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1
Risteski, Temelko, Sejdefa Dzhafche, and Vesna Sijic. "ТHE AGREEMENT WITH THE REPUBLIC OF GREECE ON RESOLUTION THE DISPUTE OF NAME AND MACEDONIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY." Knowledge International Journal 33, no. 1 (August 30, 2019): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3301059r.
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On 17.6.2018, in the village of Nivitsi on the Greek coast of Prespa Lake, the heads of diplomacy of Macedonia and Greece, Nikola Dimitrov and Nikos Kodzias, signed the "Final Agreement for Disputes described in Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993) of the United Nations Security Council to cease the validity of the 1995 Interim Accord and to establish a strategic partnership between the parties."According to the Agreement, the new name the Republic of Macedonia is "Republic of North Macedonia". It will be used erga omnes, that is, at every opportunity both in the country and abroad. The terms "Macedonia" and "Macedonian" in relation to the Republic of North Macedonia denote its territory, language, people and their characteristics, with their own history, culture, and heritage. The official language of the country is Macedonian, while citizenship is "Macedonian / Citizen of the Republic of North Macedonia". The agreement was also signed by UN mediator Matthew Nimetz. This agreement, also known in the public, as the Prespa Treaty, ended the name dispute between Macedonia and Greece.Following the ratification of the Agreement by the parliaments of the two countries, it commenced its implementation. In the procedure for its implementation, the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia adopted four amendments at its session on 11 January 2019: amending the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia in the Republic of North Macedonia, amending the preamble to the Constitution of the Republic, amending Article 3 and replacement of Article 49 of the Constitution (Amendments XXXIII to XXXXVI).The signing of the Agreement divided the Macedonian public. Some (the majority) supported and still support the Agreement, some strongly opposed it. The opposition has regularly been followed by criticism on the Agreement. The criticisms often contained two theses: the first of them was that by the implementation of the Agreement the identity of the Macedonian people would be lost, and the second, always related to the first, that the identity of the Macedonian state would be lost. In this paper we have made an effort to prove the inaccuracy of those theses by applying the method of content analysis based on the principles of formal logic and the dialectical method.
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Metaj-Stojanova, Albana. "Religious Freedoms In Republic Of Macedonia." SEEU Review 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0019.
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Abstract With the independence of Republic of Macedonia and the adoption of the Constitution of Macedonia, the country went through a substantial socio-political transition. The concept of human rights and freedoms, such as religious freedoms in the Macedonian Constitution is based on liberal democratic values. The Macedonian Constitution connects the fundamental human rights and freedoms with the concept of the individual and citizen, but also with the collective rights of ethnic minorities, respecting the international standards and responsibilities taken under numerous international human rights conventions and treaties, of which the country is a party. Republic of Macedonia has ratified all the so called “core human right treaties” and now the real challenge lies in the implementation of the international standards. Some of these international conventions and treaties of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe are inherited by succession from the former Yugoslavian federation. Religious freedoms are guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of human rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the European Convention on Human Rights (1953), the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) (all documents ratified by the Republic of Macedonia). According to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia “The freedom of religious confession is guaranteed. The right to express one's faith freely and publicly, individually or with others, is guaranteed„. After the conflict of 2001 the Ohrid Framework Agreement secured group rights for ethnicities that are not in majority in the Republic of Macedonia. The present Law on the legal status of the church, religious communities and religious groups of 2007, repealed the Law on religion and religious groups of 1997.
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Nimetz, Matthew. "The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved?" Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (March 2020): 205–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.10.
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AbstractThe dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution.
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Idrizi, Arsim. "THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICIES." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1901–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061901a.
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Through this scientific research it is analyzed the legislation and the impact of Macedonian Parliament in establishing of Foreign and Security Politics. it is done the analyze about essential sources of the definition of position in the Assembly of Republic of Macedonia, beginning from the Constitution, Regulation and Foreign Law of Parliamentary Work, about the law of Foreign Affairs and Law Framework of Security Politics. As well it is explained the role and the work of Parliamentary Commission in the establishing of Security and Foreign Politics such as: the Commission of Foreign Affairs, Commission of Defense and Security, Commission of Secret Services and the Commission of the European Issues, so far is elaborated Cooperation Board with Other Parliamentary Commissions. At the end of the first part, Work Groups of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia with parliaments of other Countries.At the first research to International Relationship – Foreign Politics and Security, especially is explored the Relationship and Cooperation with neighboring Countries and with some European South - Eastern, Countries. The role of Parliament of Republic of Macedonia it is analyzed and explained as well and the cooperation with Parliamentarian Assembly of Organization of United Nations (UN), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), The Parliament of European Union, Organization of North Atlantic Alliance (OTAN) and European Council.
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Blum, Yehuda Z. "UN Membership of the “New” Yugoslavia: Continuity or Break?" American Journal of International Law 86, no. 4 (October 1992): 830–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203799.
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On May 22, 1992, the United Nations General Assembly admitted three new members—Slovenia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Croatia—all of them, in the past, constituent republics of Yugoslavia. Since June 1991, these three republics—as well as Macedonia—have seceded from the Yugoslav federation, which leaves only the two remaining republics—Serbia and Montenegro—to claim the name of Yugoslavia, as well as its rights and international status, including membership in the United Nations.
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Ponomareva, A. "Church Split in the Republic of North Macedonia: The Foreign Policy Dimension." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 2 (2022): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-2-43-62.
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The unexpected reconciliation of the Serbian Orthodox Church with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’, which took place in May 2022, determines the relevance of the retrospective analysis given in the article of this church conflict that has lasted more than half a century in the Republic of North Macedonia. Using the historical-genetic method, the underlying reason is revealed and the dynamics of the conflict that unfolded between the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid – is traced. With the use of the realistic approach to international relations and the hypothesis of maintaining a close connection between the church and state in the Balkans, the author identifies the key parties to the conflict, which, in addition to Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia, include Bulgaria, Greece, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and describes the evolution of the strategies chosen by these parties to conduct. At the same time, the focus of the study is not the theological dimension of the subject in question, but its foreign policy implications. The history of the church schism is considered in the broader context of the political elites of the Republic of North Macedonia finding the solution to the task of integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, the possibilities of using the church factor in the reaching of geostrategic goals are shown. It is stated that the reasons that pushed the hierarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church to reach agreements with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’ lie in the dimension of foreign policy, and the discussion of the status of the Ohrid Archdiocese was one of the elements of the struggle for influence in the Balkans, both regional and non-regional players. By its decision to support the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid, the Serbian Orthodox Church has demonstrated the recognition of a specific Slavic-Macedonian national identity, which is questioned in the official historical narratives of Greece and Bulgaria, and, at least on the Balkan track, the papist aspirations of the Patriarchate of Constantinople were limited. Ultimately, the pragmatic position of the Serbian Orthodox Church did not allow the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid to be turned into an instrument for realizing the interests of the Phanar supported by Western countries and took away the conflict potential from the topic that could contribute to the political demarcation of Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia. Nevertheless, in the prognostic part of the conclusion, a high probability of ‘church wars’ resuming is stated, but with a new, not united by Orthodoxy, list of participants, namely containing representatives of the Albanian and Macedonian communities.
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Ackermann, Alice, and Antonio Pala. "From peacekeeping to preventive deployment: A study of the United Nations in the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia." European Security 5, no. 1 (March 1996): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839608407255.
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Ristik, Jelena. "Toward a Uniform Court Practice in the Republic of Macedonia." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 28 (October 31, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n28p215.
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Despite the different perceptions regarding the status and treatment of the court practice in the Republic of Macedonia, judicial and state authorities are united in their view that there is a need for achieving a higher degree of uniformity of court practice. The need for a higher degree of uniformity of court practice was also noted by the European Union within its latest reports on the progress of the Republic of Macedonia as a candidate country for membership in the European Union as well as in the recent Report on Macedonia: Assessment and recommendations of the Senior Experts' Group on systemic Rule of Law issues 2017. This paper will try to resolve the various different interpretations as regards the court practice in Macedonia and define its role, treatment and application. This will be achieved mainly through analysis of the relevant national legislation. Further, possible new tools will be considered for achieving a greater uniformity of court practice. It will be argued that the court practice should serve as an additional means of argumentation within the reasoning of court judgments, which will contribute to increasing the degree of uniformity of court practice and rule of law as well. Finally, some suggestions will be given in order to provide for better conditions for the Supreme Court to exercise its constitutional competence to ensure the uniform application of the laws by the courts and thus ensure the existence of a uniform court practice.
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Camina, Margaret M. "Research Note: Cultural Gaps in Crossnational Cooperation: The Legacy of Empires in Macedonia." Organization Studies 21, no. 1 (January 2000): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840600210008.
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This article draws on the author's experience as a UK aid worker operating in a business support agency in former Yugoslavia and, through empirical work at employee level, seeks to understand the ways in which national cultural differences impinge on development work in economies undergoing transformation. Yugoslavia was the only Eastern block country included in Hofstede' s major analysis of national cultural differences. A small-scale replication of his study, based on four comparable business support organizations, two in the United Kingdom and two in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, first examines the extent to which the fundamental differences which he identified still hold true and then looks at the ways in which the Macedonian findings can be interpreted as a legacy of empires. The implications of the cultural gap in the sphere of cross-national development assistance are then explored through a management log.
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Miljković, Nađa. "Polysemy as one of the problems of translation from French to Serbian, for example, the open skies agreement and related acts." Zbornik radova Uciteljskog fakulteta Prizren-Leposavic, no. 14 (2020): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrufpl2014131m.
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In this paper we deal with, in terms of traductology and lexical semantics, analysis of legal terminology translation of the Multilateral Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, the Republic of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Bulgaria, the Republic of Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Republic of Iceland, TheKingdom of Norway, Romania, the Republic of Serbia and the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo on the establishment of a common European aviation area as well as its accompanying legal acts in the form of implementation of the European regulations contained in Annex I of the aforementioned agreement into domestic legislation from French to Serbian in order to resolve all problems that an interpreter faces and offer solutions for overcoming them. As Serbia is in process of joining the EU, it is extremely important to harmonize legal regulations with its legislation, where language, as basic legal instrument, plays a crucial role in it. Therefore, the success of application and standardization of legal norms and regulations when concluding bilateral or multilateral agreements depends on correct translation. Starting from thes ituational (denotative) theoretical translation model and the principle of functional equivalence, we will pay special attention to types of semantic relations (monosemy, polysemy, synonymy) between French and Serbian legal terms.
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Kavrakovski, Zoran, Katerina Jugreva, and Biljana Bauer – Petrovska. "Testing for drug and alcohol abuse at the workplace." Macedonian Pharmaceutical Bulletin 55 (November 2009): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33320/maced.pharm.bull.2009.55.006.
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Drug and alcohol abuse in the workplace represents a great risk to employee’s health and safety. More than 50% of the employees worldwide are related to easily accessible drug abuse, while 70% of the employees are related to alcohol abuse in the workplace. Tests for detecting drug and alcohol abuse in the workplace should be part of a new regulation, compulsory for all employees in the Republic of Macedonia. Implementing this sort of testing program should at the same time be a step towards devising particular solutions that shall bring about greater safety in the working environment. A key element in the implementation is to devise and establish an adequate policy that shall determine the risk factors within a working establishment which shall clearly express its position regarding drug and alcohol abuse during working hours. Along with the risk factors, the policy may also include the program for testing both, employees and the ones who are about to be employed, for drug and alcohol abuse. In order to implement this sort of test, it must be in accordance with the Occupational Safety and Health Act (Official gazette of the Republic of Macedonia, No 92/07, 2007) and a legal framework has to be defined, that shall regulate and solve numerous aspects of this issue, in order to fully implement the program for drug free working environment pursuant to the Declaration and the decrees of the United Nations General Assembly in 1998.
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Gurinović, Mirjana, Romana Novaković, Zvonimir Šatalić, Marina Nikolić, Jelena Milešević, Marija Ranić, and Marija Glibetić. "Professional training in nutrition in Central and Eastern Europe: current status and opportunities for capacity development." Public Health Nutrition 18, no. 2 (February 27, 2014): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980014000172.
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AbstractObjectiveTo examine the availability of academic programmes in nutrition and identify nutrition training needs in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).DesignA questionnaire with close-ended and open-ended questions was distributed to the members of the United Nations University Standing Committee on Nutrition, Regional Network for Capacity Development in Nutrition in CEE (NCDN CEE).SettingParticipants’ responses to the questionnaire including the comments of their colleagues from home institutions were obtained in group discussions during NCDN CEE meetings in 2010–2013.SubjectsSixteen CEE countries’ experts and their colleagues from home institutions involved in NCDN CEE activities 2007–2013.ResultsThe responses were obtained from fourteen out of sixteen participating countries; five countries have established Bachelor, Master and PhD studies in nutrition (Croatia, Czech Republic, Poland, Slovak Republic and Slovenia), whereas in Latvia and Republic of Macedonia only Bachelor and Master studies are set up. Seven countries have no Bachelor, Master or PhD studies: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Romania and Serbia. Introduction to data analysis and Nutritional epidemiology are the most needed nutrition trainings that would increase working competence of nutritionists and nutrition-related professionals in CEE.ConclusionsAvailability of academic programmes in nutrition in CEE countries is limited. Opportunities for improving the competence of existing and future nutrition-related professionals should be addressed at national and regional level; distance learning courses and creation of a regional centre for nutrition training were seen as opportunities for sustainable capacity development in nutrition in CEE.
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Barandovski, Lambe, Trajce Stafilov, Robert Sajn, Marina Frontasyeva, and Katerina Baceva. "Air pollution study in Macedonia using a moss biomonitoring technique, ICP-AES and AAS." Macedonian Journal of Chemistry and Chemical Engineering 32, no. 1 (June 15, 2013): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20450/mjcce.2013.137.
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In the framework of the International Cooperative Programme on Effects of Air Pollution on Natural Vegetation and Crops under the auspices of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE-ICP Vegetation) Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution (LRTAP), in 2002 and 2005, a moss biomonitoring technique was applied to air pollution studies in the Republic of Macedonia. The third moss survey took place in August and September 2010 when 72 samples of the terrestrial mosses Homalothecium lutescens and Hypnum cupressiforme were collected over the territory of the Republic of Macedonia, using the same sampling network grid as for the previous surveys. Using inductively coupled plasma-atomic emission spectrometry (ICP-AES) and atomic absorption spectrometry (AAS), a total of 18 elements (Al, Ba, Ca, Cd, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, K, Li, Mg, Mn, Ni, P, Pb, Sr, V and Zn) were determined. To reveal hidden multivariate data structures and to identify and characterize different pollution sources, Principal Component Analysis was used. Distributional maps were prepared to point out the regions most affected by pollution and related to known sources of contamination. As in the previous surveys, the regions near the towns of Skopje, Veles, Tetovo, Radoviš and Kavadarci were found to be most affected by pollution, even though the median elemental content in the mosses in 2010 for Cd, Cr, Cu, Ni, Pb and Zn was slightly lower than in the previous surveys. For the first time, P content in the moss samples was analyzed, and a higher content of this element as well as K in the mosses was observed in the agricultural regions of the country.
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MacPherson, Douglas W., Jacqueline E. M. Weekers, Thomas F. O'Rourke, Cecilia Stiles, and Brian D. Gushulak. "Health of Displaced Albanian Kosovars in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Fitness to Travel and Health Outcomes Assessment." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 17, no. 2 (June 2002): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000182.
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AbstractIntroduction:During the 1999 conflict in Kosovo, an estimated 850,000 people were displaced from Kosovo. Many thousands of these people arrived in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), for whom a humanitarian evacuation programme (HEP) was conducted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM). More than 91,000 people were moved to third countries under this programme.Methods:A health assessment tool was designed, validated, and implemented to document the health status of the refugees prior to departure. The IOM evaluated 41,652 pre-travel “fitness to travel” medical assessments for refugees transported by the Organization. A colour coding system for fitness-to-travel was used to clearly identify refugees to the receiving health authorities according to their health condition at the time of departure.Results:A total of 41,652 fitness-to-travel assessments were performed between 05 April and 25 June 1999, and were entered into a database. There were 21,923 females and 19,566 males. The average age was 25.3 years (women, 26 years; men, 24.3 years). Of these assessments, 4,647 (11.2%) individuals who were deemed fit-to-travel required medical assessment at the host destination, and of those 1,204 required urgent care. The majority of health complaints were acute respiratory tract infections and hypertension.Conclusions:A rapid and efficient system for fitness-to-travel was created to assist in the management of health issues related to the urgent and mass movement of refugees. The collected health information was of use to health-care planners during the crisis and for those responsible for the health-care of newly arrived refugees. The lessons learned have implications for future similar operations and for the development of research and education programs for both the refugees and the host recipient nations.
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Zendeli, Emine. "The right to education as a fundamental human right." Contemporary Educational Researches Journal 7, no. 4 (December 5, 2017): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/cerj.v7i4.2718.
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The right to education is a fundamental human right proclaimed by Articles 13 and 14 of the United Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966). Ratifying this document, state parties fully agree ‘that education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and the sense of its dignity, and shall strengthen the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms’. The right to education is considered as a fundamental human right in a series of other 20th century international documents, which guarantee and protect this right for everyone, irrespective of race, colour, religion, gender, social status, etc. This paper aims to respond to questions on the observance of this right and whether it has been limited. The research is based on international documents that regulate this specific category, as well as on the respective legislation and practice within educational institutions in the Republic of Macedonia.
Keywords: Education, fundamental human rights, covenant, law.
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Denkova, Branka. "DETERMINANTS AFFECTING ONLINE SHOPPING BEHAVIOUR IN LIFE INSURANCE." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 1 (October 4, 2019): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34010187d.
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We live in age where E-commerce offers many online marketing opportunities to companies worldwide that sell products and services through online channel to make their market more extensive. The new digital technologies have transformed the way we do business, the way we communicate, travel, think, react and act. This rapid growth of e-retailing is attributed to the advantages that it offers over conventional bricks-and-mortar stores, including greater flexibility, enhanced market outreach, lower cost structures, faster transactions, broader product lines, greater convenience and customization. Also, the popularization of the Internet, has made online shopping has become one of the most popular shopping style for customers Online shopping is the use of technology for better marketing performance. It offers numerous advantages to consumers compared to traditional shopping such as saving time, lower prices, convenience and etc. Retailers design appropriate marketing strategies in order to meet the demand of online shoppers and they are constantly occupied in studying consumer behavior in the field of online shopping. In accordance with the theoretical and empirical findings, online consumer behavior is influenced by various cultural, economic, social, psychological and demographic factors. Therefore, the study of this research proposal is to explore the factors that attract online consumer clients. Even though, there is increasing online sales, many online consumers use information collected online to buy the products offline. . This is confirmed by the high abandon rates of shopping carts Consumers use online stores to acquire a knowledge about the product price and product distinction, yet they don’t make the final purchase with the online store. According to the study of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, out of a total of 137 analyzed economies ("Unlocking the potential of e-commerce for developing countries") in 2015 according to the indicator that gives an image of the readiness of one country for e-commerce, Macedonia is on the 45th place, with the value of the index of 60 points. The index takes into account 4 parameters: internet penetration, coverage of postal delivery, penetration of payment cards and secure Internet servers. According to the data from the State Statistical Office and Eurostat in 2017, only 19.5% of Macedonians with Internet access bought / ordered something online in the last 12 months, while the EU average was 68%. As a result of the state of electronic commerce in the Republic of Macedonia in comparison with other countries in the world, the subject of this paper is to analyze the factors that influence the behavior of consumers when making a decision for electronic purchase in order to create more appropriate marketing strategies and activities that will contribute to the development of the electronic purchase market in the Republic of Macedonia.
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Dong, Bella. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for Journal of Food Research, Vol. 10 No. 3." Journal of Food Research 10, no. 3 (May 30, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jfr.v10n3p51.
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Journal of Food Research wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.
Journal of Food Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please contact us for the application form at: jfr@ccsenet.org
Reviewers for Volume 10, Number 3
Adele Papetti, University of Pavia, Italy
Bruno Alejandro Irigaray, Facultad de Química, Uruguay
Cheryl Rosita Rock, California State University, United States
Essence Jeanne Picones Logan, University of Santo Tomas, Philippines
Gisele Fátima Morais Nunes, Federal Center of Technological Education of Minas Gerais, Brazil
Jose Maria Zubeldia, Clinical Regulatory Consultant for the HIV & Hepatitis C initiative at Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative, Spain
Juliano De Dea Lindner, Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), Brazil
Liana Claudia Salanta, University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine, Romania
Meena Somanchi, United States Department of Agriculture, United States
Mohd Nazrul Hisham Daud, Malaysian Agricultural Research & Development Institute, Malaysia
Ningning Zhao, Oregon Health & Science University, United States
Qinlu Lin, Central South University of Forestry and Technology, China
Rozilaine A. P. G. Faria, Federal Institute of Science, Education and Technology of Mato Grosso, Brazil
Tanima Bhattacharya, Novel Global Community Educational Foundation, Australia
Tzortzis Nomikos, Harokopio University, Greece
Vezirka Jankuloska, University "St. Kliment Ohridski" - Bitola, Republic of Macedonia
Violeta Ivanova-Petropulos, University "Goce Delcev" - Stip, Republic of Macedonia
Zahra Saleh Ahmed, National Research Centre, Egypt
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Ventouratou, Anna. "Final Agreement for the Settlement of the Differences as Described in the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993), the Termination of the Interim Accord of 1995, and the Establishment of a Strategic Partnership between the Parties." International Legal Materials 58, no. 5 (October 2019): 1084–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2019.42.
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The “Final Agreement for the Settlement of the Differences as Described in the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993), the Termination of the Interim Accord of 1995, and the Establishment of a Strategic Partnership Between the Parties,” most commonly known as the Prespa Agreement, is the final settlement of an intricate dispute between Greece and (now officially) North Macedonia over the former Yugoslav Republic's name, which has troubled the relations between the two states for almost three decades. Following a carefully choreographed process, the Prespa Agreement (Agreement) entered into force on February 12, 2019. This Note provides a brief overview of the background of the dispute and the main provisions of the Agreement.
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DRAGOSTINOVA, THEODORA. "On ‘Strategic Frontiers’: Debating the Borders of the Post-Second World War Balkans." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2018): 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000243.
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This article examines debates between Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia concerning the post-Second World War Balkan borders in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference of 1946. While for most of the twentieth century Greece and Yugoslavia were close allies united in their position against revisionist Bulgaria, after 1944 the communist affiliations of the new Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments determined the rapprochement between the latter two states. As various proposals for border revisions and the possibility of a Balkan Federation were discussed, the Balkans became a prime battlefield in the emerging Cold War split between the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. By examining a period of extreme political fluidity between 1944 and 1947, this article explores how the legacy of long-standing national tensions combined with the new political realities after the Second World War created the current borders of Bulgaria, Greece and the (former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia.
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Seregin, Andrei Viktorovich. "Ideology of Slavic Unity and Philosophical Problems of Legal Slavistics in the Modern World." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (June 15, 2019): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18478.
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The article analyzes the philosophical problems of legal Slavistics associated with the formation of the updated pan-Slavic state-legal ideology aimed at the development and improvement of Confederate and Federal forms of Slavic Association. The author consistently investigates conceptual, civilizational and geopolitical obstacles of the Slavic unity connected with religious, military-political and nationalist dissociation of the Slavic peoples. At the same time, the presented work suggests ways to overcome the anti-Slavic political and legal dogmas, with the help of education aimed at the formation among the Slavs of the pan-Slavic doctrine of the primacy of the Slavic communal-tribal system, built on the basis of archaic socialism (mutual responsibility and mutual assistance); Veche rule; freedom, denial of all forms of slavery; linguistic kinship; organic unity of personal and community interests, with the recognition of the unconditional primacy of sovereign values over private; as well as the supremacy of spiritual and moral principles over material needs. In practical terms, a legal project is proposed for the development of the Union State of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, which in the form of government can be a collegial Republic, in the form of state-territorial structure - a Confederation with a tendency to federalization and a democratic-polyarchic state regime. In addition, the author believes that from a civilizational point of view, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are predisposed to unite in the West Slavic Confederation-the Great Vagria or Venea; Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, having common historical, state and religious - Orthodox roots are obliged within the framework of reunification to create the East Slavic Confederation-Svetlorossia; in the Balkans, led by Serbia, it is necessary to revive the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the inclusion of the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, the Republic of Bulgaria, the Republic of Serbia Krajina. Slovenia and Croatia should be merged into the Croatian-Slovenian Federation. In the future, Slavic confederal unions and the Federation, together with the Slavic communities beyond the national borders of the Slavic Nations ( for example, Sorbs in Germany) for the preservation of their identity and the free development have the potential to unite in a pan-Slavic Union state - the Great Vseslav. It is advisable to elect a collegial Republic as a form of government of the great all-Russia; a form of state-territorial unity of the Confederate-Federal Union of Slavic peoples, communities and States with a socially guaranteed regime of political democracy.
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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 5 (October 11, 2020): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.
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The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
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Marchetti, Patrizia, Fatmira Shehu, Angela Di Pinto, Valeriana Colao, Giuseppina Tantillo, and Edmondo Ceci. "Heavy metals risk assessment in Salmo letnica from Lake Ohrid in Albania." Marine and Freshwater Research 70, no. 11 (2019): 1543. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf18419.
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The Ohrid trout (Salmo letnica) is an endemic species of trout found only in Lake Ohrid, in the Balkan republics of North Macedonia and Albania, where it is a species of significant economic and nutritional interest. Considering the importance of chemical risk assessment in fish for human consumption set out by European and international legislation and the risk of extinction of the Ohrid trout, the aim of the present study was to evaluate the safety of Ohrid trout flesh for human consumption by determining the heavy metal concentration in different organs through atomic absorption spectrometry (AAS). Heavy metal concentrations differed significantly in different organs (P<0.001). The mean and range of Pb and Cr concentrations in muscle were lower than the permissible limits recommended for human consumption according to the European Union (EU), as well as the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and World Health Organization, whereas the mean concentration and range of Cd in muscle tissue were above the critical limits for human consumption set by the EU and FAO, revealing inspection-related problems. Accordingly, S. letnica is not completely safe for human consumption. Therefore, the long-term assessment of heavy metal concentrations in Ohrid trout from Lake Ohrid is an important safety measure for fish consumers and will help assess the status of exploitation of this biological resource.
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Dou, Paige. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for Review of European Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1." Review of European Studies 12, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v12n1p106.
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Review of European Studies wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.
Review of European Studies is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://recruitment.ccsenet.org and e-mail the completed application form to res@ccsenet.org.
Reviewers for Volume 12, Number 1
Alejandra Moreno Alvarez, Universidad de Oviedo, Spain
Antonio Messeni Petruzzelli, Politecnico di Bari, Italy
Arthur Becker-Weidman, Center For Family Development, USA
Aziollah Arbabisarjou, Zahedan University of Medical Sciences, Iran
Eugenia Panitsides, University of Macedonia, Greece
Federico De Andreis, University Giustino Fortunato, Italy
Florin Ionita, The Bucharest Academy of Economic Studies, Romania
Frantisek Svoboda, Masaryk University, Czech republic
Gabriela Gruber, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Romania
Gevisa La Rocca, University of Enna “Kore”, Italy
Ghaiath M. A. Hussein, University of Birmingham, UK
Gülce Başer, Boğaziçi University, Tukey
Ifigeneia Vamvakidou, University of Western Macedonia, Greece
Indrajit Goswami, N. L. Dalmia Institute of Management Studies and Research, India
Ioan-Gheorghe Rotaru, ‘Timotheus’ Brethren Theological Institute of Bucharest, Romania
Julia Stefanova, Economic Research Institute – The Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgaria
Karen Ferreira-Meyers, University of Swaziland, Swaziland
Maria Pescaru, University of Pitești, ROMANIA
Montserrat Crespi Vallbona, University of Barcelona, Spain
Muhammad Saud, Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Natalija Vrecer, independent researcher, Slovenia
Nunzia Di Cristo Bertali, Liverpool John Moores University, United Kingdom
Serdar Yilmaz, World Bank, USA
Skaidrė Žičkienė, Šiauliai University, Lithuania
Szabolcs Blazsek, Universidad Francisco Marroquin, Guatemala
Tryfon Korontzis, Hellenic National School of Local Government, Greece
Valeria Vannoni, University of Perugia, Italy
Vicenta Gisbert, Universidad de La Laguna, Spain
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Gajić, S., and E. G. Ponomareva. "Accelerated expansion of NATO into the Balkans as a consequence of Euro-Atlantic Discord." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-70-93.
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The Balkans in general and post-Yugoslav countries in particular have been under significant geopolitical pressure of the political West since the end of the bipolar global order. From the beginning of the Yugoslav Civil War in 1991, followed by Western recognition of secessionist republics in 1992 and NATO attacks on Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994-1995 and on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the US, NATO and EU have been actively involved in the Balkan crisis. It was in concordance with the logic of unipolarity, or the New World Order, proclaimed by George W.H. Bush, in which there is “no substitute for American leadership”.The year of 2008 marked the start of profound changes. The changes we are witnessing today are of the magnitude described by Paul Kennedy’s classic The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia crossed Russia’s red lines and exposed the latter’s ambitions to regain the superpower status; China symbolically showed the same ambition with the Olympics in Beijing; the crash of the US real-estate market triggered the global economic crisis; and the NATO-sponsored unilateral declaration of secession by Kosovo Albanians set a precedent and introduced uncertainty in international law and the entire system of United Nations. By the beginning of 2020, many problems had accumulated in the EU – against the background of the ongoing migration crisis, right-wing and nationalist movements became more active, and differences between members increased. Long before COVID-19, Brexit became a serious stress test for the economy and social structure of the European Union. Dramatic changes took place on the other side of the Atlantic too, resulting in the shocking victory of staunch anti-globalist Donald Trump. The rules established during the 1991-2008 unipolarity have thus been challenged. Subsequently, post-Cold War ideological consensus in the West has also been challenged even further by the growth of non-systemic political movements – many of them directed not only against the EU expansion, but also against the EU itself.The significance of all these events for the Balkans is somewhat surprising and paradoxical, as the mainstream forces that have been weakened in the West forcefully push for a stronger Atlantic integration of the remaining Balkan countries. At the height of the pandemic, on 27 March 2020 Northern Macedonia became the 30th member of the Alliance, having previously undergone a humiliating procedure of changing its own name for this purpose. Three years earlier, Montenegro was admitted to NATO, but its population did not have the opportunity to vote on this in a referendum. The negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina on ‘normalisation of relations’, continued pressures on the prerogatives of Republic Srpska, Croatian initiative for a new Intermarium and many other similar efforts are stages in the process of NATOisation of former Yugoslavia. Based on the analysis of a large body of narrative sources and recent literature, the article presents the main trends and possible prospects for developments in the Balkans, depending on the outcome of the ongoing ideological and political struggle within the West.
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Dong, Bella. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for Journal of Food Research, Vol. 10 No. 5." Journal of Food Research 10, no. 5 (October 29, 2021): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jfr.v10n5p70.
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Journal of Food Research wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.
Journal of Food Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please contact us for the application form at: jfr@ccsenet.org
Reviewers for Volume 10, Number 5
Ammar Eltayeb Ali Hassan, University of Tromsø, Norway
Bojana Filipcev, University of Novi Sad, Serbia
Bruno Alejandro Irigaray, Facultad de Química, Uruguay
Claudia Alejandra Narvaez, University of Manitoba, Canada
Corina-aurelia Zugravu, University of Medicine and Pharmacy Carol Davila, Romania
Diego A. Moreno-Fernández, CEBAS-CSIC, Spain
Elke Rauscher-Gabernig, Austrian Agency for Health and Food Safety, Austria
Elsa M Goncalves, Instituto Nacional de Investigacao Agrária (INIA), Portugal
Emma Chiavaro, University of Parma, Italy
Eng-Tong Phuah, Universiti Teknologi Brunei, Brunei
J. Basilio Heredia, Research Center for Food and Development, Mexico
Jose Maria Zubeldia, Clinical Regulatory Consultant for the HIV & Hepatitis C initiative at Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative, Spain
Leonardo Martín Pérez, Pontifical Catholic University of Argentina, Argentina
Liana Claudia Salanta, University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine, Romania
Meena Somanchi, United States Department of Agriculture, United States
Mohd Nazrul Hisham Daud, Malaysian Agricultural Research & Development Institute, Malaysia
Philippa Chinyere Ojimelukwe, Michael Okpara University of Agriculture Umudike, Nigeria
Rania I. M. Almoselhy, Agricultural Research Center, Egypt
Vezirka Jankuloska, University "St. Kliment Ohridski" - Bitola, Republic of Macedonia
Xingjun Li, Academy of the National Food and Strategic Reserves Administration, China
Y. Riswahyuli, Gadah Mada University, Indonesia
Zahra Saleh Ahmed, National Research Centre, Egypt
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Pacarska, Valentina. "ACHIEVEMENT OF THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF GREECE." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1843–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061843p.
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The Republic of Macedonia proclaimed its independence on September 8, 1991, but its international recognition was blocked by Greece, which considered it to have an exclusive historical right over the name Macedonia that is carrying its northern province and that the use of that name is a sign of territorial claims to Skopje. Macedonia was admitted to the UN in 1993 under the provisional name of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, but most countries, including the United States and Russia, have recognized it under its name, the Republic of Macedonia.In 1995, Macedonia and Greece signed a provisional treaty in New York, which paved the way for the normalization of political and trade relations, leaving the problem with the country's name aside. Macedonia received the status of a candidate for EU membership in 2005, but not a date for start of negotiations, which requires a unanimous decision, which is not possible without the consent of Greece.In this thesis, there is an analysis between these two countries, from the period of signing the interim agreement, which required both parties to adhere to certain conditions, the events after the signing of the agreement until today.
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Dimovski, Ilche. "US INFLUENCE IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA AFTER THE PERIOD OF RENAMING." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 47, no. 1 (August 16, 2021): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij4701249d.
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The complex set of historical and political processes between the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as the absence of the EU from the region, complicates the process of building democratic and political capacities in these countries. The United States has a complex political approach to the Western Balkans, without having an exclusive ally in this part of the region. Although the region does not seem to be at the top of US policy priorities at the moment, the Western Balkans play an important role in its interests, especially when it comes to security issues, which have always been a top priority for the US administration. The public in the Republic of North Macedonia is still emotional about the process of changing the constitutional name, and the Prespa Agreement, although a closed topic for the US administration, at least judging by the last move of President Biden, is still not fully accepted, not only by the population, but also among some experts. Some critics comment on the distrust of the process "vis a vis" the constant blockades of the pre-accession negotiations with the EU, despite the name change, which by the way according to the amendments to the Constitution should be implemented in practice in parallel with the opening of EU negotiation chapters. This begs the questions: What is the US position on North Macedonia's strategic interests? Does and in what way does the United States influence North Macedonia through NATO? What are the benefits and prospects for North Macedonia from NATO membership? The purpose of this paper is to explain the US attitude towards North Macedonia from a geostrategic point of view by applying descriptive analysis. In 2008, after the Greek veto on Macedonia's membership in NATO, a Declaration on Strategic Partnership and Cooperation was signed between the United States and Macedonia, with which the United States guarantees the security of Macedonia, but without meaning a replacement for NATO membership. The Declaration is one of the most important agreements for North Macedonia, which emphasizes, among other things, the strategic commitment of both sides to Macedonia's integration into NATO and the EU, making the United States the only strategic partner and supporter (of the great powers) of Macedonia in its EU and NATO aspirations.Finally, in 2020, through the North Macedonian Embassy in Washington, the instrument for joining the North Atlantic Treaty was deposited, with which North Macedonia officially became a member of NATO.
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Stamnes, Eli. "Critical security studies and the united nations preventive deployment in Macedonia." International Peacekeeping 11, no. 1 (March 2004): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353331042000228508.
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Cerna, Christina M. "El-Masri v. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (Eur. Ct. H.R.)." International Legal Materials 52, no. 2 (April 2013): 558–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.2.0558.
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On December 13, 2012, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (the Court) issued a final judgment in the case of El-Masri v. the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. It found that Macedonia, as a State party to the European Convention on Human Rights (the Convention), was responsible for torturing El-Masri while he was in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYRM) The El-Masri judgment is the first time in which an international court has ruled on the U.S. practice of secret forced renditions. It follows the rationale of Soering v. United Kingdom, that a State can be held responsible for facilitating a violation by a State outside the Council of Europe, and places it in a modern war on terror context.
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Marín-Bosch, Miguel. "How nations vote in the General Assembly of the United Nations." International Organization 41, no. 4 (1987): 705–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830002765x.
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For over forty years the United Nations’ General Assembly has been meeting annually to examine a broad range of international issues. At the conclusion of its debates, it adopts resolutions and decisions on each of its agenda items. While some resolutions are procedural, many can be considered important, even historic, because of the events they spawned or because they marked a turning point in international relations. These include, among others, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Partition of Palestine, and the recognition of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representative of China in the UN.
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Korecki, Zbyšek. "United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.9.
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UNITED NATIONS MULTIDIMENSIONAL INTEGRATED STABILIZATION MISSION IN MALIThe security and political instability of West and Central African countries is influenced by several factors and is a topical issue for the United Nations UN and the European Union’s EU foreign policy. The security of the region decreased to a low level after the declaration of the war on terrorism in 2003. According to the Global Peace Index GPI, which takes into account the militarization and security of society, countries such as Mali 2.686 — 144, Central African Republic 3.236 — 155 or Libya 3.262 — 157 compared to other countries of the world have long been in the unflattering index position, which is evaluated by 163 countries. The destabilization of Libya and the consequences of the fall of the dictatorial regime of Muammar Gaddafiled to the subsequent spread of instability in the region in 2011. After the emergence of the radical organization of the Islamic State IS, as well as other organized armed groups in the Middle East and in some African Union states, fighters are rapidly expanding into Mali, Mauritania and Niger. The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali MINUSMA was launched in July 2013. As asymmetric terrorist attacks on UN peacekeepers have increased, a UN-level debate was held to strengthen the mandate and capabilities of UN MINUSMA. Contributing countries of the African Union were aware of the fact that terrorist attacks could spread to neighboring countries and therefore called on UN Member States to become more actively involved in the mission in Mali. The pre-sented article analyzes the political and security situation of Mali and the participation of members of the Army of the Czech Republic at the UN MINUSMA. The author of the article concluded that Mali in the post-conflict reconstruction needs to implement all stages of post-conflict reconstruction and necessarily needs the presence of UN and EU troops.Participation of members of the Army of the Czech Republic should correspond to the ambitions of the Czech Republic within the EU in achieving the objectives of stabilizing the unstable territories in the neighborhood in order to prevent future potential security risks.
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Horowitz, Jonathan. "United Nations Security Council Resolution 2339." International Legal Materials 56, no. 5 (October 2017): 1041–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2017.34.
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On January 27, 2017, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 2339 to extend by one year the mandate of a sanctions regime to address protracted violence, insecurity, and political turmoil in the Central African Republic (CAR). Three years after the Council first imposed the regime under Resolution 2127 (2013), the Council's adoption of Resolution 2339 made it clear that the situation in CAR continued to require a robust sanctions regime, that sexual violence in CAR needed heightened political attention, and that states should improve the ways they enforce the sanctions regime's travel ban. Similar to its predecessor resolutions, Resolution 2339 included certain limitations aimed at making the sanctions targeted and humane. But, as has been the case with sanctions regimes aimed at other countries, this one suffered from a lack of due process guarantees for ensuring the protection of the human rights of the people and entities that were punished for noncompliance.
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Aldersey, Heather Michelle, and H. Rutherford Turnbull. "The United Republic of Tanzania’s National Policy on Disability." Journal of Disability Policy Studies 22, no. 3 (November 21, 2011): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1044207311397877.
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In the spirit of international cooperation and to advance human rights, many nations have signed and ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN CRPD). Ratification, however, differs from implementation, as the current analysis of the disability policy of the United Republic of Tanzania reflects. Here, the authors have accepted the Tanzanian Minister for Labour, Youth Development, and Sports’ invitation for local and international communities to rally to ensure that the desired outcomes of the NPD are realized. They examine Tanzania’s National Policy on Disability (NPD) using a policy analysis framework that has identified 18 core concepts of disability policy. They compare and contrast Tanzania’s NPD with this framework and conclude that the core concept of accountability is absent from the NPD. The authors then propose accountability techniques that might assist Tanzania to fulfill its firm and early commitment to the UN CRPD.
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Clark II, Keith Allan. "“Imagined Territory: The Republic of China’s 1955 Veto of Mongolian Membership in the United Nations”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 3 (September 3, 2018): 263–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02503003.
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In 1955, Jiang Tingfu, representing the Republic of China (roc), vetoed Mongolia’s entry into the United Nations. In the 26 years the roc represented China in the United Nations, it only cast this one veto. The roc’s veto was a contentious move because Taipei had recognized Mongolia as a sovereign state in 1946. A majority of the world body, including the United States, favored Mongolia’s admission as part of a deal to end the international organization’s deadlocked-admissions problem. The roc’s veto placed it not only in opposition to the United Nations but also its primary benefactor. This article describes the public and private discourse surrounding this event to analyze how roc representatives portrayed the veto and what they thought Mongolian admission to the United Nations represented. It also examines international reactions to Taipei’s claims and veto. It argues that in 1955 Mongolia became a synecdoche for all of China that Taipei claimed to represent, and therefore roc representatives could not acknowledge it as a sovereign state.
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Turabaevich, Atakhanov Bakhtiyor. "Participation And Cooperation Of Uzbekistan And Belarus In The United Nations." American Journal of Interdisciplinary Innovations and Research 03, no. 03 (March 31, 2021): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajiir/volume03issue03-10.
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This article covers the history of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Republic of Belarus being one of the influential international organizations, joining the United Nations organization, its participation, support and participation in international projects under the auspices of the organization. The article also covers the relations between the countries of Uzbekistan and Belarus within the framework of the UN.
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Hovell, Devika. "Due Process in the United Nations." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 1 (January 2016): 9–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.1.0001.
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“For hard it is for high and stately buildings long to stand except they be upholden and staid by most strong shores, and rest upon most sure foundations”—Jean Bodin, The Six Books of a Commonweale (1576)It has been said of the redemptive quality of procedural reform that it is “about nine parts myth and one part coconut oil.” Yet, as the recent history of the United Nations shows, failure to enact adequate procedural reform can have damaging consequences for an organization and its activities. In the targeted-sanctions context, litigation in over thirty national and regional courts over due process deficiencies has had a “significant impact on the regime,” placing it “at a legal crossroads.” In the peacekeeping context, the United Nations’ position that claims in the ongoing Haiti cholera controversy are “not receivable” has been described in extensive and uniformly critical press coverage as the United Nations’ “Watergate, except with far fewer consequences for the people responsible.” Complacency in the face of allegations of sexual abuse by UN blue helmets led to the unprecedented ousting of a special representative to the secretary-general in the Central African Republic. Economizing on due process standards is proving to be a false economy.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. "UN Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Reflections on MONUSCO and Its Contradictory Mandate." Journal of International Peacekeeping 15, no. 3-4 (March 25, 2011): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187541111x572728.
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Both because the United Nations (UN) spectacularly failed in Rwanda and because of the close links between the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the continuing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) – formerly the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) – constitutes an important test-case for UN peacekeeping. However, since MONUSCO is ongoing, it is too early to assess whether or not it has passed this test. This article, however, focuses on a particular issue that may ultimately cause the mission to fail, namely contradictions within its ever-expanding mandate. It argues that MONUSCO itself is helping to fuel these tensions through its flawed approach to one of the key components of its mandate, namely DDR (disarmament, demobilization and reintegration) and DDRRR (disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, resettlement and reintegration). It thus suggests how MONUSCO might revise its approach to these processes, particularly through a more ‘bottom-up’ focus that engages directly with local communities and with former combatants as individuals.
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Djukanovic, Dragan. "The Adriatic charter: A shorter way to access NATO." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 3 (2005): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0503373d.
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The author explores the genesis and ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia and FYR of Macedonia, and the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership and evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission and other mechanisms for interstate co-operation.
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Chinkin, Christine. "The Legality Of Nato'S Action In The Former Republic Of Yugoslavia (Fry) Under International Law." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (October 2000): 910–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064733.
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The use of force has been prohibited in international relations since at least the United Nations Charter, 1945. Article 2 (4) of the Charter states:All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the United Nations.
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Chan, Lien. "The Republic of China on Taiwan belongs in the United Nations." Orbis 37, no. 4 (September 1993): 633–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(93)90085-q.
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Sprik, Lenneke, Jennifer Giblin, and Alexander Gilder. "The Role of UN Peace Operations in Security Sector Reform and the Relationship with the Protection of Civilians." Journal of International Peacekeeping 25, no. 1 (April 21, 2022): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-25010002.
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Abstract Security sector reform and the protection of civilians are regular features within United Nations (UN) peace operations. However, the two areas are often distinct from one another in the mandates of missions. What then is the relationship between Security Sector Reform (ssr) and the Protection of Civilians (PoC) in contemporary missions and how does ssr impact PoC? This article aims to draw out this relationship by conducting a comparative case study analysis based on three missions that all combine a ssr and PoC mandate: the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (minusma), the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (minusca) and the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (monusco). The case studies provide a variety of examples which demonstrate elements of both convergence and divergence in the implementation of ssr and PoC. With ssr often taking place in a context of armed conflict, the current focus on human rights training and accountability is insufficient as the missions fail to achieve long-term ssr goals and instead must prioritise PoC due to the actions of the host states.
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Spijkers, Otto. "The Evolution of United Nations Peacekeeping in the Congo." Journal of International Peacekeeping 19, no. 1-2 (September 23, 2015): 88–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-01902004.
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The United Nations has been engaged in peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since the period of the country’s independence. First it was the Opération des Nations Unies au Congo (onuc), then the Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies au Congo (monuc), and the most recent un peacekeeping force is called Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation au Congo (monusco). Most recently, monusco acquired a Force Intervention Brigade (fib). In this contribution, an analysis is made of how the bedrock principles of peacekeeping – impartiality, consent, and a restricted use of force – have evolved in the Congo. To do so, the journey begins in the 1960s, and ends in early 2015. For each principle, we will look at its traditional meaning, as well as its application to onuc, monuc, and monusco with its Force Intervention Brigade.
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Torelli, Angela. "The Costs of Realism: The Nixon Administration, the People’s Republic of China, and the United Nations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 2 (2012): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-01902001.
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The Nixon presidency has been pivotal in debates on American Cold War foreign policy and domestic politics. Recent access to primary sources now allows more precise analyses of the relationship between the Nixon administration and the United Nations in general and the problem of Chinese UN representation in particular. The representation question conditioned the actions of the UN starting from the 1950s and was in turn influenced by the new policy adopted by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger toward the People’s Republic of China in 1971. Until now, analysis of White House strategy toward the PRC concentrated on the period preceding Peking’s admission to the United Nations or considered the admission question only marginally. This essay focuses on PRC admission to the United Nations, setting it within the context of the opening of dialog between the United States and China and of the realist strategy adopted by the White House, underlining the differences between the positions of the White House and of the Department of State.
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Khan, Mamnoon Ahmad. "http://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/192." Habibia islamicus 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47720/hi.2021.0503e03.
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This research paper examines the attitude of People’s Republic of China towards Kashmir conflict. Chinese leaders have been evolving their own strategy towards the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Chinese concentration was focused basically to oppose the United States and the United Kingdom in the United Nations. Even when the Soviet Union began to favour the Indian stand, China remained neutral. China cooperated with Pakistan in every field including the Kashmir issue but the United States, Soviet Union and the Western block opposed Chinese efforts in the United Nations. That’s why China remained unsuccessful in resolving the Kashmir dispute.
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Tomolya, János. "Operation “Artemis” : The First Autonomous EU-led Operation." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2015.1.11.
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In June 2003, the EU launched Operation “Artemis”, its first military mission outside Europe and independent of NATO, to the Democratic Republic of Congo. While it ultimately received an EU badge, its origin, command and control were French. The objective of Operation “Artemis” was to contribute to the stabilisation of the security conditions in Bunia, capital of Ituri, to improve the humanitarian situation, and to ensure the protection of displaced persons in the refugee camps in Bunia. Its mandate was to provide a short-term interim force for three months until the transition to the reinforced United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC – Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en République Démocratique du Congo; English: United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo). Although the EU can be said to have passed the first “test” of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) mechanisms for the conduct of an autonomous operation, this test was a limited one. Operational constraints were caused by inadequate strategic lift capabilities and the lack of a strategic reserve.
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Janev, Igor. "Legal Aspects of the Use of a Provisional Name for Macedonia in the United Nations System." American Journal of International Law 93, no. 1 (January 1999): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2997959.
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Annan, Kofi A., and Tariq Aziz. "Memorandum of Understanding between the United Nations and the Republic of Iraq." Digest of Middle East Studies 7, no. 2 (April 1998): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1998.tb00297.x.
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Sheeran, Scott P. "A Constitutional Moment?: United Nations Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of Congo." International Organizations Law Review 8, no. 1 (2011): 55–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157237411x584066.
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AbstractThe United Nations (UN) is the world's most prominent international organization, and a key issue is its responsibility under international law. The contemporary growth in UN powers and activities has not been matched by parallel developments in accountability and checks and balances within the UN legal order. This was recently brought to the fore in the instance of UN peacekeepers providing support to Congolese army forces responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. It became a significant public issue and the Secretary-General eventually withdrew UN support from a unit of the Congolese army. This article demonstrates that this withdrawal of support by the Secretary-General represents a constitutional moment for the United Nations. It confirmed a key premise that the Secretary-General is normatively constrained under the Charter, including by the Organization's obligations, when implementing the decisions of the Security Council. This is a legal development which engages a number of emerging and uncertain areas of international law relating to the United Nations, including the UN's constitutional law, the responsibility of international organizations, the substantive obligations of the Organization, and the role of international law in peace and security. Recognizing this important development not only confirms the Secretary-General's legal responsibility under the Charter, it reinforces the view of the Charter as a living instrument and provides an effective and important means for incorporating the law of responsibility into the UN constitutional order and a check upon the expansive application of the Security Council's implied powers doctrine.
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Okike, Iheanacho. "Nigeria Zero Hunger/IITA Policy Brief No. 4: Nigeria Zero Hunger Strategic Review – Nutritional Status of Children under the Age of 5 in Sokoto State, Nigeria." Food Science and Nutrition 7, no. 4 (September 25, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.24966/fsn-1076/100118.
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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000273.
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Two additional agreements have been concluded on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). On 25 February 2000, an agreement was concluded between the Government of the French Republic and the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. Thus, France thereby became the first permanent member of the Security Council to conclude such an agreement. A month later, on 28 March 2000, another agreement was concluded between the Kingdom of Spain and the United Nations. Both these agreements will enter into force upon notification to the United Nations by the respective states that the necessary national legal requirements have been met. Previously, agreements have been concluded with the following states: Italy, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Austria.