most of them ethnic Serbs. In their policies towards Yugoslavia, each of the three Allied Powers (the United States of America, the Soviet Union and Great Britain) had their short-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals were victory over the Axis powers. The long-term goals were related to the post-war order in Europe (and the world). The Allies were unanimous about the short-term goals, but differed with respect to long-term goals. The relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union were especially sensitive: both countries wanted to use a victory in the war as a means of increasing their political power and influence. Yugoslavia was a useful buffer zone between British and Soviet ambitions, as well as being the territory in which the resistance to the Axis was the strongest. The relations between London and Moscow grew even more complicated when the two local resistance movements clashed over their opposing ideologies: nationalism versus communism. The foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) was to effect a violent change to the pre-war legal and political order of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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Bashford, Alison, and Jane McAdam. "The Right to Asylum: Britain's 1905 Aliens Act and the Evolution of Refugee Law." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (May 2014): 309–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000029.
Full textAbstract:
From the 1880s, states and self-governing colonies in North and South America, across Australasia, and in southern Africa began introducing laws to regulate the entry of newly defined “undesirable immigrants.” This was a trend that intensified exclusionary powers originally passed in the 1850s to regulate Chinese migration, initially in the context of the gold rushes in California and the self-governing colony of Victoria in Australia. The entry and movement of other populations also began to be regulated toward the end of the century, in particular the increasing number of certain Europeans migrating to the United States. It is perhaps unsurprising, then, that Britain followed this legal trend with the introduction of the 1905 Aliens Act, although it was a latecomer when situated in the global context, and certainly within the context of its own Empire. The Aliens Act was passed in response to the persecution of Eastern European Jews and their forced migration, mainly from the Russian Empire into Britain. It defined for the first time in British law the notion of the “undesirable immigrant,” criteria to exclude would-be immigrants, and exemptions from those exclusions. The Aliens Act has been analyzed by historians and legal scholars as an aspect of the history of British immigration law on the one hand, and of British Jewry and British anti-Semitism on the other. Exclusion based on ethnic and religious grounds has dominated both analyses. Thus, the Act has been framed as the major antecedent to Britain's more substantial and enduring legislative moves in the 1960s to restrict entry, regulate borders, and nominate and identify “undesirable” entrants effectively (if not explicitly) on racial grounds.
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Chanco, Christopher. "Refugees, Humanitarian Internationalism, and the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada 1945–1952." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 30 (April 26, 2021): 12–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40182.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the humanitarian internationalism of the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada (JLC) between 1938 and 1952. Throughout WWII, the JLC sent aid to European resistance movements, and in its aftermath participated in the “garment workers’ schemes,” a series of immigration projects that resettled thousands of displaced persons in Canada. Undertaken independently by the Jewish-Canadian community, with the assistance of trade unions, the projects worked to overcome tight border restrictions and early Cold War realpolitik. In doing so, the JLC united Jewish institutions, trade unionists, social democrats, and anti-fascists across Europe and North America. It also acted in a pivotal moment in the evolution of Canada’s refugee system and domestic attitudes toward racism. As such, the JLC’s history is a microcosm for the shifting nature of relations between Jews, Canada, and the left writ large.
Cet article examine l’internationalisme humanitaire du Jewish Labour Committee du Canada (JLC) entre 1938 et 1952. Tout au long de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le JLC a envoyé de l’aide aux mouvements de résistance européens et a participé, après l’armistice, aux « garment workers’ schemes », une série de projets d’immigration qui ont permis de réinstaller des milliers de personnes déplacées au Canada. Entrepris indépendamment par la communauté juive canadienne et avec l’aide de syndicats, ces projets ont permis de surmonter les restrictions frontalières et la realpolitik du début de la guerre froide. Ce faisant, le JLC a réuni des institutions juives, des syndicalistes, des sociaux-démocrates et des antifascistes de toute l’Europe et de l’Amérique du Nord. Il a également agi à un moment charnière de l’évolution du système canadien d’octroi de l’asile et des attitudes de la population à l’égard du racisme. En tant que telle, l’histoire du JLC est un microcosme de la nature changeante des relations entre les Juifs, le Canada et la gauche au sens large.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
34
Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
35
Fisher, David James. "Towards a Psychoanalytic Understanding of Fascism and Anti-Semitism: Perceptions from the 1940s." Psychoanalysis and History 6, no. 1 (January 2004): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2004.6.1.57.
Full textAbstract:
Après avoir choisi cinq penseurs psychanalytiques européens représentatifs quiémigrèrent tous aux Etats-Unis, cet essai passe en revue les premières percep-tions qu'ils reçurent et les premières interprétations qu'ils donnèrent des racines historiques et psychologiques du fascisme, en s'attachant particulièrement à l'antisémitisme. Mes échantillons proviennent presque tous de la période précédant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, de la période de la guerre et de celle qui a suivi immédiatement. J'étudie ici les écrits d'Otto Fenichel, d'Ernst Simmel, d'Erik Homburger Erikson, de Rudolf Loewenstein et de Bruno Bettelheim, dans l'optique d'une discussion des diverses dimensions environnementales et psychanalytiques de leur compréhension du préjugé racial. L'article démontre que chacun de ces penseurs a essayé d'intégrer des facteurs d'ordre historique, sociologique, culturel et clinique dans ses formulations psychodynamiques de la mentalité individuelle et de groupe des fascistes antisémites. Fenichel, Simmel et Bettelheim, chacun d'entre eux sous l'influence du discours marxiste prévalant dans les années 1930, se livrent à une analyse socialiste en termes de classes sociales, soulignant autant les facteurs socio-économiques des politiques fascistes que les facteurs psychologiques. Cette génération de psychanalystes a expliqué l'antisémitisme fasciste en explorant les mécanismes de projection, le processus de clivage massif du psychisme de masse, les fantasmes de délinquant adolescent magnifiés en Hitler, les dynamiques sadomasochistes et perverses de l'Oedipe et des phénomènes macabres d'identification à leurs bourreaux de la part des prisonniers juifs des camps de concentration, phénomènes qui annihilèrent le sens de l'autonomie et la capacité de réaction morale des individus. De ce texte ressort également l'ambivalence prononcée de cette génération d'analystes et d'intellectuels juifs vis-à-vis de leurs propres origines juives et du sens de leur propre judéité. Leur recherche d'une prétendue ‘psychologie juive’ laisse apparaître certains traits de haine de soi juive, eux-mêmes l'expression d'une certaine forme de racisme déguisé qui eut des conséquences plutôt négatives et autoritaristes sur le mouvement psychanaly-tique en Amérique. After selecting five representative European psychoanalytic thinkers, all of whom emigrated to the United States, this essay surveys their earliest percep-tions and interpretations of the historical and psychological roots of Fascism, with particular emphasis on anti-Semitism. My samples almost all derive from the period before, during, and immediately after World War II. In examining the writings of Otto Fenichel, Ernst Simmel, Erik Homburger Erikson, Rudolf Loewenstein and Bruno Bettelheim, it discusses the various environmental and psychological dimensions of their understanding of racial prejudice. The paper argues that each thinker attempted to integrate historical, sociological, cultural and clinical factors into their psychodynamic formulations about the individual and group mind of the Fascist anti-Semite. This generation of psychoanalysts explained Fascist anti-Semitism by exploring the mechanisms of projection, the process of massive splitting mechanisms of the group mind, fantasies of delin-quent adolescent aggrandizement in Hitler, sado-masochistic and perverse oedipal dynamics, and a macabre identification with the torturers on the part of Jewish inmates in the concentration camps, that obliterated the individual's sense of autonomy and capacity to respond morally. The paper points out the pronounced ambivalence of this generation of Jewish analysts and intellectuals toward their own Jewish backgrounds and sense of themselves as Jews. It also argues that this generation muted its left-wing and socialist political tendencies once they arrived in America, taking a turn against politics. It suggests that some of the features of this Jewish ambivalence can be seen in the exploration of a so-called ‘Jewish psychology’, itself a disguised form of racism, a derivative of projection, which may have had rather negative and authoritarian consequences for the psychoanalytic movement in America.
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Pomohaibo, Valentyn Mychailovych. "Philosophy of life in successful community." Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 24, no. 1 (December 4, 2019): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2019-24-1-128-141.
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Historical experience and scientific researches witness that both an individual’s life success and a country’s prosperity and the living standard of population depend not on the quality of education itself, but on its effectiveness. The effectiveness of education, in turn, is determined by a social productivity of science, which can be presented elementarily by such a simple indicator as a number of Nobel laureates. The USA holds the leading place among countries in this area. Thus, the United States is the country that can maximally ensure human development, and most importantly – a realization of human natural gifts and an acquisition of appropriate material welfare. This is evidenced not only by the high level of science development, but also by the phenomenon of a success of a number of immigrant communities compared with the US European population. The most successful ethnic groups in the United States are Jews, Indians, Chinese, Nigerians, Cubans, Iranians and Lebanese. Particularly impressive is the success of the Nigerians and Cubans against a background of comparatively small achievements of the African and Latin Americans. It has been found that all most successful ethnic groups in the USA have three mental traits: a superiority complex, an insecurity, and impulse control. The superiority complex lies in deep inner confidence in an uniqueness of your community compared to others. This confidence can be based on religion, majestic history and culture, origin, and so on. Insecurity means anxiety uncertainty in its significance in society, concern about a lack of results of its activities. Key sources of insecurity are scorn by other communities, fear and parents’ pressure. A scorn by the people of a strange country and its own indignation in this regard may be the most powerful incentive for growth. The second source of the insecurity is fear of being unable to survive in a strange country, which can lead to despair, paralysis of will, capitulation, even shame. But it can also cause a completely different reaction – an urge to rise, earn money, reach power, either to become successful here, or to have same means to escape. The third and most common source of the sense of threat in successful immigrant communities is the pressure from parents to children to be succeed. Parents bring up children's to conviction that success, foremost in learning, is a responsibility of family honor, as well as protection from an uncertain and hostile world. Impulse control means an ability to withstand various temptations, especially the temptation to relinquish difficulty and challenge a difficult task rather than to perform it. No human society can exist without control of impulses. However, it must be remembered that individual control of impulses is just a futile austerity. Success is only possible as a result of combining all three principles – a conviction of superiority, a sense of threat, and an impulse control. Philosophy of a successful life is an extremely effective means of achieving a high social status, if it is important for you. However, it should be used only to succeed. After this it is necessary to get rid of success philosophy, because in the future it can cause a pathological drive to extremes. The experience of bringing up children in the successful communities of America will undoubtedly be useful in the current reforming of Ukrainian education.
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Esposito, John L. "Moderate Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.465.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
JLE: Our human tendency is to define what is normal or moderate in terms of someone just like “us.” The American government, as well as many western and Muslim governments and experts, define moderate by searching for reflections of themselves. Thus, Irshad Manji or “secular” Muslims are singled out as self-critical moderate Muslims by such diverse commentators as Thomas Friedman or Daniel Pipes. In an America that is politicized by the “right,” the Republican and religious right, and post-9/11 by the threat of global terrorism and the association of Islam with global terrorism, defining a moderate Muslim becomes even more problematic. Look at the situations not only in this country but also in Europe, especially France. Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts integration, or must it be assimilation? Is a moderate Muslim secular, as in laic (which is really anti-religious)? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts secularism, as in the separation of church and state, so that no religion is privileged and the rights of all (believer and nonbeliever) are protected? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts a particular notion of gender relations, not simply the equality of women and men but a position against wearing hijab? (Of course let’s not forget that we have an analogous problem with many Muslims whose definition of being a Muslim, or of being a “good” Muslim woman, is as narrowly defined.) In today’s climate, defining who is a moderate Muslim depends on the politics or religious positions of the individuals making the judgment: Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Gilles Kepel, Stephen Schwartz, Pat Robertson, and Tom DeLay. The extent to which things have gotten out of hand is seen in attempts to define moderate Islam or what it means to be a good European or American Muslim. France has defined the relationship of Islam to being French, sought to influence mosques, and legislated against wearing hijab in schools. In the United States, non-Muslim individuals and organizations, as well as the government, establish or fund organizations that define or promote “moderate Islam,” Islamic pluralism, and so on, as well as monitor mainstream mosques and organizations. The influence of foreign policy plays a critical role. For some, if not many, the litmus test for a moderate Muslim is tied to foreign policy issues, for example, how critical one is of American or French policy or one’s position in regard to Palestine/Israel, Algeria, Kashmir, and Iraq. Like many Muslim regimes, many experts and ideologues, as well as publications like The Weekly Standard, National Review, The Atlantic, The New York Sun and media like Fox Television, portray all Islamists as being the same. Mainstream and extremist (they deny any distinction between the two) and indeed all Muslims who do not completely accept their notion of secularism, the absolute separation of religion and the state, are regarded as a threat. Mainstream Islamists or other Islamically oriented voices are dismissed as “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” What is important here is to emphasize that it is not simply that these individuals, as individual personalities, have influence and an impact, but that their ideas have taken on a life of their own and become part of popular culture. In a post-9/11 climate, they reinforce the worst fears of the uninformed in our populace. The term moderate is in many ways deceptive. It can be used in juxtaposition to extremist and can imply that you have to be a liberal reformer or a progressive in order to pass the moderate test, thus excluding more conservative or traditionalist positions. Moderates in Islam, as in all faiths, are the majority or mainstream in Islam. We assume this in regard to such other faiths as Judaism and Christianity. The Muslim mainstream itself represents a multitude of religious and socioeconomic positions. Minimally, moderate Muslims are those who live and work “within” societies, seek change from below, reject religious extremism, and consider violence and terrorism to be illegitimate. Often, in differing ways, they interpret and reinterpret Islam to respond more effectively to the religious, social, and political realities of their societies and to international affairs. Some seek to Islamize their societies but eschew political Islam; others do not. Politically, moderate Muslims constitute a broad spectrum that includes individuals ranging from those who wish to see more Islamically oriented states to “Muslim Democrats,” comparable to Europe’s Christian Democrats. The point here is, as in other faiths, the moderate mainstream is a very diverse and disparate group of people who can, in religious and political terms, span the spectrum from conservatives to liberal reformers. They may disagree or agree on many matters. Moderate Jews and Christians can hold positions ranging from reform to ultraorthodox and fundamentalist and, at times, can bitterly disagree on theological and social policies (e.g., gay rights, abortion, the ordination of women, American foreign and domestic policies). So can moderate Muslims.
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Esposito, John L. "Moderate Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.465.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
JLE: Our human tendency is to define what is normal or moderate in terms of someone just like “us.” The American government, as well as many western and Muslim governments and experts, define moderate by searching for reflections of themselves. Thus, Irshad Manji or “secular” Muslims are singled out as self-critical moderate Muslims by such diverse commentators as Thomas Friedman or Daniel Pipes. In an America that is politicized by the “right,” the Republican and religious right, and post-9/11 by the threat of global terrorism and the association of Islam with global terrorism, defining a moderate Muslim becomes even more problematic. Look at the situations not only in this country but also in Europe, especially France. Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts integration, or must it be assimilation? Is a moderate Muslim secular, as in laic (which is really anti-religious)? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts secularism, as in the separation of church and state, so that no religion is privileged and the rights of all (believer and nonbeliever) are protected? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts a particular notion of gender relations, not simply the equality of women and men but a position against wearing hijab? (Of course let’s not forget that we have an analogous problem with many Muslims whose definition of being a Muslim, or of being a “good” Muslim woman, is as narrowly defined.) In today’s climate, defining who is a moderate Muslim depends on the politics or religious positions of the individuals making the judgment: Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Gilles Kepel, Stephen Schwartz, Pat Robertson, and Tom DeLay. The extent to which things have gotten out of hand is seen in attempts to define moderate Islam or what it means to be a good European or American Muslim. France has defined the relationship of Islam to being French, sought to influence mosques, and legislated against wearing hijab in schools. In the United States, non-Muslim individuals and organizations, as well as the government, establish or fund organizations that define or promote “moderate Islam,” Islamic pluralism, and so on, as well as monitor mainstream mosques and organizations. The influence of foreign policy plays a critical role. For some, if not many, the litmus test for a moderate Muslim is tied to foreign policy issues, for example, how critical one is of American or French policy or one’s position in regard to Palestine/Israel, Algeria, Kashmir, and Iraq. Like many Muslim regimes, many experts and ideologues, as well as publications like The Weekly Standard, National Review, The Atlantic, The New York Sun and media like Fox Television, portray all Islamists as being the same. Mainstream and extremist (they deny any distinction between the two) and indeed all Muslims who do not completely accept their notion of secularism, the absolute separation of religion and the state, are regarded as a threat. Mainstream Islamists or other Islamically oriented voices are dismissed as “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” What is important here is to emphasize that it is not simply that these individuals, as individual personalities, have influence and an impact, but that their ideas have taken on a life of their own and become part of popular culture. In a post-9/11 climate, they reinforce the worst fears of the uninformed in our populace. The term moderate is in many ways deceptive. It can be used in juxtaposition to extremist and can imply that you have to be a liberal reformer or a progressive in order to pass the moderate test, thus excluding more conservative or traditionalist positions. Moderates in Islam, as in all faiths, are the majority or mainstream in Islam. We assume this in regard to such other faiths as Judaism and Christianity. The Muslim mainstream itself represents a multitude of religious and socioeconomic positions. Minimally, moderate Muslims are those who live and work “within” societies, seek change from below, reject religious extremism, and consider violence and terrorism to be illegitimate. Often, in differing ways, they interpret and reinterpret Islam to respond more effectively to the religious, social, and political realities of their societies and to international affairs. Some seek to Islamize their societies but eschew political Islam; others do not. Politically, moderate Muslims constitute a broad spectrum that includes individuals ranging from those who wish to see more Islamically oriented states to “Muslim Democrats,” comparable to Europe’s Christian Democrats. The point here is, as in other faiths, the moderate mainstream is a very diverse and disparate group of people who can, in religious and political terms, span the spectrum from conservatives to liberal reformers. They may disagree or agree on many matters. Moderate Jews and Christians can hold positions ranging from reform to ultraorthodox and fundamentalist and, at times, can bitterly disagree on theological and social policies (e.g., gay rights, abortion, the ordination of women, American foreign and domestic policies). So can moderate Muslims.
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Radman, Mahyoub Hassan. "Jerusalem in the contents of the deal of the century “contents and analysis”." Yemen University Journal 8, no. 8 (February 11, 2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.57117/j.v8i8.52022.
Full textAbstract:
There is no doubt that the study of the issue of Jerusalem in the contents of the American-Zionist peace plan or the so-called deal of the century was based on several hypotheses and questions in order to achieve a number of goals, and to highlight the real facts and information about the issue of Jerusalem throughout the different eras, to refute the allegations, false information and fallacies that came in the contents of the deal. The first, second, and fifth hypotheses were proven to be unreliable, while the third and fourth hypotheses were completely proven, and after the study proved the credibility of some hypotheses and the wrongness of others, and answered all the questions raised, the study reached some results, and made some recommendations. Theoretical framework: There is no doubt in saying that the deal of the century, or in a more precise sense, a trick or slap of the century that was developed according to the desires and whims of the Zionists and Americans, seeking to impose it on the Arabs, whether in light of the torn and dispersed Arab reality, or violence and civil wars in some Arab countries, and with the support and participation of some Arabs aspiring to power and they have Political visions and aspirations. They seek, with or without realization, to achieve foreign agendas and plans, whether through their direct participation in these wars on the one hand, or adopting the financing of the deal to make it a success out of their desire to please the United States of America, and in order to provide . First: – Previous Studies “Articles ” support in order to reach power 1. Deal of the Century, Analysis and Alternatives” , In return for ” highlighting Judaism as an eternal religion in Jerusalem, and analyzing the contents of the deal regarding Jerusalem on the other hand, and benefiting from it will be in several aspects. 2. The deal of the century: a deal between Trump and Netanyahu to liquidate the cause and rights of the people of Palestine. This paper deals with the deal in general through an introduction to Trump’s rise to power, and his administration’s move to publish its unilateral plan, which had been promoted and its main elements leaked with regard to Jerusalem, refugees and settlements, after putting it into practice according to the principle of imposing peace by force and imposing solutions and dictates. It is noted that the paper has dealt with the deal from multiple aspects, and can be used in relation to the status of Jerusalem and what is related to it. Second: The problem and importance of the study: based on the fact that the Zionist-Palestinian sides signed the Oslo peace agreement in 1993 AD, and they have more than a quarter of a century, and they are still farther than ever, and that the Zionist-Palestinian conflict is the most difficult, and that the occupied city of Jerusalem is a focal point In this struggle, the in-depth reading of the deal in terms of content and repetition is to emphasize the things that serve the Zionist entity, and the connotations, expressions, overtones, and the disregard and transgression of the Palestinian existence and right. Hence the importance of the objective study, since it is related to the issue of Jerusalem in the American-Zionist deal, that sensitive and thorny issue in the Arab-Zionist conflict since the declaration of the state of the Zionist entity, and the strategy of occupation and annexation of this city from then, until the announcement of the Trump deal at the beginning of the year 2020 AD, in addition to transferring The American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in addition to the American endeavor to impose the deal of the century by force in light of the torn Arab situation, and the support of some Arab countries for this deal and the announcement of their support and financing. As for the scientific importance, it stems from the lack of scientific studies on this issue, if not non-existent, especially since the deal is recent, announced at the beginning of the year 2020 AD. It is a scientific addition to the Yemeni libraries in particular, and the Arab and Palestinian libraries in general. Third: Study questions and hypotheses: The American measures, whether moving the embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, or announcing the plan and seeking to implement it despite its provisions and contents, perpetuate and legitimize the continuation of the occupation on the one hand, and undermine the previous peace negotiations (Oslo 2), and in violation of international resolutions on Jerusalem on the other hand, these past and current American steps It raises two big questions: To what extent does the plan or deal agree, whether with the historical, natural, political, and geographical rights of the Palestinians, or with international laws, customs, and decisions regarding Jerusalem? And what is the extent of the bias of the American mediator in implementing settlement policies, visions, ideas, and Zionist plans? These two questions raise many subsidiary questions, such as: What does Jerusalem mean to Arabs and Muslims? And why Jerusalem?, What is the strategy of the Zionist entity in Jerusalem since its occupation in 1967 AD?, What are the terms and contents of the plan regarding Jerusalem?, And what is the vision of the plan for the issue of Jerusalem? To which party does it depend? Is the plan consistent with previous agreements and international resolutions? What are the reasons and motives that prompted the US administration during the Trump era to take such measures, especially in Jerusalem? Do these measures achieve peace between the Palestinians and the Zionists? And what did the deal give? Or the plan for the Palestinians in Jerusalem? As for the assumptions, they are as follows: 1.There is a real and strong connection between the Jews and Jerusalem 2.The historical evidence proves that the Zionist state was a trustworthy guardian of the holy places in Jerusalem, and no one else, as the deal claims. 3.There is a direct relationship between the Zionist measures and policies in Jerusalem, and the American positions. 4.There is a strong correlation between the Arab and Palestinian situations, the transfer of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, the launch of the US-Zionist deal, and the contents of the plan regarding Jerusalem. 5.The contents of the plan and related to the issue of Jerusalem are consistent with international laws and resolutions, customs and traditions followed in peace plans, and serve the achievement of peace between the Zionists, Arabs and Palestinians. Fourth: The methodology used, the study relies on two approaches: The legal approach, and the analytical approach, the legal one is used in order to highlight the extent of the legality and legitimacy of the contents of the plan, and its commitment to international covenants, customs, agreements, laws and decisions, aspects of agreement or violation of international law and international decisions, and the legality of the Zionist or American actions in Jerusalem, while the analytical approach is in the historical and descriptive part to find out Some historical aspects of the city of Jerusalem, and the Zionist policies and procedures that have not stopped since the occupation of Jerusalem in 1967, and are still continuing until the emergence of the deception deal in order to: Judaize the city, and obliterate its Islamic and Christian cultural and religious identity and its archaeological monuments. As for the analytical part, it relates to analyzing the American position that is supportive of either the Zionist measures and policies in Jerusalem, or in international forums to obstruct the decisions issued regarding the Palestinian cause and Jerusalem. Fifth: Objectives: The study seeks to achieve the following objectives: 1.Showing the vision of the deal for the city of Jerusalem and its dependency through the contents and statements. 2.Highlighting aspects of agreement or disagreement in these contents, whether with international rights, laws and decisions, or international covenants such as the Charter of the United Nations, the Arab League, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 3.Revealing the bias of the American mediator in the Palestinian-Zionist negotiations, and in the terms and contents of the deal that former President Trump sought to implement in favor of the Zionist entity. 4.Clarifying the aspects of manipulation in terms, words, and general, ambiguous and elastic expressions in the contents with regard to Palestinian rights in Jerusalem, and the accuracy, clarity, and repetition of Zionist rights in Jerusalem. 5.Introducing the issue of Jerusalem and its subordination before the declaration of the Zionist entity’s state, and following Zionist policies in Jerusalem since 1967 AD.
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Wright, Graham, Sasha Volodarsky, Shahar Hecht, and Leonard Saxe. "Trends in Jewish Young Adult Experiences and Perceptions of Antisemitism in America from 2017 to 2019." Contemporary Jewry, February 15, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12397-021-09354-6.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSince 2016, a series of horrific acts motivated by antisemitism appear to have caused a fundamental shift in the prevalence of antisemitism in the United States. Little is known, however, about how the events during this time have affected the day-to-day experiences and concerns of American Jews. Using repeated cross-sectional data from surveys of Jewish young adults who applied to Birthright Israel, this paper analyzes recent trends in Jewish young adults’ experiences and perceptions of antisemitism. Despite the high-profile incidents during this period, there is no evidence of a major increase in experiences of antisemitic harassment among Jewish young adults—either on or off campus—between 2017 and 2019. At the same time, data show a substantial increase in concerns among young Jews about antisemitism in the United States and on college campuses, with concerns about antisemitism in the United States (but not on campus) being especially concentrated among liberal Jews. These results suggest that Jewish concerns about antisemitism are linked to broader views about the climate for marginalized populations in the United States. They also point to growing Jewish anxieties over violence, safety, and acceptance in the United States. In an era of widely disseminated antisemitic conspiracy theories, even young Jews who have no first-hand experience of antisemitic harassment have become concerned.
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"Book Reviews." Journal of Economic Literature 50, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 1150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.50.4.1106.r19.
Full textAbstract:
Barry R. Chiswick of George Washington University reviews, “Jewish Economies: Development and Migration in America and Beyond. Volume 1. The Economic Life of American Jewry” by Simon Kuznets and “Jewish Economies: Development and Migration in America and Beyond. Volume 2. Comparative Perspectives on Jewish Migration” by Simon Kuznets. The EconLit Abstract of the first reviewed work begins: “Three papers present Simon Kuznets's previously unpublished scholarship on Jewish economic history in the United States. Papers discuss economic structure and life of the Jews; economic structure of the U.S. Jewish population-recent trends; and economic growth of the U.S. Jewish population.” The EconLit Abstract of the second reviewed work begins: “Three previously published papers examine Jewish migration. Papers discuss immigration and the foreign born; Israel's economic development; and immigration of Russian Jews to the United States-background and structure. Index.”
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Bradley-Sanders, Colleen. "Creating a Digital Film Archive." Atla Summary of Proceedings, December 1, 2023, 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/proceedings.2023.3342.
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Hasidic Jews came to the United States in significant numbers after the Holocaust, and a large percentage of them settled in Brooklyn, New York. The Hasidim are distinct from other New Yorkers, and from other Jews, in their old-world manner of dress, their customs, and lifestyle. Filmmakers Oren Rudavsky and Menachem Daum were granted extraordinary access to this community, to document their lives and share who they are with the world. From this access came the landmark documentary A Life Apart: Hasidism in America. The unused footage from the filming, a potentially rich resource for scholars, was inaccessible due to formats and lack of organization until Brooklyn College obtained an NHPRC grant to digitize and make it available to the public. The footage was opened to the public at the end of November 2022.
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MacDonald, Kevin. "The “Default Hypothesis” Fails to Explain Jewish Influence." Philosophia, January 1, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-021-00439-y.
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AbstractThe role of Jewish activism in the transformative changes that have occurred in the West in recent decades continues to be controversial. Here I respond to several issues putatively related to Jewish influence, particularly the “default hypothesis” that Jewish IQ and urban residency explain Jewish influence and the role of the Jewish community in enacting the 1965 immigration law in the United States; other issues include Jewish ethnocentrism and intermarriage and whether diaspora Jews are hypocritical in their attitudes on immigration to Israel versus the United States. The post-World War II era saw the emergence of a new, substantially Jewish elite in America that exerted influence on a wide range of issues that formed a virtual consensus among Jewish activists and the organized Jewish community, including immigration, civil rights, and the secularization of American culture. Jewish activism in the pro-immigration movement involved: intellectual movements denying the importance of race in human affairs; establishing, staffing, and funding anti-restrictionist organizations; recruiting prominent non-Jews to anti-restrictionist organizations; rejecting the ethnic status quo as a goal because of fear of a relatively homogeneous white majority; leadership in Congress and the executive branch.
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ROSSINOW, DOUG. "Rabbi Balfour Brickner, Interreligious Dialogue, and the Ironies of Liberal Zionism in America, 1967‒1980." Journal of American Studies, August 11, 2022, 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875822000147.
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After the June 1967 Middle East war, liberal Zionism in the United States was transformed from an assumption into an embattled claim. From the 1940s to the 1960s, most Americans had assumed that liberalism and Zionism went together naturally. Only under pressure of criticism did liberal Zionists emerge as a self-aware faction within American Zionism. Starting in 1967, among the first to question the assumption of liberal Zionism were progressive Protestants, and fissures around Zionism among American progressives appeared in interreligious dialogue between Reform Jews and liberal white Protestants. Rabbi Balfour Brickner, a leading liberal Reform rabbi and a key interlocutor for such Protestants, stood in the thick of this dialogue, and his negotiation of liberal Zionism's passage from assumption to claim reveals that transformation vividly.
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Adelstein, Rachel. "(Shabbat) Angels in America: Israel Goldfarb, “Shalom Aleichem,” and the Search for Nusach America." Music & Minorities 2 (October 10, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.52413/mm.2023.16.
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Contemporary American synagogue congregations love to sing a flowing melody for the hymn “Shalom Aleichem” to welcome the Sabbath on Friday evenings. The song has entered the Jewish folk tradition, and speaks to singers of home and nostalgia. However, the song’s history and construction reveal both its genesis in an American Jewish community in the midst of a significant transformation of nation and practice and the crucial role that it played in bringing that community together and forming the basis of a truly American style of Jewish worship. I approach this song on two fronts. My primary approach is historical, delving into the immediate circumstances under which Rabbi Israel Goldfarb composed the song in May of 1918, and the broader forces affecting Jewish religious life in the United States in the early years of the twentieth century. I address changes taking place in American Jewish life, generation gaps between American Jews, and the rise of the Jewish education movement, and I demonstrate how Goldfarb’s song reached a significant audience of adults and children alike and helped to address these transitional challenges in Jewish life. My secondary approach is socio-cultural. I ask why this particular one of the many melodies that Goldfarb composed caught the American Jewish imagination and became a foundation of contemporary American synagogue song. Its mode and its structure reveal Goldfarb’s compositional skill at combining both Jewish and Western elements into a flexible song that children could learn and pass on to their children, creating a folk song through generations of use. Taken together, these approaches demonstrate how a four-stanza hymn could pave the way for the development of an American Jewish soundscape.
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Buduneli, Nurcan, Raffaela Nemecek, Mehmet Demirbaş, and James Deschner. "Eminent science support from Jews to the young Turkish republic; a particular focus on dentistry." Oral Diseases, July 5, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/odi.15064.
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AbstractDuring World War II, millions of people were mistreated and imprisoned in Nazi concentration camps. Due to the antisemitic pressure applied by the Nazi regime, many scientists had to leave Germany, and they immigrated to the United States, Switzerland, Turkey or South America. Alfred Kantorowicz was among those highly educated people who were forced out of their professional career. For a certain period, he had to stay away from the world of research and academia, which were his favorite occupations. However, these unexpected difficulties did not prevent him to pursue his success story with many awards, books, and scientific studies. Professor Kantorowicz was saved from a concentration camp upon the efforts of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk to modernize the university education system in Turkey. Prof. Kantorowicz worked from 1933 until his retirement in 1948 and acted as the “father of dentistry” in Turkey. His vision of preventive dentistry and his entrepreneurial approach should set an example for today's young dentists.
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Kopacz, Marek S., and Aleksandra D. Bajka-Kopacz. "Federation Day at the World of Tomorrow." Zutot, January 4, 2021, 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-bja10011.
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Abstract Ninety years ago, the Federation of Polish Jews in America hosted their national convention and world congress in the New York City area. In this article, we will discuss some of what transpired at these events. Set at a tumultuous crossroads in world history, the Federation rallied Jewish groups throughout the United States and the world in humanitarian support for a war-torn Polish nation. The national convention and world congress were also set to have their own respective satellite sessions at the New York World’s Fair of 1939 and 1940. These satellite sessions are noteworthy in that they mark a Jewish presence at the Fair which extended beyond the Jewish Palestine Pavilion. They also mark a uniquely Polish presence, extending beyond Poland’s own Pavilion at the Fair.
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"naomi w. cohen. Encounter with Emancipation: The German Jews in the United States, 1830–1914. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America. 1984. Pp. xiv, 407. $25.95." American Historical Review, December 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/90.5.1269-a.
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DellaPergola, Sergio. "A Note on the Use of Race and Color in Jewish Social Scientific Research." Contemporary Jewry, July 11, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12397-024-09571-9.
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AbstractThis note takes as its point of departure the tensions and discrimination against individuals and groups that persist in the United States on the grounds of race and color. It is unfortunately likely that there is a long road ahead before racial and color-based prejudice, abuse, inequality, and indignity are no longer normative in the US. Growing incorporation of Jews in US society and culture brought about the adoption in Jewish social research of concepts and categories routinely used in the classification and analysis of the general population. I take issue with the uncritical use of categories such as race or color in Jewish social scientific research. The study of population diversity is essential for both cognitive and policymaking purposes. However, I maintain that some frequently used classification criteria, along with evident conceptual weaknesses, are plagued by a conscious or unconscious racist component. The use of race and color categories—no matter how well-meaning—is not congruent with a fair and thoughtful approach to social research in general, and to Jewish social research in particular. Instead, it looks like naïve and poorly understood, intentionally offensive or irrelevant concepts are increasingly applied in the definition and study of Jewish minorities. This raises substantial questions regarding the contributions of certain analysis to the resilience of racism in America.
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Maher, Elizabeth Cady. "Wolf Girls and Mechanical Boys: Whiteness and Assimilation in Bruno Bettelheim’s Narratives of Autism." Disability Studies Quarterly 43, no. 1 (December 1, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.18061/dsq.v43i1.9648.
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In March of 1959, public intellectual, principal of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School at the University of Chicago, and Jewish concentration camp survivor, Bruno Bettelheim published two articles that presented seemingly disparate narratives of autism. One of these narratives, that of the mechanical boy, has become ubiquitous in discussions of autism history. The other article centered on Bettelheim’s posthumous diagnosis of Kamala, who had been known as the Wolf Girl of Midnapore India due to claims that she was raised by wolves, as autistic. Bettelheim compared Kamala to other “wild” autistic children he had worked with, especially Anna, a Polish Jewish refugee who had spent her earliest years hiding in a dugout from Nazi persecution. This article argues that in order to understand Bettelheim’s portrayal of autism, it is necessary to read the narrative of the mechanical boy alongside Bettelheim’s other narratives of autism. Specifically, it is necessary to read it alongside Bettelheim’s narratives of the autistic child as “wild child/wolf girl,” as well as his comparison between autistic children and some of his fellow concentration camp inmates, who he referred to as “moslems.” While seemingly disparate, these narratives are actually deeply intertwined. These narratives of incurable “wild children” and “moslem” concentration camp inmates served as the necessary contrast to the rehabilitation/assimilation/cure narrative of the mechanical boy. Reading these narratives of autism alongside each other helps uncover the often-elided role of race in shaping professional and public understandings of autism. This article problematizes contemporary and historical formations of autism as a white, middle-class, male “disorder” by making explicit the role of race in the construction of early narratives of autism. This article will also argue that in the late 1950s and the 1960s Bruno Bettelheim used narratives of autism to promote a new model of white technocratic masculinity in the United States. The creation of this new model of white masculinity was bound up with the whitening of Ashkenazi Jewish identity. Bettelheim presented whiteness as something that Ashkenazi Jews in America could achieve through a process of rehabilitation/assimilation/cure that rid them of pathological “Jewish” traits.