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Journal articles on the topic 'Unionism'
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1
Mulholland, Marc. "The ‘best and most forward-looking’ in Ulster unionism: the Unionist Society (est. 1942)." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015522.
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During the premiership of Captain Terence O’Neill, from 1963 to 1969, an inclusive, liberal unionism for the first time guided the policies of the Northern Ireland state. Liberal roots in the Unionist Party, however, were never deep, and liberal unionism was effectively destroyed by the onset of the ‘Troubles’. It was an ambiguous creed, more pro-British than anxious to conciliate Irish nationalism. Liberal unionism’s aversion to overt and offensive anti-Catholicism struck a chord with perhaps the majority of the Protestant population. However, it did not encourage a proactive stance; rather a passive reciprocation of nationalist ‘goodwill’, defined, in effect, as acquiescence. It was an ideology of comfortable superiority. This can be illustrated by the fate of the Unionist Society. Uniquely for any unionist organisation of the post-war era, this association has left all its records open for inspection. The weaknesses and strengths of liberal unionism over a thirty-year span can thus be elucidated by a case-study examination of the Unionist Society.
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Coulter, Colin. "Unionists after Unionism." Peace Review 13, no. 1 (March 2001): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650120038170.
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Jackson, Alvin. "The failure of unionism in Dublin, 1900." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 104 (November 1989): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010129.
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The election contests of 1900 in St Stephen’s Green and South County Dublin were covered in detail by newspapers throughout the British Isles and have been treated as a political watershed by more recent and scholarly commentators. This interest has had a partly personal and biographical inspiration since one of the unionist candidates for South Dublin was the agrarian reformer and junior minister, Horace Plunkett; but the significance, symbolic and actual, of these contests has been seen as extending beyond the participation of one prominent Edwardian Irishman. The defeat of two unionist M.P.s, Plunkett and Campbell, in a fairly static Irish electoral arena would in itself have been worthy of comment. But the association of these men with a constructive administrative programme for Ireland, combined with the fact of their defeat by dissident unionists, gave the contests a broader notoriety and a significance for policy formulation which they would not otherwise have had. With the benefit of hindsight it has also been suggested that the repudiation of Plunkett and Campbell was a landmark in the gradual decline of southern unionism in Ireland. For, though South Dublin briefly returned to the unionist party between 1906 and 1910, the defeats of 1900 effectively marked the end of unionism as a significant electoral movement outside Ulster. After 1900, as the historian W.E.H. Lecky observed, ‘Ulster unionism is the only form of Irish unionism which is likely to count as a serious political force’.
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White, Andrew. "Is Contemporary Ulster Unionism in Crisis? Changes in Unionist Identity during the Northern Ireland Peace Process." Irish Journal of Sociology 16, no. 1 (June 2007): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350701600107.
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This paper addresses the way in which the Northern Ireland Peace Process has impacted on unionist identity. In particular, it offers a critique of the three constituent philosophies of unionism – cultural unionism, liberal unionism and economic unionism – and suggests that a new form of unionism that reflects the altered polity of Northern Ireland must be constructed.
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Reid, Colin W. "DEMOCRACY, SOVEREIGNTY AND UNIONIST POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN IRELAND, c. 1912–1922." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011700010x.
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ABSTRACTThis paper examines ideas about democratic legitimacy and sovereignty within Ulster unionist political thought during the revolutionary period in Ireland (c. 1912–22). Confronted by Irish nationalists who claimed that Home Rule (and later, independence) enjoyed the support of the majority of people in Ireland, Ulster unionists deployed their own democratic idioms to rebuff such arguments. In asserting unionism's majority status, first, across the United Kingdom and, second, within the province of Ulster, unionists mined the language of democracy to legitimise their militant stand against Home Rule. The paper also probes the unionist conception of sovereignty by examining the establishment of the Provisional Government of Ulster in 1913, which was styled as a ‘trustee’ for the British constitution in Ireland after the coming of Home Rule. The imperial, economic and religious arguments articulated by unionists against Home Rule are well known, but the space given to constitutional rights and democratic legitimacy in the political language of unionism remain obscure. While the antagonisms at the heart of the revolutionary period in Ireland assumed the form of identity politics and sectarianism, the deployment of normative democratic language by unionists reveals that clashing ideals of representative government underpinned the conflict.
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SCHIRMANN, Sylvain. "Regards croisés et contacts entre syndicalistes français et allemands (1945-1962)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-9.
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The animosity which often prevails among French and German trade unionists in the wake of World War I disappears in the aftermath of the Second conflict. The meetings are more numerous, certain positions converge and the demands related to specific workforces often meet. Despite this, the two union worlds find it hard to understand each other. French and German union models seek to adapt to the evolution of capitalism. Undeniably German trade unionism seems to have better coped with this transformation. His weight, influence and co-management allowed him to achieve the highest standard of living for German labour forces, and gave them often better social protection in comparison with their French or British counterparts. Divided, folded over ideological identities and marked by the strategies of confrontation, French trade unionism has obviously greater difficulties. Favourable developments can be seen, however. The number of union members for instance is increasing and innovative thinking is emerging. European integration represents a challenge for these organizations, even if most of the organizations are in favour of it. It obliges trade unionists (as well as politicians, senior civil servants etc.) to take new approaches. Due to the contacts generated between French and German unionists, this period 1945-1962 prepares the two major developments of trade unionism during the next decade: the birth of a European trade unions’ confederation and that of the first Interregional Trade Union Council on Lorraine, Saarland and Luxembourg-level. Contacts and crossed views between French and German trade unionists were thus essential to establish a Europe of trade unions.
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Köhler, Holm-Detlev, and José Pablo Calleja Jiménez. "“They don´t represent us!” Opportunities for a Social Movement Unionism Strategy in Spain." Articles 70, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1031485ar.
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Our goal is to analyze strategies of union revitalization that have been successful elsewhere and have the potential to become so in Spain. Within these practices, Social Movement Unionism focuses on alliances with other groups to improve unions’ social efficiency. In this article, we address the applicability of the principles of Social Movement Unionism in the specific case of Spain. Given the transformations in the Spanish economy and labour laws tending towards further deregulation, Spanish unions have had to react. The emergence of new social movements such as the Indignados or Mareas Ciudadanas (civic tides) and the declining confidence in unions among the Spanish population, make this approach timely and appropriate. For this article, we will take certain aspects from the trade union revitalization debate and combine them with the main theories on New Social Movements. We will apply these approaches to a specific case study: The viability of cooperation between the largest Spanish trade unions and the recent social movements arising from the Indignados movement. For this purpose, we will primarily use data from secondary sources and transcripts of interviews conducted with unionists and social movement activists. With all these elements taken into consideration, we will conclude by showing the inhibiting and facilitating conditions for the development of a Social Movement Unionism strategy for the referred actors.
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Jackson, Alvin. "Irish unionism and the Russellite threat, 1894-1906." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025062.
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Whether as a unionist, or as an independent, T W Russell was never taken lightly by the parliamentary representatives of late Victorian unionism: directly, and obliquely, his contribution to the evolution of their movement was immense. As a popular unionist missionary in Britain between the first two home-rule bills, and as a protégé of Joseph Chamberlain, Russell was a valuable medium of communication between the British and Irish unionist parties. Moreover, he was both a champion of unionist farmer demands and a loyalist member of parliament; so Russell also created a vital bond between Irish unionism and rural opinion. As a member of the parliamentary Ulster party, Russell worked unstintingly for its success, provoking flexibility among both the more obtuse landed elements in the commons and among radical farmers in the counties. Yet, when he left unionism, his influence (now indirect) remained. Confronted by the spectre of presbyterian farmer militancy led by Russell, Irish unionist members of parliament meekly tailored their public pledges; and when, between 1900 and 1902, his agitation peaked, these members went further, revising the structure of their party in order to deflate his criticism and restore old loyalties. As one of the most significant forces in moulding twentieth-century unionism from nineteenth-century toryism, Russell merits special attention: his relationship with the unionist leadership in the strategically crucial years between 1894 and 1906 is examined here at length.
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Evans, Jocelyn A. J., and Jonathan Tonge. "The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00411.
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The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as represented by the Alliance Party, has rejected unionism and nationalism, believing either to be ideologies to be overcome, rather than accommodated. Under the post-Agreement political arrangements, Alliance has already been obliged to bolster pro-Agreement unionism, through the temporary tactical redesignation of three of its Assembly members as Unionist and through tacit support for selected unionist election candidates. Using the first ever membership survey of the existing centre party in Northern Ireland, this article examines whether its vision of a radical third tradition is sustainable in a polity in which unionist and nationalist politics are legitimised.
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Woodcock, Jamie. "How to beat the boss: Game Workers Unite in Britain." Capital & Class 44, no. 4 (February 12, 2020): 523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816820906349.
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This article provides an overview of the growth of game worker organising in Britain. These workers have not previously been organised in a trade union, but over the last 2 years, they have developed a campaign to unionise their sector and launched a legal trade union branch. This is a powerful example of so-called ‘greenfield’ organising, beyond the reach of existing trade unions and with workers who have not previously been members. The article provides an outline of the industry, the launch of the Game Workers Unite international network, the growth of the division in Britain as well as their formation as a branch of the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain. The aim is to draw out lessons for both the videogames industry, as well as other non-unionised industries, showing how the traditions of trade unionism can be translated and developed in new contexts.
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RAFFE, ALASDAIR. "1707, 2007, AND THE UNIONIST TURN IN SCOTTISH HISTORY." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 1071–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000506.
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ABSTRACTThis article reviews the latest research on the making of the Anglo-Scottish parliamentary union of 1707 and unionism in modern Scotland. Stimulated by the tercentenary of the union, but running counter to the popular mood at the time of that anniversary, many of the recent publications exhibit a novel and sympathetic interest in principled support for union. Using Christopher Whatley's The Scots and the union (2006) and Colin Kidd's Union and unionisms (2008) as starting points, the article shows how the new histories differ from earlier work, while also identifying the interdisciplinary roots of the ‘unionist turn’ in Scottish history.
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Morales Owseykoff, Tamara, and Héctor Rogelio Olivares Galván. "El sindicalismo universitario en México y las relaciones laborales." Horizontes de la Contaduría en las Ciencias Sociales 2022, no. 16 (2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/hccs.v0i16.53.
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The location of the university academic staff in two clearly identified contexts, the academic and the unionist, constitutes one of the causes, among many others, of the current educational problem. The origins and causes of unionism and its awareness on the part of academic staff working in higher education institutions force us to review history since the birth of university unionism, almost six decades ago. This work aims to present information that allows a clear picture of how unionism began in higher education institutions, the problems it went through until it achieved its consolidation and its role in labor relations.
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Nik Mahmod, Nik Ahmad kamal bin. "Trade union laws in Malaysia and Japan: A comparative overview." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 304–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.712.9483.
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Japan history on trade unionism has been imposing. Malaysia's chapter was fully activated only post-second world war. The ethos of trade unionism ethos differs tremendously between Malaysia and Japan. In the absence of obligations under Convention 87 of the ILO, Malaysia's treatment on trade unions has been very regimented. The study seeks to evaluate the two different landscapes of law and policy on trade unionism in Malaysia and Japan. The objective is to determine lessons that Malaysia may learn from Japan's long history of trade unionism law and practice.
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Clark, G. L., and K. Johnston. "The Geography of US Union Elections 5: Reconceptualizing the Theory of Industrial Unionism." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 6 (June 1987): 719–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190719.
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In this paper an argument is put for a reconceptualization of the theory of US industrial unionism. It reflects lessons learnt about the patterns and determinants of the electoral performance of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union and the United Auto Workers union over the period 1970–82. Empirically, the spatial and temporal diversity of unions' electoral performance is emphasized. Theoretically, it is suggested that unions' performances in representation elections are the product of a complex array of processes and their interrelationships. Diversity of patterns and complexity of processes makes forecasting the future of industrial unionism a risky project. Also considered are competing theories of unionism and the methodologies for analyzing union electoral performance. Based on these observations, a case is made for the necessity of a ‘new’ framework for understanding the geography of US unionism.
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Schiavone, Michael. "Social Movement Unions and Political Parties (in South Africa and the Philippines): A Win-Win Situation?" African and Asian Studies 6, no. 4 (2007): 373–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921007x236954.
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AbstractSocial movement unionism is increasingly being seen as the strategy that US unions should adopt. However, what is often forgotten is that social movement unionism originated in the Third World. As part of the strategy it is argued that unions should form alliances with political parties. However, by analyzing the alliances between the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the African National Congress (ANC), and the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) and the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) I argue that union alliances with political parties have badly damaged social movement unions.
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BLAXILL, LUKE, and TAYM SALEH. "THE ELECTORAL DYNAMICS OF CONSERVATISM, 1885–1910: ‘NEGATIVE UNIONISM’ RECONSIDERED." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (January 22, 2016): 417–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000229.
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ABSTRACTThis article takes a fresh look at the long-running debate on whether the Unionist party owed its electoral success between the Third Reform Act and the Great War predominantly to ‘negative’ factors: principally, low turnout; poor Liberal organization; and a reliable and consistent middle-class vote. Taking advantage of recently digitized election datasets, it conducts the most extensive statistical study thus far attempted, to argue that recent revisionist historians have dismissed too readily the traditional ‘negative Unionism’ thesis associated with J. P. Cornford. It conducts an extensive analysis of the relationship between turnout and Unionist support on national, constituency, and regional levels, and finds that the much-disputed traditional interpretation that Conservatives benefited from low polls in the late Victorian period is broadly borne out in England. Additionally, this article also investigates the wider impact of uncontested constituencies in this period, arguing that the large number of seats left unfought by the Liberals was even more electorally grievous than the raw numbers imply. Both these findings suggest that the Unionists benefited from a still more substantial structural advantage in the late Victorian period than historians have previously assumed. While important aspects of Unionist language and strategy were undoubtedly positive, they were nonetheless underpinned by negative electoral foundations.
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Chelghoum, Amira, Sachiko Takeda, Barbara Wilczek, and Fabian Homberg. "The challenges and future of trade unionism in Algeria: a lost cause?" Employee Relations 38, no. 3 (April 4, 2016): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-11-2014-0135.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the realities of Algerian employee relations and the challenges autonomous trade unionists encounter in their activities, which are normally far removed from the eyes of the international community. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 12 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Algerian autonomous trade union leaders, union members and non-members. The collected data were analysed using a thematic approach. Findings – The interview results brought into relief the challenges of Algerian trade unionism with the following four themes: first, scepticism towards the only government-affiliated trade union in Algeria; second, the relationship between autonomous unions and the government; third, strike actions and intimidation/harassment; and fourth, views of non-trade unionists and the future of Algerian trade unionism. Research limitations/implications – The sensitivity of the topic and widespread fear limited the number of interviewees and the length of interviews. Social implications – This paper provides recent empirical evidence reflecting the contemporary nature of employee relations in Algeria, and its discussions consider the prerequisites for a more effective protection of workers’ rights in Algeria. Originality/value – This study addresses the lack of examination of trade union activities in North Africa and in Algeria in particular. Whereas studies on employment relations in emerging economies have been conducted mainly at the macro level, this study makes important contributions by providing a first micro-level insight into the realities of trade unionism in Algeria through giving voice to those who struggle daily to protect workers’ rights.
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AHAOTU GODWIN NDUBUISI and OGUNODE NIYI JACOB. "TRADE UNIONISM AND ACADEMIC STAFF UNION OF UNIVERSITIES CONTRIBUTIONS ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES IN NIGERIA." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 12 (December 8, 2020): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.948.
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Trade unions and trade unionism in Nigeria are the legacy of colonialism in Nigeria. It was during the era of colonialism that unionism began. In view of the above, this paper will examine the historical overview of trade unions in Nigeria, the concept of trade union, rationale for union formation by Workers, identification of the various kinds of trade unions in public universities in Nigeria, contributions of Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in the administration of public universities in Nigeria, Conclusion and recommendations.
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Ahaotu Godwin Ndubuisi and Ogunode Niyi Jacob. "Trade unionism and academic staff union of universities contributions on the administration of public universities in Nigeria." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 12 (December 9, 2020): 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.953.
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Trade unions and trade unionism in Nigeria are the legacy of colonialism in Nigeria. It was during the era of colonialism that unionism began. In view of the above, this paper will examine the historical overview of trade unions in Nigeria, the concept of trade union, rationale for union formation by Workers, identification of the various kinds of trade unions in public universities in Nigeria, contributions of Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in the administration of public universities in Nigeria, Conclusion and recommendations.
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Menezes-Filho, Naércio Aquino, José Paulo Chahad, Hélio Zylberstajn, and Elaine Toldo Pazello. "Trade unions and the economic performance of brazilian establishments." Estudos Econômicos (São Paulo) 38, no. 1 (March 2008): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-41612008000100003.
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This paper examines, for the first time in the literature, the impact of trade unions on various performance indicators of Brazilian establishments. A unionism retrospective survey was carried out among 1,000 establishments in the manufacturing sector and its results were matched to performance indicators available from the Brazilian Industrial Surveys between 1990 and 2000. The results using the pooled data indicate that the relationship between unionism and some performance indicators, such as average wages, employment and productivity is non-linear (concave), so that a rise in unionism from low levels is associated with higher performance, but at a decreasing rate. Unions also reduce profitability. Establishments that introduced profit-sharing schemes increased their productivity and profitability overall and paid higher wages in more unionized plants.
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Alexander, Michael, Roy Green, and Andrew Wilson. "Delegate Structures and Strategic Unionism: Analysis of Factors in Union Resilience." Journal of Industrial Relations 40, no. 4 (December 1998): 663–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569804000409.
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This article examines the pattern of union membership decline in Australia using the 1995 Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey data set (AWIRS 95), including the panel of surviving workplaces drawn from the 1990 survey. It confirms recent studies that suggest that the decline is more or less comprehensive, but points to some diversity in the longitudinal findings. In particular, the article tracks the growth of delegate structures in the previous five years in unionised workplaces, employee attitudes to unions, and the much slower rate of derline associated with 'active unionism', While it has been argued, not least by Joe Isaac (1958), that workplace organisation tended to 'atrophy' under compulsory arbitration, there is no automatic process by which it will correspondingly flourish under more decentralised bargaining arrangements. The AWIRS 95 findings suggest that the future of unions will be determined by a range of factors, which include their ability to build and co-ordinate delegate networks and hence the role of the state in providing legislative support for workplace organisation and fair wages. We argue that this, not a return to centralised wage restraint, sbould be the focus of strategic unionism.
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Ramjas. "Impact of Trade Unions on Productivity: A Study of the Indian Chemical Industry." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 14, no. 2 (April 1989): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090919890203.
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In this article, Ramjas analyses the extent to which trade unions affect productivity in the Indian context. Based on an analysis of data (1960-1980) from the Indian chemical industry, the author finds that trade unionism brings down productivity. He suggests that the potential of trade unions to increase productivity has not been fully exploited owing to factors such as managerial response to unionism, working conditions, wages of workers, and the socio-political climate in the country.
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Keating, Michael. "The Strange Death of Unionist Scotland." Government and Opposition 45, no. 3 (2010): 365–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2010.01317.x.
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AbstractJim Bulpitt understood the UK as an eminently political creation, emphasizing the role of elites in managing diversity. He can be criticized for underplaying the ideology of union, for dismissing Labour unionism and for an excessively central and Tory perspective. His insights, however, remain useful in analysing the current collapse of unionism, if not of the Union itself. His key concept of central autonomy explains why current neo-unionist efforts to forge Britishness are unlikely to succeed, since they imply a stronger territorial articulation of the state itself.
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Daly, T. P. "James Craig and Orangeism, 1903–10." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 136 (November 2005): 431–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006416.
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The importance of the Orange Order to Unionism has long been accepted: J. F. Harbinson referred to ‘the marriage of the Unionist Party and the Orange Institution in the early days of the struggle against Home Rule’, while Alvin Jackson has written: ‘The significance of the Orange Order in terms of the ideological and institutional groundwork for Unionism can hardly be overstated.’ The closeness of this association and its nature can be tested for a crucial period of political mobilisation by examining the relationship of James Craig, a Unionist M.P. from 1906 and effective leader of the Ulster Unionists under Carson from 1910, and the Orange Order. This raises questions such as: What was Craig’s motivation for joining the order? What type of relationship did he have with the order? What role did Craig see the order fulfilling in Unionism?At the opening of a new Orange hall in September 1906 Craig stated that ‘he was an Orangeman first and a Member of Parliament afterwards’ and called ‘for the Protestant community to rally round the lodges, strengthen and support them’. Craig’s biographers, on the other hand, do not consider his Orangeism significant. Hugh Shearman wrote that Craig, in common with other Ulster leaders, ‘had let himself become an occasional emphatic utterer of Protestant sentiments, and he had made great use of the Orange Order’, implying that the order was a tool for Craig. To St John Ervine it was an incidental part of Craig’s Westminster career. Writing of 1919, Ervine noted that Craig ‘started an Orange Lodge in the House of Commons, a surprising society to appear in that assembly’. Patrick Buckland saw it as more of a background influence, in that Craig was a typical product of his society, and while he might have seemed more broad-minded than many Ulster Protestants he ‘had almost unthinkingly absorbed all their conventional notions and had come to share their fears and prejudices’.
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Lang, Karen, and Mona-Josée Gagnon. "Brazilian Trade Unions." Articles 64, no. 2 (September 9, 2009): 250–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037920ar.
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Many analysts of Brazilian industrial relations share a determinist vision of the country’s trade unionism, according to which the unions maintain a paradoxical yet atavistic relationship with the heavy body of laws that provide them with advantages while limiting their freedom. We tested this vision by conducting field enquiries into the daily activities of two Brazilian unions: the ABC Metalworkers Union and the Seamstress Union for the Sao Paulo and Osasco Region. In this article, we present the results of our case studies and what they reveal about Brazilian trade unionism’s relationship with the labour legislation. We also briefly discuss former trade union leader and current President Lula’s recent attempts to reform the country’s labour relations system.
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O'Brien, Ruth. "“Business Unionism” versus “Responsible Unionism”: Common Law Confusion, the American State, and the Formation of Pre-New Deal Labor Policy." Law & Social Inquiry 18, no. 02 (1993): 255–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1993.tb00655.x.
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The emergence of the American Federation of Labor in the 1880s and its ideology of voluntarism or “business unionism” transformed the mainstream American labor movement. Voluntarism, however, had little impact on the formation of the pre-New Deal labor policy. I suggest that members of the progressive movement developed “responsible unionism” as an alternative to “business unionism” and that it was the progressives' alternative that shaped later developments in labor policy. (1) Progressive state and federal court judges relied on the principles of agency, a fiduciary term, to make unions competent contracting parties and enforce collective trade agreements. (2) Although the AFL had long lobbied for anti-injunction legislation sup ported by an underlying ideology of voluntarism, the progressive Republican-Democratic coalition that engineered passage of the Norris-LaGuardia Anti-Injunction Act of 1932 based the legislation on their notion of “responsible unionism.” These progressives interwove the principles of agency into the act. As a result, rather than withdrawing the American state from labor-management relations, the act caused unions to begin to lose their status as private, voluntary associations, thus creating the foundation for the construction of the statist regulatory apparatus, the National Labor Relations Board, during the New Deal.
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Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, and Ken Fones-Wolf. "Cold War Americanism: Business, Pageantry, and Antiunionism in Weirton, West Virginia." Business History Review 77, no. 1 (2003): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30041101.
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After World War II, Weirton Steel remained a critical barrier to the unionization of the steel industry. Weirton kept unions at bay through a plan of high wages, welfare, and company unionism, which it combined with an authoritarian style of management. Forbidden from using intimidation by the federal courts, Weirton substituted a celebration of Americanism that associated freedom with limited government and an absence of unionism. Foreseeing a union drive in 1950, Weirton staged a pageant to dramatize its version of patriotism. The steelworkers countered with a competing version that stressed trade unionism as a way to give workers a democratic voice. This article reveals how postwar patriotic pageantry was rooted in the struggle between labor and capital.
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Berger, Stefan. "German Trade Unions, Their History, and the Use of Memory." Labor 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061563.
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This article summarizes the results of the work of a commission of the German Trade Union Confederation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), on the memory cultures of social democracy and trade unionism in Germany and highlights its recommendations on how to strengthen the public memory of the achievements of trade unionism in German society. It argues that the contemporary memory cultures are highly deficient and in need of a major boost in order to make trade unionism fit for the struggles of the twenty-first century. Memory will be a crucial resource for trade unions, as it gives them a “practical past” with which to operate in the presence with a view to strengthening and protecting workers’ rights in the future.
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Harcourt, Mark, Helen Lam, and Geoffrey Wood. "US union revival, minority unionism and inter-union conflict." Journal of Industrial Relations 56, no. 5 (December 12, 2013): 653–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185613507165.
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One option for reversing US union decline, requiring no legislative change, would involve re-legitimizing non-majority or minority union representation, allowing unions to organize without running the gauntlet of union certification. Such minority representation, applicable only to workplaces without majority union support on a members-only basis, could run in parallel with the existing system of exclusive representation in workplaces where majority support is achieved. The increased representation in the currently unrepresented workplaces would inevitably promote workers’ collective voice and contribute to union revival. However, minority unionism has been criticized for breeding union competition because it is non-exclusive. In this paper, the nature and extent of inter-union conflict under minority unionism are re-examined, using survey data from unions in New Zealand which already has non-exclusive, minority union representation. The low levels and consequences of conflict suggest that the benefits of minority unionism far outweigh any potentially unfavourable effects.
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Caulfield, Norman. "Mexican State Development Policy and Labor Internationalism, 1945–1958." International Review of Social History 42, no. 1 (April 1997): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114580.
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SummaryThe Mexican state's drive toward industrialization during World War II and the post-war years required the cooperation of organized labor. Central to this policy was the role played by American trade unions, which cooperated with US government agencies in providing financial and logistical support for Mexican trade unionists who complied with state development policy. The interests of American labor leaders, US policymakers and Mexican modernizing elites converged in an attempt to eradicate radical unionism and promote US hegemony in the western hemisphere. This study builds upon works that treat the earlier activities of US labor in Mexico.
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Jackson, Alvin. "Unionist Politics and Protestant Society in Edwardian Ireland." Historical Journal 33, no. 4 (December 1990): 839–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013789.
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Like the ‘Tory in clogs’ of Edwardian Britain, the Unionist working man has generally eluded the historian of modern Ireland. Indeed, to some extent, the image of Irish Unionism, whether popular or scholarly, has been supplied by the apologetic biographers of the ‘great men’ of loyalism, and by the rhetoric of political opponents like Michael Farrell: at any rate the historiography of the movement is peopled with irredentist squires and Anglo-Irish peers, bowler-hatted Orange artisans – Engel's ‘Protestant brag-garts’ – and cynical industrial barons. The existence of a more popular Unionism is acknowledged, though only in a context (the militancy of 1912, the bravura of 12 July marches) when it may not be ignored: even so, as with an older scholarly attitude towards popular British toryism, there has been a tendency among historians to treat mass Unionism as a freak of progress, demanding apologetic explanation rather than sustained illumination. With the institutions of popular Conservatism now, after thirty years of historical research, a firm feature of the British historical landscape, the need to reveal something of the electoral base of Ulster Unionism is all the more apparent. This is particularly true of the rural hinterland of the loyalist movement which, even more than Belfast, has been the victim of neglect.
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Wånggren, Lena. "Gender and Precarity across Time: Where Are the Writing Working Women?" Victorian Literature and Culture 51, no. 4 (2023): 577–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150323000669.
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The end of the nineteenth century in Britain saw a range of “newnesses”; New Unionism signified a boom in trade unionism, while the New Woman figure symbolized women's struggle for independence. However, both as literary figures and as real-life writers, such New Women were largely middle class and educated. Where are the working women within the sphere of literary and cultural production, and how are they represented within the New Unionism? Against a dominant trade unionism that argued for a “family wage” and considered women's organizing as a threat, the Women's Trade Union League (1874), the National Federation of Women Workers (1906), the 1888 Match Girls strike, and writers and labor activists such as Annie Besant and Clementina Black noted women's roles within labor. Attempting to locate a working New Woman in the trade union movement, this paper is a reflective work-in-progress, an exploration rather than a finished argument. Written by a precariously employed woman trade unionist in the twenty-first century, struggling to find time to write, examining the works of precariously employed women workers one hundred years earlier, the essay poses questions about what happens to politically engaged scholarship in a time of increasingly precarious working conditions and knowledges.
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JACKSON, ALVIN. "‘TAME TORY HACKS’? THE ULSTER PARTY AT WESTMINSTER, 1922–1972." Historical Journal 54, no. 2 (May 11, 2011): 453–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000094.
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ABSTRACTWhile the historiography on Ulster Unionism after partition has grown considerably in recent years, there has been no extended investigation of Unionism at Westminster (‘the Ulster Party’), its structures and effectiveness. This article uses new archival material to shed light upon the Party's membership, governance, coherence, and wider engagement. The later sections of the article review the nature of the ties binding the Party to Stormont and to Conservatism, unravelling some of their complexity, and placing a particular emphasis upon the relationship between Westminster Unionism and the fall of the devolved government in 1972. Here, new evidence is adduced from several underexploited or fresh sources to shed light upon the workings of the Party in the years immediately before this debacle. It is argued that the Westminster Unionists' (at best) highly ambiguous reaction to direct rule was a fitting culmination to fifty years of often jealous and defensive interaction with Stormont.
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Johnson, Nancy Brown, and Paul Jarley. "Unions as social capital: the impact of trade union youth programmes on young workers' political and community engagement." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, no. 4 (November 2005): 605–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100409.
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Jarley (2005) recently proposed a model of social capital unionism that contends that unions should strive to recreate the dense communities of the past by systematically creating social networks among workers. Underlying this approach is the notion that sustained personal contacts with members are necessary to generate the generalised reciprocity norms that mobilise workers in times of need and sustain unions in periods of relative calm. This paper describes one union's attempt at social capital building among their young members. We also report on survey results that suggest that building social capital is challenging but potentially rewarding as dense social networks are correlated with union knowledge which in turn is correlated with increased union participation as well as community and political engagement.
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Keizer, Arjan B. "Inclusion of ‘Outsiders’ by Japanese Unions? The Organizing of Non-Regular Workers in Retail." Work, Employment and Society 33, no. 2 (March 27, 2018): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017018759205.
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A strong rise in non-regular employment has posed a major challenge to Japanese trade unions which have long limited membership to regular employees. However, a number of mainstream unions in the retail industry have responded by organizing non-regular workers. The article draws on a series of semi-structured interviews with union representatives to analyse the initiatives by the industrial federation UA Zensen and three affiliated enterprise unions. It addresses the implications for both the workers and the unions concerned. Unions have provided a stronger voice to non-regular workers and negotiated better working conditions. However, it has not brought material equality with regular workers or major changes to Japanese unionism. Instead, the enterprise-based and cooperative nature of unionism has shaped the initiatives and reproduced traditional equilibria and processes between labour and management, thus constraining the ability of unions to develop a strong stance for the emancipation of non-regular workers.
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Canavan, Tony, Norman Porter, Richard English, and Graham Walker. "Neo-Unionism." Books Ireland, no. 202 (1997): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20623368.
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Dunne, Tom, and Alvin Jackson. "Normalising Unionism." Irish Review (1986-), no. 7 (1989): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735495.
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Heckscher, Charles. "Participatory Unionism." Labor Studies Journal 25, no. 4 (January 2001): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x0102500401.
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Eaton, Adrienne E., and Paula B. Voos. "Managerial Unionism." Labor Studies Journal 29, no. 3 (September 2004): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x0402900302.
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Annunziato, Frank R. "Commodity Unionism." Rethinking Marxism 3, no. 2 (June 1990): 8–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935699008657910.
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Arthurs, William. "'Greedy Unionism'." Economic Affairs 15, no. 1 (December 1994): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.1994.tb00264.x.
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Ativanichayapong, Napaporn. "Social Movement Unionism and Economic Unionism in Thailand1." Asian Review 15, no. 1 (January 2002): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.58837/chula.arv.15.1.5.
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Eichengreen, Barry. "The Impact of Late Nineteenth-Century Unions on Labor Earnings and Hours: Iowa in 1894." ILR Review 40, no. 4 (July 1987): 501–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398704000404.
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This paper presents an analysis of data on male workers taken from an 1894 survey of the Iowa labor market. Consistent with the results of earlier research by Paul Douglas, the author finds evidence of a statistically significant and economically important union earnings premium. The analysis also shows that late nineteenth-century unionism, like unionism in the twentieth century, tended to reduce wage dispersion. On the other hand, the author finds no evidence that late nineteenth-century unions reduced the length of the workday for union members compared to nonunion workers.
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Fairbrother, Peter, and Victor Oyaro Gekara. "Multi-Scalar Trade Unionism: Lessons from Maritime Unions." Articles 71, no. 4 (January 3, 2017): 589–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1038524ar.
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Union approaches in relation to the global recalibration of work and employment relations and practices over the last three decades are being worked out in practice. The question for unions is by which means they either have leverage or the potential to exercise power in relation to state and corporate decisions and strategies. Unions thus face challenging questions about the ways they organize, exercise their capacities and attempt to meet their purposes. With reference to the Australian maritime sector, the study examines the ways the main union, the Maritime Union of Australia, developed multi-scalar approaches to localized events. The problem unions face is to defend and advance workers’ interests. The task is to organize, to realize their capacities to defend and advance maritime workers’ interests, increasingly in multi-scalar ways. The argument is that leaderships and activity that ‘bridge’ scalar relationships are an important condition in this process. There appears to be a complex set of cross-connections between the local, the national and the international. While transnational connectivity increasingly defines contemporary forms of trade unionism, these scalar relations are defined in relation to the workplace, the everyday world, and by the ways that transport is a defining characteristic of the global world. These relations constitute contemporary class struggle where work and employment relations are always in a process of change and development. Trade unionism, thus, remains a collective expression of power relations, in an increasingly internationalized world of work and employment. Thus, this research presents important lessons for multi-scalar organization and campaigning by unions to realize their capacities and purpose. Nonetheless, this study is only a beginning. While it indicates the processes of bridging, the next step is to investigate the variety of ways that bridging may take place and with what outcomes for the development of multi-scalar activity.
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Mohamad Nor, Che Supian, Ramesh Kumar Moona Haji Mohamed, Charles Ramendran SPR, Prem Kumar Nadarajan, and Vimala Kadiresan. "Trade Unions: Relevant Out of Irrelevant? A Study on Generation’s Perception in Malaysia." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 8, no. 3 (May 18, 2018): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v8i3.11929.
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Generational differences on workforce in Malaysia have stirred the value of trade unionism. The transition from generation-X to generation-Y has created diverse perceptions on the relevance of being a member of a trade union. In the near future, generation-Y will be the bastion of the Malaysian workforce. They will be a fundamental actor in reshaping the industrial relations ecosystem in Malaysia. In this respect, this study focused on unionized and non-unionized generation-X and Y employee’s perception on the importance of trade unionism in the Malaysian context. Using a qualitative study, face-to-face semi-structured interviews with targeted respondents were conducted. The findings showed that the trade union do bring contributions to employees and protect employees from unfair actions but the density of trade unions declined due to unclear information known about trade unionism among generation Y. Based on the research findings, practical implications are discussed.
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Lloyd-Jones, Naomi. "The 1892 general election in England: Home Rule, the Newcastle programme and positive Unionism*." Historical Research 93, no. 259 (January 21, 2020): 73–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htz009.
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Abstract Largely ignored as an anomaly, the 1892 general election represents a major gap in the scholarship on late nineteenth-century British politics. This article is the first to analyse the issues on and electioneering rhetoric with which it was fought, with a focus on England’s constituencies. It argues that the early 1890s saw the inauguration of a new, ‘positive’ kind of political appeal. It explores how Liberals embraced the radical reforms of the National Liberal Federation’s ‘Newcastle programme’ and how Unionists constructed a self-referential ‘positive Unionism’ that trumpeted their achievements in government. In addition, by considering the limits of Home Rule as an electoral strategy, the article challenges accepted narratives of Liberalism’s slide into ‘faddism’ and Unionist dominance. The article draws on my databases of election addresses. Addresses were an essential medium for the communication of political appeals; by analysing their content, the article highlights the utility of quantitative methodologies for studying shifts in and the transmission of political discourses.
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Lambert, R. "State of the Union: An Assessment of Union Strategies." Economic and Labour Relations Review 2, no. 2 (December 1991): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469100200201.
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Accelerating global economic change reflected in the high degree of capital mobility and integrated global markets has intensified investment competition between states. The union movement reacted through a commitment to strategic unionism and award restructuring. However, the impact of the latter has been limited by the occupationally divided structure of Australian unions. The paper analyses attempts to change this structure through union amalgamations and considers the impact inter-union power struggles, shaped by factional alignments, have had on the process. The paper assesses the organizational problems of conglomerate unionism and evaluates possible counters to likely tendencies.
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Chaison, Gary N., and Joseph B. Rose. "The Structure and Growth of the Canadian National Unions." Relations industrielles 36, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 530–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/029180ar.
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The authors present an overview of union growth and high-light specific characteristics of national trade unions, review recent studies of union growth in Canada, examine their relevance to the rise of national unionism, develop an alternative model of union growth and test its applicability to national unions.
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Haidar, Julieta. "Interpreting Argentine Business Unionism." Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 2 (September 19, 2014): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14550285.
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Institutionalist and corporatist interpretations of the business unionism strategy adopted by some unions in Argentina when faced with the 1990s market reforms are inadequate in that they consider unions as interest groups, play down the context of capitalist restructuring, and fail to account for the novelty of the strategy. These limitations can be overcome by reviving some ideas from Marxist analysis, such as the classist nature of unions and their participation in the historical dynamic of a capitalist social formation. Interpretaciones institucionalistas y corporativistas de la estrategia del sindicalismo empresarial adoptada por algunos sindicatos en Argentina cuando se enfrentaron a las reformas del mercado en los años 1990 son inadecuadas en que consideran a los sindicatos como grupos de interés, minimizan el contexto de la reestructuración capitalista, y no logran dar cuenta de la novedad de la estrategia. Estas limitaciones pueden ser superadas mediante la reactivación de algunas ideas de análisis marxista, tales como el carácter clasista de los sindicatos y su participación en la dinámica histórica de una formación social capitalista.
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Ibrahima, Diarassouba. "Violence Syndicale Estudiantine Dans Les Universités Publiques De Côte d’Ivoire : Perceptions Et Enjeux." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 7 (March 31, 2017): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n7p379.
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During the decades 1990-2010 that followed the introduction of the multiparty system in 1990, the educational environment in particular the academic institutions in Côte d’Ivoire were greatly affected by the recurrence of student union violence. With the "new departure" which marks a new dynamics of the universities by a break with the practices which have begun their normal functioning based on the effect of giving them their luster from before, we have noted the survival of this violence. The aim of this study is to discover, on the one hand, the perception that student unionists have about violence and, on the other hand, to analyze the stakes involved in the systematic use of violence by these unionized students during the two decades of 1990- 2010 to understand the survival of this phenomenon in the context of "new departure". To achieve this, we have chosen the six (06) unions that have marked the history of student violence the more during the period 1990-2010. With the aid of semi-directive interviews, we have collected the data which reveal the perception that violence for the trade unions is a legitimate and legal act according to their own statute and internal regulations. It shows that there is a congenital link between trade unionism and politics. Therefore, trade unionism cannot be exercised without politics. Under the stakes, it appears that violence is an indicator of trade union dynamism for political positioning; that it confers power by the domination of public spaces such as universities.