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Academic literature on the topic 'United Nations Macedonia (Republic)'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "United Nations Macedonia (Republic)"

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Risteski, Temelko, Sejdefa Dzhafche, and Vesna Sijic. "ТHE AGREEMENT WITH THE REPUBLIC OF GREECE ON RESOLUTION THE DISPUTE OF NAME AND MACEDONIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY." Knowledge International Journal 33, no. 1 (August 30, 2019): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3301059r.

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On 17.6.2018, in the village of Nivitsi on the Greek coast of Prespa Lake, the heads of diplomacy of Macedonia and Greece, Nikola Dimitrov and Nikos Kodzias, signed the "Final Agreement for Disputes described in Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993) of the United Nations Security Council to cease the validity of the 1995 Interim Accord and to establish a strategic partnership between the parties."According to the Agreement, the new name the Republic of Macedonia is "Republic of North Macedonia". It will be used erga omnes, that is, at every opportunity both in the country and abroad. The terms "Macedonia" and "Macedonian" in relation to the Republic of North Macedonia denote its territory, language, people and their characteristics, with their own history, culture, and heritage. The official language of the country is Macedonian, while citizenship is "Macedonian / Citizen of the Republic of North Macedonia". The agreement was also signed by UN mediator Matthew Nimetz. This agreement, also known in the public, as the Prespa Treaty, ended the name dispute between Macedonia and Greece.Following the ratification of the Agreement by the parliaments of the two countries, it commenced its implementation. In the procedure for its implementation, the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia adopted four amendments at its session on 11 January 2019: amending the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia in the Republic of North Macedonia, amending the preamble to the Constitution of the Republic, amending Article 3 and replacement of Article 49 of the Constitution (Amendments XXXIII to XXXXVI).The signing of the Agreement divided the Macedonian public. Some (the majority) supported and still support the Agreement, some strongly opposed it. The opposition has regularly been followed by criticism on the Agreement. The criticisms often contained two theses: the first of them was that by the implementation of the Agreement the identity of the Macedonian people would be lost, and the second, always related to the first, that the identity of the Macedonian state would be lost. In this paper we have made an effort to prove the inaccuracy of those theses by applying the method of content analysis based on the principles of formal logic and the dialectical method.
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Metaj-Stojanova, Albana. "Religious Freedoms In Republic Of Macedonia." SEEU Review 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0019.

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Abstract With the independence of Republic of Macedonia and the adoption of the Constitution of Macedonia, the country went through a substantial socio-political transition. The concept of human rights and freedoms, such as religious freedoms in the Macedonian Constitution is based on liberal democratic values. The Macedonian Constitution connects the fundamental human rights and freedoms with the concept of the individual and citizen, but also with the collective rights of ethnic minorities, respecting the international standards and responsibilities taken under numerous international human rights conventions and treaties, of which the country is a party. Republic of Macedonia has ratified all the so called “core human right treaties” and now the real challenge lies in the implementation of the international standards. Some of these international conventions and treaties of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe are inherited by succession from the former Yugoslavian federation. Religious freedoms are guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of human rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the European Convention on Human Rights (1953), the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) (all documents ratified by the Republic of Macedonia). According to the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia “The freedom of religious confession is guaranteed. The right to express one's faith freely and publicly, individually or with others, is guaranteed„. After the conflict of 2001 the Ohrid Framework Agreement secured group rights for ethnicities that are not in majority in the Republic of Macedonia. The present Law on the legal status of the church, religious communities and religious groups of 2007, repealed the Law on religion and religious groups of 1997.
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Nimetz, Matthew. "The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved?" Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (March 2020): 205–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.10.

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AbstractThe dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution.
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Idrizi, Arsim. "THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICIES." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1901–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061901a.

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Through this scientific research it is analyzed the legislation and the impact of Macedonian Parliament in establishing of Foreign and Security Politics. it is done the analyze about essential sources of the definition of position in the Assembly of Republic of Macedonia, beginning from the Constitution, Regulation and Foreign Law of Parliamentary Work, about the law of Foreign Affairs and Law Framework of Security Politics. As well it is explained the role and the work of Parliamentary Commission in the establishing of Security and Foreign Politics such as: the Commission of Foreign Affairs, Commission of Defense and Security, Commission of Secret Services and the Commission of the European Issues, so far is elaborated Cooperation Board with Other Parliamentary Commissions. At the end of the first part, Work Groups of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia with parliaments of other Countries.At the first research to International Relationship – Foreign Politics and Security, especially is explored the Relationship and Cooperation with neighboring Countries and with some European South - Eastern, Countries. The role of Parliament of Republic of Macedonia it is analyzed and explained as well and the cooperation with Parliamentarian Assembly of Organization of United Nations (UN), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), The Parliament of European Union, Organization of North Atlantic Alliance (OTAN) and European Council.
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Blum, Yehuda Z. "UN Membership of the “New” Yugoslavia: Continuity or Break?" American Journal of International Law 86, no. 4 (October 1992): 830–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203799.

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On May 22, 1992, the United Nations General Assembly admitted three new members—Slovenia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Croatia—all of them, in the past, constituent republics of Yugoslavia. Since June 1991, these three republics—as well as Macedonia—have seceded from the Yugoslav federation, which leaves only the two remaining republics—Serbia and Montenegro—to claim the name of Yugoslavia, as well as its rights and international status, including membership in the United Nations.
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Ponomareva, A. "Church Split in the Republic of North Macedonia: The Foreign Policy Dimension." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 2 (2022): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-2-43-62.

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The unexpected reconciliation of the Serbian Orthodox Church with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’, which took place in May 2022, determines the relevance of the retrospective analysis given in the article of this church conflict that has lasted more than half a century in the Republic of North Macedonia. Using the historical-genetic method, the underlying reason is revealed and the dynamics of the conflict that unfolded between the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid – is traced. With the use of the realistic approach to international relations and the hypothesis of maintaining a close connection between the church and state in the Balkans, the author identifies the key parties to the conflict, which, in addition to Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia, include Bulgaria, Greece, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and describes the evolution of the strategies chosen by these parties to conduct. At the same time, the focus of the study is not the theological dimension of the subject in question, but its foreign policy implications. The history of the church schism is considered in the broader context of the political elites of the Republic of North Macedonia finding the solution to the task of integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, the possibilities of using the church factor in the reaching of geostrategic goals are shown. It is stated that the reasons that pushed the hierarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church to reach agreements with the Macedonian ‘schismatics’ lie in the dimension of foreign policy, and the discussion of the status of the Ohrid Archdiocese was one of the elements of the struggle for influence in the Balkans, both regional and non-regional players. By its decision to support the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid, the Serbian Orthodox Church has demonstrated the recognition of a specific Slavic-Macedonian national identity, which is questioned in the official historical narratives of Greece and Bulgaria, and, at least on the Balkan track, the papist aspirations of the Patriarchate of Constantinople were limited. Ultimately, the pragmatic position of the Serbian Orthodox Church did not allow the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archdiocese of Ohrid to be turned into an instrument for realizing the interests of the Phanar supported by Western countries and took away the conflict potential from the topic that could contribute to the political demarcation of Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia. Nevertheless, in the prognostic part of the conclusion, a high probability of ‘church wars’ resuming is stated, but with a new, not united by Orthodoxy, list of participants, namely containing representatives of the Albanian and Macedonian communities.
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Ackermann, Alice, and Antonio Pala. "From peacekeeping to preventive deployment: A study of the United Nations in the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia." European Security 5, no. 1 (March 1996): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839608407255.

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Ristik, Jelena. "Toward a Uniform Court Practice in the Republic of Macedonia." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 28 (October 31, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n28p215.

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Despite the different perceptions regarding the status and treatment of the court practice in the Republic of Macedonia, judicial and state authorities are united in their view that there is a need for achieving a higher degree of uniformity of court practice. The need for a higher degree of uniformity of court practice was also noted by the European Union within its latest reports on the progress of the Republic of Macedonia as a candidate country for membership in the European Union as well as in the recent Report on Macedonia: Assessment and recommendations of the Senior Experts' Group on systemic Rule of Law issues 2017. This paper will try to resolve the various different interpretations as regards the court practice in Macedonia and define its role, treatment and application. This will be achieved mainly through analysis of the relevant national legislation. Further, possible new tools will be considered for achieving a greater uniformity of court practice. It will be argued that the court practice should serve as an additional means of argumentation within the reasoning of court judgments, which will contribute to increasing the degree of uniformity of court practice and rule of law as well. Finally, some suggestions will be given in order to provide for better conditions for the Supreme Court to exercise its constitutional competence to ensure the uniform application of the laws by the courts and thus ensure the existence of a uniform court practice.
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Camina, Margaret M. "Research Note: Cultural Gaps in Crossnational Cooperation: The Legacy of Empires in Macedonia." Organization Studies 21, no. 1 (January 2000): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840600210008.

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This article draws on the author's experience as a UK aid worker operating in a business support agency in former Yugoslavia and, through empirical work at employee level, seeks to understand the ways in which national cultural differences impinge on development work in economies undergoing transformation. Yugoslavia was the only Eastern block country included in Hofstede' s major analysis of national cultural differences. A small-scale replication of his study, based on four comparable business support organizations, two in the United Kingdom and two in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, first examines the extent to which the fundamental differences which he identified still hold true and then looks at the ways in which the Macedonian findings can be interpreted as a legacy of empires. The implications of the cultural gap in the sphere of cross-national development assistance are then explored through a management log.
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Miljković, Nađa. "Polysemy as one of the problems of translation from French to Serbian, for example, the open skies agreement and related acts." Zbornik radova Uciteljskog fakulteta Prizren-Leposavic, no. 14 (2020): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrufpl2014131m.

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In this paper we deal with, in terms of traductology and lexical semantics, analysis of legal terminology translation of the Multilateral Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, the Republic of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Bulgaria, the Republic of Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Republic of Iceland, TheKingdom of Norway, Romania, the Republic of Serbia and the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo on the establishment of a common European aviation area as well as its accompanying legal acts in the form of implementation of the European regulations contained in Annex I of the aforementioned agreement into domestic legislation from French to Serbian in order to resolve all problems that an interpreter faces and offer solutions for overcoming them. As Serbia is in process of joining the EU, it is extremely important to harmonize legal regulations with its legislation, where language, as basic legal instrument, plays a crucial role in it. Therefore, the success of application and standardization of legal norms and regulations when concluding bilateral or multilateral agreements depends on correct translation. Starting from thes ituational (denotative) theoretical translation model and the principle of functional equivalence, we will pay special attention to types of semantic relations (monosemy, polysemy, synonymy) between French and Serbian legal terms.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United Nations Macedonia (Republic)"

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Stiles, Michael James. "The United Nations and the termination of internal conflict with reference to the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo : 1999-2006." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/30756.

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The aim of this study is to evaluate the United Nations (UN) role in the resolution, management and termination of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with specific reference to the UN Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC). The aim emanates from the basic research question: To what extent did the deployment of MONUC contribute to the termination of internal conflict in the DRC and create conditions conducive for the holding of democratic elections? The research problem generated four subsidiary questions: Was the intention of the drafters of the Lusaka Agreement for the UN converted into a viable peacekeeping mission, especially in the early phases of the mission? Did MONUC receive adequate resources to fulfil its task, commensurate with the size and complexity of the operational theatre and its mandate? Why was a development such as the deployment of Interim Emergency Multi National Force (IEMF) in Ituri (2003) necessary, given the fact that MONUC was deployed? Were the expectations regarding MONUC involvement in the disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration, resettlement and repatriation (DDRRR) programme and the domestic disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration (DDR) programme realistic? Therefore four sub-problems were addressed, namely the issue of the mission mandate; the resourcing of the mission relative to the mandate and the operational theatre; the external augmentation of the mission; and the MONUC role in DDRRR and DDR. Following a definition of the concept internal conflict and a discussion of the factors contributing to internal conflict, the theory of peacekeeping was described to determine a framework for the evaluation of the UN peace mission in the DRC, based on the recommendations of the 2000 Brahimi Report. Emphasis was placed on the mandate, force levels and composition, and operational capability. A historic overview contextualised the complex conflict situation in the DRC that the UN was required to help ameliorate. MONUC made a contribution to the termination of internal conflict in the DRC by managing the conflict in a fashion that permitted democratic elections to be held. This was achieved despite the fact that the actual deployment of MONUC (in terms of its functioning, especially regarding DDRRR) did not meet the requirements for a UN force as envisaged by the signatories of the 1999 Lusaka Agreement. The expectations of the signatories regarding DDRRR were not realistic, but the UN response in terms of the mandate and allocation of resources also fell far below what was required to establish a credible UN peace mission. The graduated approach ensured a reactive MONUC posture in the field, but the reticence to provide adequate resources in response to political and operational developments necessitated the external augmentation of the mission on two occasions. While this development brought a new facet of ‘co-deployment’ in UN peacekeeping operations to he fore, it also served to highlight the MONUC deficiencies in terms of its ‘responsibility to protect’ civilians under threat of violence. MONUC was mandated from its inception to discharge this responsibility, without receiving the necessary resources to enable the conduct of operations to protect civilians. This inability resulted in the mission lacking credibility amongst the population of the DRC. Copyright
Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
MSS
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Allen, Tristan M. "United Nations led disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10723.

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The United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, MONUC, was deployed following the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement in July of 1999. A core pillar of the mission, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs have attempted to address the issue of multiple armed nonstate actors operating, primarily in the country's eastern districts of Ituri, North and South Kivu. MONUC's DDR initiatives can be subdivided into the national DDR program for Congolese combatants and the disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, reintegration and resettlement (DDRRR) of foreign armed groups. Although there has been some success in the DDR(RR) programs over the past 12 years of UN deployment, rampant insecurity attributed to the presence of armed groups in the DRC continues to plague the east. An examination of the DDR process in the east reveals that although the UN has assisted in the implementation of large, multidimensional DDR and DDRRR programs in the east, the situational context, voluntary approach, and links to Security Sector Reform ((SSR) have all proven inadequate to achieving stability though DDR.
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Gruenig, Britta. "The people's republic of China, multilateralism and the United Nations taking stock of thirty years of participation /." St. Gallen, 2004. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/01650472001/$FILE/01650472001.pdf.

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Philip, Philip George. "The Islamic Republic of Iran at the United Nations : a study of foreign policy issues, 1979 - 1989." Thesis, University of Kent, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315522.

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Vedralová, Zuzana. "People´s Republic of China at the United Nations-voting and how it corresponds to Chinese foreign policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191951.

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This thesis focuses on the correlation of the UNSC voting behaviour of the People's Republic of China and its foreign policy. China's importance as a global power at the platform of the UN has been rising ever since 1971, the year of China's admittance as a new member of the UN and more importantly also the permanent member of the Security Council with the power of veto. Given that the veto power strongly influences the actions of the UNSC, its use has served as a major indicator of what issues are considered as most unfavourable and threatening to China's national interests and foreign policy goals. This thesis elaborates on the development of the foreign policy of China, which has changed significantly since the year of its acquired UN membership but has also kept many principles, present even before the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. By specifically concentrating on the individual cast vetoes, also considering the use of a so-called hidden veto and the reasons behind them being cast, this thesis tries to find out, how China has been using its veto power with regards to its declared foreign policy objectives within the UN Security Council.
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Zvobgo, Tafadzwa. "A critical analysis of the United Nations Organisation mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo : a focus on MONUC." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18420.

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Critical discussions on United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations are primarily failurefocused and seek to reform those operations, thus limiting the literature about peacekeeping and its results. This dissertation intends to expand the scope of inquiry into UN peacekeeping operations by critically analysing the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC). It accomplishes this by examining how MONUCs United Nation Security Council mandates and objectives (its prioritisation and interpretation of mission mandates) impacted the mission. In addition, it includes an examination of MONUCs accomplishments.
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Howell, Kelly. "The United Nations Force Intervention Brigade: Peace Enforcement as a Conflict Management Strategy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19681.

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This research explores developments within the United Nations that have led to the creation of the Forward Intervention Brigade (FIB). It will consider the political, legal, economic, and ethical issues surrounding armed defensive-intervention during humanitarian crises. Topics explored include the effectiveness of armed intervention during crises and ethics concerning the use of arms when intervening for humanitarian or peacemaking purposes. How success and failure is being defined and the current status of the mission will be discussed. The question of the possible costs of non-intervention is raised. This case example is linked to the failure of the UN to effectively respond to the genocide that occurred in Rwanda in 1994 and the subsequent cost of that failure. The development of powers within the UN is considered in terms of the creation of this armed force, as are the ways this may impact the interpretation of international law regarding armed intervention.
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Torrent, Oliva Ignasi. "Coherence and inclusiveness in United Nations post-conflict engagements: the depression of the liberal peacebuilding project, the cases of Sierra Leone, Burundi and the Central African Republic." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/456476.

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This dissertation seeks to examine the United Nations (UN) political and peacebuilding post-conflict engagements within the frame of the liberal peacebuilding project. Through a comparative analysis of the Department of Political Affairs (DPA) and Peacebuilding Architecture (PBA) post-conflict engagements utilizing the cases of Sierra Leone, Burundi and the Central African Republic (CAR), this research examines two major strategic goals. On the one hand, it analyses coherence, a technical aspect meaning first, the synergy between the New York-based UN headquarters and field missions and second, intracoordination amongst UN teams in the field. On the other hand, it examines inclusiveness. This means the extent to which these post-conflict engagements have included different stakeholders in peacebuilding processes, specifically the local civil society and regional actors. The dissertation then addresses explanatory factors and implications of the DPA and PBA failure in reifying coherence and inclusiveness within the frame of UN political and peacebuilding post-conflict engagements as well as how this unfulfilled challenge has contributed to the current depression of the liberal peacebuilding project.
Aquesta tesi pretén analitzar els processos polítics i de construcció de pau postbèl·lics de l’ONU en el marc del projecte liberal de construcció de pau. Mitjançant una anàlisi comparativa dels processos postbèl·lics liderats pel Departament d'Afers Polítics (DAP) i l’Arquitectura de Construcció de Pau (ACP) desplegats a Sierra Leone, Burundi i la República Centreafricana, aquesta investigació examina dos objectius estratègics concrets. D'una banda, s’analitza la coherència, un aspecte tècnic que fa referència, en primer lloc, a la sinergia entre la seu de Nova York i les missions operant als països i, en segon lloc, la coordinació interna entre equips de l'ONU desplegats sobre el terreny. D'altra banda, s’examina la inclusió, és a dir, fins a quin punt aquests processos postbèl·lics de l’ONU han inclòs diferents actors al procés de construcció de pau, concretament la societat civil local i els actors regionals. La tesi aborda els factors explicatius i les implicacions del fracàs del DAP i l’ACP a l’hora d’assolir la coherència i la inclusió en el marc d’aquests processos polítics i de construcció de pau postbèl·lics de l’ONU, així com aquest fracàs ha contribuït a la depressió actual del projecte liberal de construcció de pau.
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Gassama, Musa Yerro. "Opportunity and Sex Offending by International Peacekeepers in the Central African Republic." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5337.

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Despite their peacekeeping role in the management of internal armed conflicts, some military peacekeepers have sexually exploited local populations in host countries, resulting in dire social and health consequences and threats to the success of international peace operations. Although researchers have examined sexual violence committed by peacekeepers, few researchers, if any, have used routine activities theory to examine sex offending by peacekeepers. The purpose of this study was to explore the extent to which situational opportunities influenced international military peacekeepers' engagement in the sexual exploitation of civilians in the Central African Republic, a peacekeeping host country. Data were collected from face-to-face interviews with 15 research participants, including local witnesses, military officers, representatives of civil society organizations, and United Nations policy makers, and from public records obtained from online sources. Data were coded using an inductive coding strategy and then analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that both the local and peacekeeping conditions, including lack of deterrence and accountability mechanisms, heightened the vulnerability of local populations to sex predation and motivated peacekeeper sex offenders to engage in sex offending. Local community leaders, civil society organizations, peacekeepers, and policy makers could use study findings to promote educational programs on the institutional responsibility to protect vulnerable civilians as well as shape policies to prevent the commission of sexual exploitation by peacekeepers. These actions may also help susceptible civilians, especially women and girls, to be aware of the risks linked to their vulnerability and empower them to seek legal redress.
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Wiseman, Emily. "From rhetoric to inaction : the failure to implement gender norms in the United Nations Organization mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5530.

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Since the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, rhetoric on gender has become increasingly prevalent within the United Nations and among member states. In 1999, the International Criminal Court and the Rome Statute made forms of war crimes and crimes against humanity when committed in context of armed conflict. Additionally, in 2001 the United Nations Security Council through resolution 1325 called for the protection of women in conflict and for an inclusion of gender mainstreaming in all peace operations. Discussions on gender norms within the United Nations and among member states reached their peak as fresh and widespread violence, targeted against women and girls broke out in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. While this presented an auspicious opportunity for rhetorical norms on gender and peacekeeping to be put into practice within the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC), few of these rhetorical norms were successfully implemented. This, then, is a case study of the difficulty of moving from the rhetorical commitment of an international norm to its implementation. In particular, when the actors needed to advance the implementation of the norm have failed to complete the institutionalization and internalization process. It argues that the implementation of gender norms has not been successful in MONUC because of a failure of individual states and the United Nations bureaucracy to institutionalize and internalize these gender norms. Finally, it concludes that member states have failed to provide the resources and training required to implement gender norms, while United Nations bureaucracy has failed to establish a mandate and objectives that effectively respond to the needs of women.
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Books on the topic "United Nations Macedonia (Republic)"

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Follow-up report on former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his follow-up report on the United States peacekeeping contingent in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Follow-up report on former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his follow-up report on the United States peacekeeping contingent in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Follow-up report on former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his follow-up report on the United States peacekeeping contingent in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Follow-up report on former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his follow-up report on the United States peacekeeping contingent in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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Exōterikōn, Greece Hypourgeio. Memorandum of Greece, concerning the application of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for admission to the United Nations. Athens, Greece: Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy, 1993.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Further reporting on U.S. forces in the Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his further report concerning his decision to deply a U.S. Army peacekeeping contingent as part of the United Nations protection force in the Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Further reporting on U.S. forces in the Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his further report concerning his decision to deply a U.S. Army peacekeeping contingent as part of the United Nations protection force in the Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Further reporting on U.S. forces in the Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his further report concerning his decision to deply a U.S. Army peacekeeping contingent as part of the United Nations protection force in the Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Further reporting on U.S. forces in the Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his further report concerning his decision to deply a U.S. Army peacekeeping contingent as part of the United Nations protection force in the Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Further reporting on U.S. forces in the Republic of Macedonia: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his further report concerning his decision to deply a U.S. Army peacekeeping contingent as part of the United Nations protection force in the Republic of Macedonia. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "United Nations Macedonia (Republic)"

1

"No. 29892. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 31–33. UN, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/c385ddcb-en-fr.

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"The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In Permanent Missions to the United Nations No.301, 264. United Nations, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/9789210544207c169.

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"The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In Permanent Missions to the United Nations No.300, 258. United Nations, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/9789210543668c169.

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"The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In Permanent Missions to the United Nations No.299, 256. United Nations, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/9789210558693c169.

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"No. 38651. Germany and The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 329. UN, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/58ae6259-en-fr.

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"No. 48272. Germany and The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 5–150. UN, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/fa4a32c7-en-fr.

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"No. 36610. Spain and The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 77–118. UN, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/fc73948f-en-fr.

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"No. 36871. Germany and The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 37. UN, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/c9b5754c-en-fr.

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"No. 50985 Germany and The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 95. UN, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/c9d11802-en-fr.

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"No. 52010. Belgium and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." In United Nations Treaty Series, 185. United Nations, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/9789210056908c009.

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Conference papers on the topic "United Nations Macedonia (Republic)"

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Andaç, Faruk. "UN World Tourism Organization’s Contributions to World Tourism." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00946.

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According to the UN World Tourism Organization’s (UNWTO) rules, this organization’s aim is to promote tourism through economic development, international understanding, peace, security, basic human rights and freedom, and to show respect throughout the world without exception of race, gender or religion. The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) was founded in 1924 under the United Nations and it has been continuing its activities in Madrid, Spain since 1970. The World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) takes all necessary measures with tourism in order to achieve its goals. The UNWTO pays strict attention to the interests of developing countries in the field of tourism. For this reason, the UNWTO has a close relationship in the tourism field with the United Nations’ authorities and specialized institutions. It deals with the tourism problems of all countries and supports their contributions to tourism by international agreements. On the other hand, the UNWTO is cooperating with the United Nations Development Program and tries to contribute to the activities of this program. All countries are expected to be a member of the UNWTO and adopt its principles, because tourism will make it possible for them to increase National Income and Development. Macedonia hasn’t applied to be a member of this organization yet, but it is important to start the attempts immediately.
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Ho Ba, Huy. "Definice terorismu." In Nestandardní bezpečnostní situace: ústavní, mezinárodní a evropský pohled. Západočeská univerzita v Plzni, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.2021.09228.74-88.

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This article focuses on the definition of terorism, which cross multiple disciplines. Till today, international organizations, such as the United Nations or the European Union have not agreed on its definition. The article discuss es difficulties in this activity, evolution of terrorism itself, methods of commiting it, multiple attemps of definition and suggests possible problems that may arise due to the lack of definition. It also examins on the regulation in the Criminal Code of Czech Republic
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Romanciuc, Gabriela. "Unele aspecte privind implementarea tratatului internațional privind resursele genetice vegetale pentru alimentație și agricultură incluse în raportul național privind conformitatea cu prevederile acestuia." In VIIth International Scientific Conference “Genetics, Physiology and Plant Breeding”. Institute of Genetics, Physiology and Plant Protection, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53040/gppb7.2021.69.

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The International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources (ITPGRFA) was adopted in 2001 during the Thirty-first Session of the Conference of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. It aims to achieve the conservation and sustainable use of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits derived from their use to achieve sustainable agriculture. The treaty has implemented a Multilateral System (MLS) of access and benefit sharing, for a list of 64 of some of the most important food and forage crops essential for food security. Republic of Moldova has ratified the ITPGRFA in 2001, based on Law nr. 94 of 14-05-2015 on the accession of the Republic of Moldova to the ITPGRFA. In order to put in evidence the weaknesses and strengths of ITPGRFA imple-mentation at national level, the country report on compliance – ITPGRFA was developed.
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Bixler, N. E. "The Global Nuclear Futures Model: A Dynamic Simulation Tool for Energy Strategies." In 10th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone10-22541.

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The Global Nuclear Futures Model (GNFM) is a dynamic simulation tool that provides an integrated framework to model key aspects of nuclear energy, nuclear materials storage and disposition, global nuclear materials management, and nuclear proliferation risk. It links nuclear energy and other energy shares dynamically to greenhouse gas emissions and twelve other measures of environmental impact. It presents historical data from 1990 to 2000 and extrapolates energy demand through the year 2050. More specifically, it contains separate modules for energy, the nuclear fuel cycle front end, the nuclear fuel cycle back end, defense nuclear materials, environmental impacts, and measures of the potential for nuclear proliferation. It is globally integrated but also breaks out five regions of the world so that environmental impacts and nuclear proliferation concerns can be evaluated on a regional basis. The five regions are the United States of America (USA), The Peoples Republic of China (China), the former Soviet Union (FSU), the OECD nations excluding the USA, and the rest of the world (ROW).
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Obradović, Dino, Marija Šperac, and Saša Marenjak. "ACCESS TO WATER SUPPLY AND SEWERAGE SERVICES." In GEO-EXPO 2020. DRUŠTVO ZA GEOTEHNIKU U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35123/geo-expo_2020_2.

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One of the prerequisites for a healthy human life is access to drinking water through a public water supply service and the drainage of wastewater and polluted water using public drainage services. The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia guarantees the right to a healthy life, and the State should provide conditions for a healthy environment. The United Nations General Assembly Resolution no. 64/292 of 2010 recognizes the right to safe and clean drinking water as a human right of great importance for the full enjoyment of other human rights. The paper will present some of the indicators of access to public water supply and sewerage services, such as: percentage of connection to the public water supply system, residential water consumption, access to flushing toilets, connection to the public sewerage and connection to the wastewater treatment plant. The analysis will be made for the following countries: Albania, Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Slovenia. At the end of the paper, a conclusion will be drawn, taking into account the observed indicators for the analyzed countries.
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Bumbalová, Monika, and Marcela Chreneková. "Social enterprises as a tool for SDG implementation in slovakia." In XXIV. mezinárodního kolokvia o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9896-2021-75.

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The Slovak Republic as a member of the United Nations agreed to contribute to the fulfilment of 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs) defined in the document Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Despite the efforts at the national level, the actual implementation of national priorities, derived from SDGs, at local level is lacking a systematic approach. When it comes to the territorial development, however, Slovakia has recognized the potential of social economy and social enterprises in particular. Concrete steps were taken to stimulate occurrence of this phenomenon especially in the lagging behind regions. The attempt to intersect these two aspects represents the main objective of the presented paper together with an answer to the research question – to what extent can social enterprises be considered as a tool for SDGs’ implementation in Slovakia. Through an extensive work with scientific and grey literature and through the analytical lenses when processing secondary data from the Registry of Social Enterprises of Slovakia, we identified numerous linkages between the reality of social enterprises and their contribution to the SDGs mainly in the area of poverty reduction and inclusion, education, job market, circular economy, usage of local resources and environmental protection.
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Reports on the topic "United Nations Macedonia (Republic)"

1

Jung, Won-il. The Future of the United Nations Command in Republic of Korea. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada424067.

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Rau, Stefan. Bridge to Future Livable Cities and City Clusters in the People’s Republic of China: Policy Opportunities for High-Quality Urban Development. Asian Development Bank, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps210372-2.

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The achievements in rapid urbanization and industrialization of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over the past 40 years were historic. But they came at high environmental and social costs. By 2050, the country will be a high-income, four-generation urban society. Yet, according to the United Nations, the PRC’s population will have halved by 2100. Many cities will lose population and businesses. This will be equally historic and requires urgent action. The author recommends focusing on urban rehabilitation and retrofitting to make cities more livable—with a green circular zero-waste economy, aiming at low-carbon, climate-resilient cities—and making cities healthy and friendly for people of all ages.
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Varisco, Andrea Edoardo, Pieter D. Wezeman, and Alexandra Kuimova. Illicit Small Arms and Light Weapons in Sub-Saharan Africa: Using UN Reports on Arms Embargoes to Identify Sources, Challenges and Policy Measures. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/szja6535.

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This report synthetizes the data on small arms and light weapons (SALW) diversion in the United Nations Panel of Experts reports on the five UN arms embargoes in place in sub-Saharan Africa in 2022—on the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan (Darfur region). The paper provides a typology on the sources of illicit SALW in the states and regions under embargo and discusses the challenges of enforcing arms embargoes and possible policy solutions to address the various sources of illicit SALW in order to inform and support efforts to combat the proliferation of illicit arms.
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Caparini, Marina. Conflict, Governance and Organized Crime: Complex Challenges for UN Stabilization Operations. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/nowm6453.

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This SIPRI Report examines how organized crime is intertwined with armed conflict and hybrid governance systems in three states that currently host United Nations stabilization missions. It surveys the conflict/crime/governance nexus in the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Mali, and how UN stabilization missions, in particular the UN Police, have engaged with the challenge of organized crime. The report argues that improving how UN stabilization interventions engage with organized crime will require a frank assessment of the significance of organized crime in systems of governance and patronage, of its role as a driver and enabler of armed conflict by non-state armed groups, and of the involvement of state-embedded actors in illicit markets. The complex links between conflict and governance actors and organized crime in the settings examined raise fundamental questions about the assumptions underlying peace operations. The report concludes with a set of recommendations on how to move to more realistic analyses and bases for peace operations.
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Bolton, Laura. Armed Groups and Mining. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.137.

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The relationship between armed groups and mining is complex. Reports of armed interference in mining are provided by the United Nations (UN) Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and reported in the literature, including which groups have been found to operate in which areas. Academic analysis finds the presence of industrial mining companies reinforces the power of politico-military entrepreneurs. This rapid review found a relatively large body of literature on the issue of armed groups and mining. Articles are a mix of academic literature and agency report prioritised based on relevance to the question, date, and location. The complexity of the issue requires broader investigation than is possible within the scope of a K4D helpdesk.
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Kukreja, Prateek, Havishaye Puri, and Dil Rahut. Creative India: Tapping the Full Potential. Asian Development Bank Institute, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56506/kcbi3886.

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We provide the first reliable measure on the size of India’s creative economy, explore the many challenges faced by the creative industries, and provide recommendations to make India one of the most creative societies in the world. India’s creative economy—measured by the number of people working in various creative occupations—is estimated to contribute nearly 8% of the country’s employment, much higher than the corresponding share in Turkey (1%), Mexico (1.5%), the Republic of Korea (1.9%), and even Australia (2.1%). Creative occupations also pay reasonably well—88% higher than the non-creative ones and contribute about 20% to nation’s overall GVA. Out of the top 10 creative districts in India, 6 are non-metros—Badgam, Panipat (Haryana), Imphal (Manipur), Sant Ravi Das Nagar (Uttar Pradesh), Thane (Maharashtra), and Tirupur (Tamil Nadu)—indicating the diversity and depth of creativity across India. Yet, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, India’s creative exports are only one-tenth of those of the People’s Republic of China. To develop the creative economy to realize its full potential, Indian policy makers would like to (i) increase the recognition of Indian culture globally; (ii) facilitate human capital development among its youth; (iii) address the bottlenecks in the intellectual property framework; (iv) improve access to finance; and (v) streamline the process of policy making by establishing one intermediary organization. India must also leverage its G20 Presidency to put creative economy concretely on the global agenda.
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Hunt, Charles T., and Shannon Zimmerman. Counter-Terrorism & Peace Operations: The Impacts of UN Security Council Approaches to Tackling Terror on the Pursuit of Peace. RESOLVE Network, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/sfi2022.2.

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United Nations peace operations are generally considered a poor vehicle for counter-terrorism. Yet, UN peace operations are regularly deployed by the Security Council to settings affected by terrorism and violent extremism. The confluence of terrorism and conflict make this co-existence inevitable, but some missions have also engaged more directly in countering these elements. For example, the UNSC continues to support the mission in Somalia, which actively faces terrorist threats, and has also deployed a peacekeeping mission to Mali amid a jihadist insurgency. At the same time, in places like the Democratic Republic of Congo, peace operations have engaged in offensive military operations that target groups labelled as “terrorists” by their host government partners. Academics and peacekeeping experts have raised concerns and noted the initial impacts of counter-terrorism efforts on UN peace operations. Building on this work, this brief draws on illustrative examples from the field to examine how the UNSC’s counter-terrorism framework has impacted the mandates and practice of the UN’s peace operations, particularly the large stabilization operations deployed in Africa. It shows that counter-terrorism efforts at the level of the UNSC have blurred the normative distinctions between peace operations and counter-terrorism to the detriment of the former. This brief concludes by providing recommendations to ensure that UNSC responses to terrorism and violent extremism do not unintentionally undermine the effectiveness of UN peace operations.
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