Academic literature on the topic 'United Nations sanctions'

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Journal articles on the topic "United Nations sanctions"

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Eckert, Sue E. "United Nations Nonproliferation Sanctions." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 65, no. 1 (March 2010): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070201006500105.

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Portela, Clara. "National Implementation of United Nations Sanctions." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 65, no. 1 (March 2010): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070201006500102.

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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.

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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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Horowitz, Jonathan. "United Nations Security Council Resolution 2339." International Legal Materials 56, no. 5 (October 2017): 1041–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2017.34.

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On January 27, 2017, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 2339 to extend by one year the mandate of a sanctions regime to address protracted violence, insecurity, and political turmoil in the Central African Republic (CAR). Three years after the Council first imposed the regime under Resolution 2127 (2013), the Council's adoption of Resolution 2339 made it clear that the situation in CAR continued to require a robust sanctions regime, that sexual violence in CAR needed heightened political attention, and that states should improve the ways they enforce the sanctions regime's travel ban. Similar to its predecessor resolutions, Resolution 2339 included certain limitations aimed at making the sanctions targeted and humane. But, as has been the case with sanctions regimes aimed at other countries, this one suffered from a lack of due process guarantees for ensuring the protection of the human rights of the people and entities that were punished for noncompliance.
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Doxey, Margaret. "United Nations sanctions: Lessons of experience." Diplomacy & Statecraft 11, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290008406138.

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Jayakody, Nadeshda. "Refining United Nations Security Council Targeted Sanctions." Security and Human Rights 29, no. 1-4 (December 12, 2018): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02901003.

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The United Nations Security Council’s targeted sanctions seek to protect global peace and security. The majority of these sanctions are imposed on individuals deemed to be a terror threat and include measures such as asset freezes and travel bans. These measures can impede, inter alia, the right to private life and freedom of movement of targeted individuals. While it is accepted that certain rights can be restricted for the protection of public security, restrictions must be proportional under international human rights law. Given that UN sanctions regimes have come under scrutiny in recent years for their lack of procedural safeguards and disproportionate restrictions on fundamental rights, this article argues that proportionality based reasoning should be included in sanctions committees’ substantive decision-making processes. Other procedural safeguards should also be incorporated by UN sanctions committees. This would help ensure that sanctions are more measured and minimise impairment of human rights.
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McLaughlin, Rob. "United Nations Mandated Naval Interdiction Operations in the Territorial Sea?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2002): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.2.249.

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The practice of imposing economic sanctions in order to influence the actions of states and other parties—historically with varied levels of actual effectiveness—has a long and chequered history.2 Given, however, that more than 90 per cent of the world's trade is carried by sea,3 it is one particular form of sanction management—the ‘so called economic weapon’ of naval blockade— which tends to dominate the implementation of sanctions regimes.4 Yet despite the frequency with which naval forces are used to implement maritime sanctions—or perhaps because of the long but erratic history of naval embargo and blockade—the regime as a whole remains haunted by some uncertainties as to its conceptual basis. As WL Martin observes, ‘some measures such as “pacific blockade”, have at times acquired a technical meaning’ which has left them ill-equipped to deal with and adjust to new developments in blockade practice.5 Even prior to 1914, the notion of ‘blockade’ was a dualist concept. On one hand, it was clearly a weapon of war.6
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Boudreau, Donald G. "On creating a united nations sanctions agency." International Peacekeeping 4, no. 2 (June 1997): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533319708413669.

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CHARRON, ANDREA, FRANCESCO GIUMELLI, and CLARA PORTELA. "Introduction: the United Nations and targeted sanctions." International Affairs 91, no. 6 (November 2015): 1335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12457.

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Gupta, Dhruba. "Book Review: The Politics of United Nations Sanctions." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400112.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United Nations sanctions"

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Husein, Yasmin. "International sanctions, gender and the state : the impact of the United Nations sanctions on Iraqi women." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422901.

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Teglund, Carl-Mikael. "Economic sanctions as warfare : A study about the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7630.

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I have conducted a survey of the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003 and focused on how the sanctions were implemented and how economic sanctions work in practice. In particular, I have researched the objectives the United Nations had for implementing economic punishment on Iraq, how they came into use and the outcome of it in brief.

As for the million-dollar question: Were the economic sanctions on Iraq efficient and did they “work”? My opinion stands clear that economic sanctions can work in the future. The sanction policy faced major problems in Iraq, but it also disarmed the Iraqi dictator and gave more autonomous power for the Kurds in the north. They did not “work” as the world community had expected, but no one knows what the outcome would have been if the United Nations had not reacted with such determination as they did in this matter. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is my personal wish that economic sanctions can be used in the future, as an alternative to open war, but with a lower cost in terms of civilian lives.

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Murphy, Rosemary Alice. "The development of economic sanctions in the practice of the United Nations Security Council." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2011. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12869/.

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The United Nations was established in the belief that working together states could curb the use of force and the damage to states and individuals associated with it. Upon its creation the United Nations Security Council became the global policeman enforcing the rules of the Charter aided by the weapons contained in Chapter V11. One of those weapons was the recourse to economic sanctions. In theory, if the economic lifeblood of a state is cut off it will be forced to modify its behaviour without the need for military intervention. As such, economic sanctions are an attractive resource for an institution seeking to avoid recourse to the use of force. In practice, however, economic sanctions have proven to be a complex tool, which have caused significant damage to those targeted by them. They have caused significant humanitarian difficulties, have been widely breached and have, in some instances, only served as a prelude to the use of force. Literature in this field to date has concentrated on single sanctions regimes or particular aspects of sanctions. It has, therefore, failed to get to the heart of the issue, which is: what has caused these problems, are they being appropriately addressed and how should they be resolved going forward. This thesis focuses on these issues. By tracing the development of economic sanctions from the establishment of the United Nations to date it offers a unique perspective on how they have evolved. It uses case studies and illustrative examples supported by a wide range of legal, political, historical and economic material to show the context in which economic sanctions are taken. It also critically analyses the difficulties that have arisen with sanctions regimes and the attempts that have been made to resolve them. Aligned to the consideration of economic sanctions is a reflection on the extent to which the power of the United Nations Security Council has developed during this time period. It suggests that the United Nations use of economic sanctions, in light of recent judicial decisions, is under threat and offers a solution in the form of a proposal for two new institutions, which would support the United Nations in its use of economic sanctions.
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Lake, Daniel Roger. "Between a rock and a hard place : the political economy of complying with coercion /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3130208.

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Youngson, Patricia Anne. "From brinkmanship to coercive containment - developments in post cold war crisis management." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2000. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU123139.

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This analysis examines and explains the emergent model of crisis management manifest at the end of the first decade of the post-Cold War era. The end of the Cold War heralded fundamental and widespread changes in many ways but it did not, as events continue to demonstrate, confine to history the phenomenon of international crises. Indeed, evidence suggests that the post-Cold War period has witnessed an increase rather than a decrease in the incidence of crises. However, what has changed is what constitutes a crisis, the range of responses available to those who manage them and the criteria by which a successful outcome may be gauged. Changes too are apparent in time-scales and attitudes of decision-makers. These changes are not constants in all crisis situations: moreover, their impact varies. Whilst this transition is evolutionary and incremental, it is nonetheless fundamental and real. The transition from the Cold War model of crisis management to the post-Cold War model has not been smooth or by deliberate design: it has evolved somewhat haphazardly. Using the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis as a template of Cold War crisis management, comparison and contrast is made with the three post-Cold War crises in which the major powers became entangled; the 1990-91 Gulf War, the Bosnian crisis which lasted from 1991 until 1995, and the 1998-99 Kosovo crisis. This analysis examines what has changed, whilst assessing any change in import of what has not. To do this necessitates drawing upon a variety of topics that merited detailed study in their own right. However, this paper does not seek to provide a history of UN operations, nor is it an analysis of pure strategic theory or a treatise on United States foreign policy. The most obvious differences between the two eras are to be found in the changed relationship between the United States and Russia, formerly the USSR, and consequently the significant reduction in the likelihood of global nuclear conflict. With the nuclear threshold so dramatically raised and the starkness of strategic superpower stand-off removed, other features of crises have been afforded commensurately greater prominence. Indeed the removal of restraint conditioned by the certain knowledge of mutual destruction has coincided with an increase in the incidence of crises.
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Tegenfeldt, Hugo. "On the Effectiveness of Non-Proliferative Sanctions : Why have UN sanctions against North Korea failed?" Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7232.

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The thesis argues that non-proliferation sanctions are effective primarily by their coercive effect, that is their power to change the target’s cost/benefit ratios. It does so by contrasting and comparing two key works in sanctions literature, authored by David Baldwin and the Targeted Sanctions Consortium respectively. In the case of the UN sanctions regime against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), it concludes that the reason why no sufficient coercive effect has been apparent, is due to the lack of costs shouldered by the actors who have implemented the sanctions, as this reflects an apparent lack of commitment. This in turn does not sufficiently increase the possible cost of the DPRK, in continuing its nuclear weapons program. Therefore it is not incentivized to cancel its program.
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Mopp, Adrian Carl. "National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018.

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The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
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Hochstedler, Robert. "United States counter-narcotics policies towards Burma, and how the illegal myanmar regime is manipulating those policies to commit ethnic genocide." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FHochstedler%5FNSA.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.123-129) Also available in print.
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Jungk, Margaret A. "UN-sanctioned military intervention in intra-state humanitarian crises." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340467.

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Hunsaker, Christine. "A study of South Africa's National Party perceptions of United States foreign policy in the 1980's with particular reference to sanctions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17312.

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Includes bibliographies.
This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.
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Books on the topic "United Nations sanctions"

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Dalhousie University. Centre for Foreign Policy Studies., ed. United Nations sanctions: Trends and problems. Halifax, N.S: Centre for Foreign Policy Studies, 2007.

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Doxey, Margaret P. United Nations sanctions: Current policy issues. Halifax, N.S: Centre for Foreign Policy Studies, Dalhousie University, 1999.

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Trust, Just World, ed. The United Nations sanctions policy & international law. Penang, Malaysia: Just World Trust, 1995.

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Chandhoke, Neera. The politics of U.N. sanctions. New Delhi: Gitanjali Pub. House, 1986.

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Farrall, Jeremy Matam. United Nations sanctions and the rule of law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Farrall, Jeremy Matam. United Nations sanctions and the rule of law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Farrall, Jeremy Matam. United Nations sanctions and the rule of law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Farrall, Jeremy Matam. United Nations sanctions and the rule of law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Conlon, Paul. United Nations sanctions management: A case study of the Iraq Sanctions Committee, 1990-1994. Ardsley, N.Y: Transnational Publishers, 2000.

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Stremlau, John J. Sharpening international sanctions: Toward a stronger role for the United Nations : a report to the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict. New York: Carnegie Corporation, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "United Nations sanctions"

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Doxey, Margaret P. "United Nations Sanctions." In International Sanctions in Contemporary Perspective, 32–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18750-8_4.

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Honda, Miki. "“Smart sanctions” by the UN and financial sanctions." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 18–33. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-2.

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Yoshimura, Sachiko. "UN economic sanctions and financial measures—evolution and challenges." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 1–17. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-1.

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Takeuchi, Maiko. "UN financial sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 134–49. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-10.

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Suzuki, Kazuto. "UN sanctions on Iran and their financial elements." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 150–65. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-11.

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Tanaka, Kiwako. "The UN Security Council Resolution 1540 and counter proliferation financing." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 166–83. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-12.

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Sato, Ryosuke. "Functions of Security Council subsidiary organs in the UN financial sanctions regimes." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 34–51. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-3.

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Ishigaki, Tomoaki. "Recent challenges regarding the implementation of UN Security Council sanctions." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 52–66. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-4.

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Fukushima, Shunichi. "How Japan implements UN financial sanctions1." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 67–79. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-5.

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Kubota, Takashi. "Implementation of financial sanctions by a state and its legal challenges." In United Nations Financial Sanctions, 80–95. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429260315-6.

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Conference papers on the topic "United Nations sanctions"

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Sevek, Vyacheslav K., Cheynesh G. Dongak, Olga N. Mongush, Choduraa S. Manchyk-Sat, and Ayana E. Chuldum. "Russia and its regions in the new economic reality." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.czdh9237.

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In the period of tightening sanctions of the collective West, the issue of developing adaptive solutions against external and internal threats to the national economy for each region of Russia comes to the fore as a strategic regulation of the development of the changing situation, including economic independence, stability and sustainability of the national economy, the ability to self-development. The purpose of the work is to reveal the economic consequences of anti-Russian sanctions. The study uses methods of analyzing the problem of economic security and collecting facts related to the anti-Russian sanctions. The novelty of the study lies in identifying the reasons for imposing sanctions on Russia by the collective West led by the United States and identifying external and internal risks in the socio-economic situation in Russian regions. The authors conclude that Russia faced a significant collective external aggression, unparalleled in modern world and Russian history. In this regard, the development of the Russian economy should change the format of the relationship with the outside world, particularly with unfriendly countries on the internal economic policy. It is important not only to reduce the risks associated with the multiple sanctions’ packages adopted by the U.S. and Western countries, but also to restructure the economy by aiming at the growth of investments into import substitution.
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Ganiev, Junus, Damira Baigonushova, and Meerim Uichubek Kyzy. "The Impact of Sanctions on the Eurasian Economic Union Members." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02047.

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The customs union created in 2010 between Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus has moved to a further integration phase after five years. Two new members, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia, participated in this integration. But due to the political events in Ukraine and the joining of the Crimea to Russia, the US and the West have adopted economic sanctions against Russia from 2014. Moreover, oil and natural gas prices, a significant source of national income for Russia and some other countries, fell sharply during the same period. These events have adversely affected both the Russian economy and other countries’ economies. It is also mentioned by most researchers that it negatively affects the integration process. Therefore, in this study, it was aimed to determine the effects of sanctions on members of the Eurasian Economic Union with the help of structural break tests. Macro variables such as GDP, foreign trade, FDI, inflation, international reserves of EEU members have been used to achieve the goal. Unit root tests with structural break have shown that economic sanctions have a significant effect on some variables.
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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
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Pribyl, Barbara, Satinder Purewal, and Harikrishnan Tulsidas. "Development of the Petroleum Resource Specifications and Guidelines PRSG – A Petroleum Classification System for the Energy Transition." In SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/205847-ms.

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Abstract The Petroleum Working Group (PWG) of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) has developed the Petroleum Resource Specifications and Guidelines (PRSG) to facilitate the application of the United Nations Framework Classification for Resources (UNFC) for evaluating and classifying petroleum projects. The UNFC was developed by the Expert Group on Resource Management (EGRM) and covers all resource sectors such as minerals, petroleum, renewable energy, nuclear resources, injection projects, anthropogenic resources and groundwater. It has a unique three- dimensional structure to describe environmental, social and economic viability (E-axis), technical feasibility and maturity (F-axis) and degree of confidence in the resource estimates (G-axis). The UNFC is fully aligned to holistic and sustainable resource management called for by the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2030 Agenda). UNFC can be used by governments for integrated energy planning, companies for developing business models and the investors in decision making. Internationally, all classification systems and their application continue to evolve to incorporate the latest technical understanding and usage and societal, government and regulatory expectations. The PRSG incorporates key elements from current global petroleum classification systems. Furthermore, it provides a forward-thinking approach to including aspects of integrity and ethics. It expands on the unique differentiator of the UNFC to integrate social and environmental issues in the project evaluation. Several case studies have been carried out (in China, Kuwait, Mexico, Russia, and Uganda) using UNFC. Specifically, PRSG assists in identifying critical social and environmental issues to support their resolution and development sustainably. These issues may be unique to the country, location and projects and mapped using a risk matrix. This may support the development of a road map to resolve potential impediments to project sanction. The release of the PRSG comes at a time of global economic volatility on a national and international level due to the ongoing impact and management of COVID-19, petroleum supply and demand uncertainty and competing national and international interests. Sustainable energy is not only required for industries but for all other social development. It is essential for private sector development, productive capacity building and expansion of trade. It has strong linkages to climate action, health, education, water, food security and woman empowerment. Moreover, enduring complex system considerations in balancing the energy trilemma of reliable supply, affordability, equity, and social and environmental responsibility remain. These overarching conditions make it even more essential to ensure projects are evaluated in a competent, ethical and transparent manner. While considering all the risks, it is also critical to reinforce the positive contribution a natural resource utilization project provides to society. Such an inquiry can focus on how the project contributes to the quality of life, environment, and the economy – the people, planet, and prosperity triad. Such an approach allows consistent, robust and sustainable investment decision making and energy policy development.
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Reports on the topic "United Nations sanctions"

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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.

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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.
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Lewis, Dustin, Radhika Kapoor, and Naz Modirzadeh. Advancing Humanitarian Commitments in Connection with Countering Terrorism: Exploring a Foundational Reframing concerning the Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/uzav2714.

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The imperative to provide humanitarian and medical services on an urgent basis in armed conflicts is anchored in moral tenets, shared values, and international rules. States spend tens of billions of dollars each year to help implement humanitarian programs in conflicts across the world. Yet, in practice, counterterrorism objectives increasingly prevail over humanitarian concerns, often resulting in devastating effects for civilian populations in need of aid and protection in war. Not least, confusion and misapprehensions about the power and authority of States relative to the United Nations Security Council to set policy preferences and configure legal obligations contribute significantly to this trajectory. In this guide for States, we present a framework to reconfigure relations between these core commitments by assessing the counterterrorism architecture through the lens of impartial humanitarianism. We aim in particular to provide an evidence base and analytical frame for States to better grasp key legal and policy issues related to upholding respect for principled humanitarian action in connection with carrying out the Security Council’s counterterrorism decisions. We do so because the lack of knowledge regarding interpretation and implementation of counterterrorism resolutions matters for the coherence, integrity, and comprehensiveness of humanitarian policymaking and protection of the humanitarian imperative. In addition to analyzing foundational concerns and evaluating discernible behaviors and attitudes, we identify avenues that States may take to help achieve pro-humanitarian objectives. We also endeavor to help disseminate indications of, and catalyze, States’ legally relevant positions and practices on these issues. In section 1, we introduce the guide’s impetus, objectives, target audience, and structure. We also describe the methods that we relied on and articulate definitions for key terms. In section 2, we introduce key legal actors, sources of law, and the notion of international legal responsibility, as well as the relations between international and national law. Notably, Security Council resolutions require incorporation into national law in order to become effective and enforceable by internal administrative and judicial authorities. In section 3, we explain international legal rules relevant to advancing the humanitarian imperative and upholding respect for principled humanitarian action, and we sketch the corresponding roles of humanitarian policies, programs, and donor practices. International humanitarian law (IHL) seeks to ensure — for people who are not, or are no longer, actively participating in hostilities and whose needs are unmet — certain essential supplies, as well as medical care and attention for the wounded and sick. States have also developed and implemented a range of humanitarian policy frameworks to administer principled humanitarian action effectively. Further, States may rely on a number of channels to hold other international actors to account for safeguarding the humanitarian imperative. In section 4, we set out key theoretical and doctrinal elements related to accepting and carrying out the Security Council’s decisions. Decisions of the Security Council may contain (binding) obligations, (non-binding) recommendations, or a combination of the two. UN members are obliged to carry out the Council’s decisions. Member States retain considerable interpretive latitude to implement counterterrorism resolutions. With respect to advancing the humanitarian imperative, we argue that IHL should represent a legal floor for interpreting the Security Council’s decisions and recommendations. In section 5, we describe relevant conduct of the Security Council and States. Under the Resolution 1267 (1999), Resolution 1989 (2011), and Resolution 2253 (2015) line of resolutions, the Security Council has established targeted sanctions as counterterrorism measures. Under the Resolution 1373 (2001) line of resolutions, the Security Council has adopted quasi-“legislative” requirements for how States must counter terrorism in their national systems. Implementation of these sets of resolutions may adversely affect principled humanitarian action in several ways. Meanwhile, for its part, the Security Council has sought to restrict the margin of appreciation of States to determine how to implement these decisions. Yet international law does not demand that these resolutions be interpreted and implemented at the national level by elevating security rationales over policy preferences for principled humanitarian action. Indeed, not least where other fields of international law, such as IHL, may be implicated, States retain significant discretion to interpret and implement these counterterrorism decisions in a manner that advances the humanitarian imperative. States have espoused a range of views on the intersections between safeguarding principled humanitarian action and countering terrorism. Some voice robust support for such action in relation to counterterrorism contexts. A handful call for a “balancing” of the concerns. And some frame respect for the humanitarian imperative in terms of not contradicting counterterrorism objectives. In terms of measures, we identify five categories of potentially relevant national counterterrorism approaches: measures to prevent and suppress support to the people and entities involved in terrorist acts; actions to implement targeted sanctions; measures to prevent and suppress the financing of terrorism; measures to prohibit or restrict terrorism-related travel; and measures that criminalize or impede medical care. Further, through a number of “control dials” that we detect, States calibrate the functional relations between respect for principled humanitarian action and countering terrorism. The bulk of the identified counterterrorism measures and related “control dials” suggests that, to date, States have by and large not prioritized advancing respect for the humanitarian imperative at the national level. Finally, in section 6, we conclude by enumerating core questions that a State may answer to help formulate and instantiate its values, policy commitments, and legal positions to secure respect for principled humanitarian action in relation to counterterrorism contexts.
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