To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Unionism.

Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Unionism'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Unionism.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Shouba, Derek C. (Derek Christopher). "Unionism and unionist politics : 1906-1914." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23357.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis will trace the development of Conservative ideology in Great Britain between 1906 and 1914. During these years the Conservative party was defeated by the Liberal party on three separate occasions. Many historians believe that this string of electoral contretemps offers convincing evidence that Conservatism, as an evolving pattern of beliefs, was fundamentally unsuited to the political climate of Great Britain at the turn of the century. According to this interpretation of Edwardian Conservatism, it was only the timely onset of war which saved the party from having to come to terms with the democratic impulse of an unfamiliar era. This is a gross exaggeration of the plight of Conservatism before the war, for the party's unwavering commitment to the economic status quo was not in itself a recipe for electoral catastrophe. What may well have turned out to be fatal to the party's well-being was Joseph Chamberlain's Tariff Reform campaign. In 1903 Chamberlain offered the party an all-encompassing creed, a total solution to Britain's problems, both domestic and foreign, and a positive platform to sustain the party in office. Balfour sensed the dangers of a comprehensive ideology that was inherently of its own time. He, and Bonar Law after him, helped to rehabilitate Conservative ideology by limiting its scope and suggesting that Tariff Reform was merely one weapon among many in a large Conservative arsenal.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Sherwood, Peter. "Withering unions: human resources conspiracies or ineffective unionism?" Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1993. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/226978/1/T%28BS%29%20192_Sherwood_1993.pdf.

Full text
Abstract:
The purpose of this study is to investigate the phenomenon of declining trade union membership density in Australia since the early 1980s. The study looks at the various possible causes of that decline by attempting to apply the most important theoretical approaches to industrial relations: unitarism, Marxism, corporatism and pluralism. It examines the increasingly visible practical approaches to employee relations generally subsumed under the heading of Human Resources Management (HRM), and the influence of the New Right both at the level of individual disputes and in terms of the changing macropolitical scenarios shaping up for industrial relations in Australia in the 1990s. All these influences will be borne in mind in examining a case study of an industrial dispute in the Queensland tourism industry in the 1980s, in which the union effectively self-destructed.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Torrance, David. "‘Standing up for Scotland’ : the Scottish Unionist Party and ‘nationalist unionism’, 1912-1968." Thesis, University of the West of Scotland, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.744778.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

McCay, Kevin. "Fermanagh Unionism 1945-1973." Thesis, Ulster University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603580.

Full text
Abstract:
The thesis addresses three issues which have not been sufficiently addressed in previous research. Within northern Nationalism there is a palpable impatience with the present peace process. Twenty years after the IRA ceasefire and fifteen years since the Good Friday Agreement many of the key issues which divide society here have not been addressed, as expected. There is a sense of drift, prevarication and a reluctance to address the big contentious issues. "Fudge" has become an overused term of the political lexicon of Northern Ireland. Unionism has been primarily blamed for equivocation: the monolith, the rock in the stream. Historically, Unionism has been cast as the villain. Border Unionism has been at the forefront of the resistance to change. Fermanagh Unionists always believed that the prevailing view of virtually all other parties [from Gladstone to Wilson] was that a resolution of the Irish problem was based on the Nationalist interpretation. Naturally, they believed this to be a flawed interpretation and saw their role as frustrating the aims of Irish Nationalism. The thesis has three aims. The first is to study regional Unionism in Fermanagh which has not been sufficiently addressed in other research. The second is to test the theory that Unionism is a monolith. This issue has been comprehensively researched but the thesis refines the research by its focus on one region. The thesis asked whether these people were Unionists from Fermanagh or whether they belong to a distinct category called "Fermanagh Unionists". The third aim attempts to establish the political outlook of Fermanagh Unionism. This entails examining the origins of Fermanagh Unionism which created a distinct negative political posture and a political organisation which had a major influence on politics in the 1960s. The thesis will attempt to establish whether their political mentality was valid and whether their subsequent influence on events was negative, benign or constructive. The thesis covers the period from 1945 to 1973. The end of World War Two was the beginning of a period of social, economic and political change. It is within these changes and this time frame that Fermanagh Unionism reacted as it did. The thesis examines the clash between traditional Unionism with modernity. The thesis cites the nuances of the cosy parochial political world of Fermanagh and the clash with the technocratic political realities of a much more complicated political world created by more composite interdependent economic reliance and changing relationships. Finally, the thesis questions whether the political analysis of Fermanagh Unionism was valid.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Boucher, Joan. "Mapping Unionism : a comparative study of the evolution of Ulster : Unionism since the 1960s." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423449.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

LaFreniere, Peter McNeel. "Social Movement Unionism: Through Teachers Unions' Mobilization in Opposition to Corporate Education Reform." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1496425457204444.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Burnett, David Andrew. "Unionism and the new century : the structure, organisation and mechanics of the Unionist Party in Britain and Ulster, 1900-22." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295366.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Flewelling, Lindsey Jean. "Ulster Unionism and America, 1880-1920." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8251.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis examines the relationship between Ulster unionists and the United States during the Home Rule era from 1880 to 1920. As they fought to uphold the Union, Ulster unionists reacted to Irish-American involvement in the Irish nationalist movement with anxiety and fear of the impact on a potential Dublin parliament. At the same time, unionists cultivated an image of a violent and extremist Irish-America in order to counter Irish nationalism and support their own movement. Unionists condemned the American funding of Irish nationalism and United States government interference on the Irish question. However, they were also anxious to show that unionism had international appeal, seeking American support against Home Rule and promoting a self-image of close ties to the United States. This thesis argues that Ulster unionists took a multifaceted and paradoxical approach to America, repudiating American involvement in the Irish nationalist movement while attempting to find opportunities to advance the cause of unionism in the United States. Throughout the Home Rule period, the Ulster unionist record of appeals and responses to the United States was marked by unevenness and contradictions which limited their effectiveness. However, unionists increasingly used an idealized, imagined America to support their own movement. They cited American historical and constitutional examples and fostered an Ulster identity based in part on Scotch-Irish heritage and Protestant connections. Ulster unionists were less insular and more internationally focused than they are generally portrayed. Chapter I introduces the historical context and historiographic framework in which the thesis operates. Chapters II and III provide an overview of the relationship between Ulster unionists and the United States from 1880 to 1920. During this period, unionists attempted to garner American support for their movement while contemporaneously responding to Irish-American nationalism and the involvement of the United States government on the Irish question. Subsequent chapters are arranged thematically, examining the elements of the Ulster unionists’ American strategy. Chapter IV investigates Scotch-Irish ethnic revival and associational culture in the United States, analyzing continued links to Ireland and attitudes toward Irish Home Rule. Chapter V provides case-studies of unionist visits to the United States as they endeavored to counter nationalist influence and build up a unionist following. Chapter VI explores the interconnection of religion and politics in Ulster’s relationship with America. Chapter VII examines the impact of American history and politics on the Ulster unionist movement. Chapter VIII concludes that the inability of Ulster unionists to effectively deal with the United States in the present day has roots in the relationship between unionists and America during the Home Rule era.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Aughey, Arthur. "Tracing arguments in Conservatism and Unionism." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260969.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Knox, J. W. "Trade unionism in Canadian universities : An empirical study of unionised and nonunionised academic staff at Canadian universities." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379032.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
11

Smale, Robert George. "Trade union identities and the role of niche unionism : exploring contemporary United Kingdom trade unions." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2017. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/trade-union-identities-and-the-role-of-niche-unionism(1f450289-63f8-45ad-9467-70c0b539611b).html.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis explores three closely related questions in order to further the understanding of contemporary United Kingdom trade unionism and make an original contribution to knowledge. The first relates to understanding the distinct identities which trade unions project in the public domain. The second relates to those trade unions that display what will be called a niche union identity in order to organise a sector of the labour market, and which are therefore axiomatically not general in character. The third relates to what will be called niche unionism, which is a broader concept incorporating those unions that seek to organise niches through sectionalised structures. The work both acknowledges extant literature and advances knowledge in the field of industrial relations, and draws upon contributions from other disciplines where these inform the intellectual discussion. It is argued that existing theoretical approaches are inadequate for understanding the identities projected by contemporary UK Certified trade unions, and that the concept of niche in relation to trade unions has received minimal consideration in industrial relations literature. Therefore it is argued that a new conceptual framework is required. The methodological approach adopted was empirical pragmatism, with data being collected using mixed methods. The work was limited to certified unions operating within the United Kingdom and to data collected between October 2008 and August 2015. The work makes an original contribution to knowledge by introducing a multidimensional framework for the analysis of trade union identities based upon a limited number of ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ sources that determine the territories within which unions organise, together with certain ‘additional’ sources. This framework then facilitates the recognition of both niche union identity and the practice of niche unionism.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
12

Cawood, Ian James. "The lost party : Liberal Unionism, 1886-1895." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/8281.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis seeks to analyse the political philosophy, organisation and historical significance of the Liberal Unionist Party, which was created following the first Home Rule debate of 1886 and the subsequent general election in which Unionists stood against ‘Separatists.’ The Liberal Unionist Party has rarely been taken seriously as an electoral force by political historians, who see the party as a collection of peers, intellectuals and lawyers, who objected to Home Rule from a desire to maintain the supremacy of Parliament and the rule of the law in the face of the burgeoning forces of nationalism, democracy and class-based politics. Given its elitist nature, the party is perceived as having failed to build a strong electoral base among the newly enfranchised workers and to have willingly succumbed to ‘fusion’ with the Conservative Party due to the parties’ fellow-feeling on issues of imperial expansion and the fear of socialism. This thesis offers an alternative interpretation of the Liberal Unionists as a diverse group of liberals, who formed an electoral alliance with the Conservative Party largely from political necessity rather than ideological affinity. Committed to the maintenance of a political culture of strong regional identity, independence of political conscience and concepts of individual liberty, the Party only reluctantly engaged with the centralised machine politics that had begun to emerge after the electoral reforms of the 1870s and 1880s. Due to this, the Party barely escaped an electoral debacle in 1892, but reformed itself and its electioneering tactics and was perhaps the crucial force in the Unionist landslide of August 1895. The thesis also suggests why the Party swiftly declined as an independent force after this triumph and thereby came to be seen by most twentieth-century historians as a mere ‘revolt of the Whigs.’
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
13

Mansfield, Nicholas. "Agricultural trades unionism in Shropshire 1900-1930." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/88493.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
14

Conyon, Martin J. "Monopoly capitalism, profits, income distribution and unionism." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/60315/.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis aims to extend our understanding of the contemporary stage of monopoly capitalism by considering the issue of profits, income distribution and trade unionism. By focusing on the effect of trade unions on key economic indicators we hope to demonstrate the key importance of both trade unions and market structure in shaping the industrial economic landscape. Using national accounts and census of production data we find that there is a secular tendency for the degree of monopoly to rise although we find little evidence to suggests a similar decline in the profit rate. It also emerges that unions cannot easily influence factor shares. We go on to make the case for a fundamental reappraisal of the role of labour within the firm. We then provide an assessment of the effect of unions within oligopoly. Using firm level data we illustrate that there is a significant degree of apparent collusion within oligopoly and that this is influenced by product market structure and trade unionism. We consider the effects of both structure and unionism in shaping industry profits. We find that for the mid-1980's unions depress mark-ups whilst increasing concentration impacts positively on the margin. We further show that the effect of concentration in successively related industry adds to the seller margin and does not reflect countervailing power. We also find evidence that union coverage in downstream industries adversely affects the seller margin in 1984-85. Finally, we consider the role of trade union power in shaping factor distribution in the manufacturing sector. We find that unions cannot easily influence the distribution of income but that seller concentration significantly depresses wage share. These results are of considerable interest and attest to the importance of considering both product and labour market interaction in shaping key economic variables.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
15

Munce, Peter. "Unionism and human rights in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Ulster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535156.

Full text
Abstract:
According to Richard English, “one of the most conspicuous features of the scholarly literature in recent years has been the lack of scrutiny which certain subjects have received – subject(s) which the explosion of the Northern Irish conflict might have been expected to stimulate” (English, 1996, p.221). One subject, which has received little academic consideration, despite recent developments, has been the area of unionism and human rights in Northern Ireland. The overall aim of this thesis is to investigate and consider the attitudes of influential strands of unionist opinion towards the concept of human rights as that narrative as been applied and interpreted in Northern Ireland. In order to consider fully the position of influential strands of unionist opinion on human rights, the thesis does this firstly, through theoretical engagement with what is meant by the concept of human rights and an examination of unionist political thought. Secondly, through examining the practical application of human rights in Northern Ireland, which means investigating the position of influential strands of unionist opinion on a Northern Ireland Bill of Rights (pre and post Belfast Agreement) and the relationship of key unionist elites with the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (NIHRC). The thesis poses four interconnected and overlapping questions. Firstly, are influential strands of unionist opinion sceptical and suspicious of human rights as that concept as been interpreted and applied in Northern Ireland? Secondly, if unionists have expressed anxiety, what aspects of human rights discourse in Northern Ireland are key unionist elites sceptical of? Thirdly, is this anxiety universal or do significant cleavages within unionism exist? Fourthly, why are unionists anxious about human rights discourse in Northern Ireland? This thesis aims to address the absence of any research or academic study of this area of Northern Ireland politics and in doing so increase our knowledge and understanding of unionism’s relationship with this particular aspect of the peace process in Northern Ireland and of recent debates about the protection of human rights in Northern Ireland. It also aims to move beyond the anecdotal and rhetorical manner in which this area has been presented in the academic literature and in popular political discourse and develop a deeper understanding than currently exists about the nature of the relationship between key unionist elites and human rights in Northern Ireland.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
16

Leahy, Christopher J. "Rockbridge County unionism and the secession crisis." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063203/.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
17

Sinclair, Diane M. "Women and trade unionism : the effect of gender on propensity to unionise and participation in trade union activity." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2470/.

Full text
Abstract:
Women workers, typically, are disadvantaged in the workplace and in the trade union movement. In an attempt to explain the relationship of female employees to the unions, this thesis investigates the significance of gender for an employee's involvement in trade unionism. The importance of the sex variable for both the individual's union membership choice and rate of participation in trade union activity is explored. The aim of the study is to reach a much better understanding of the most important influences on women's position in the unions, and thereby provide some insight into the apparent failure of the trade union movement to gain equality for women with men in the employment sphere. Chapters two and three depict women's situation in the workplace and in the trade unions, in order to illustrate the importance of the study. Chapters four and five present a theoretical framework for the empirical analyses, discussed in chapters six to nine, concerning influences on the employee's propensity to unionise and union participation. Both crosstabulations and discriminant analyses are employed to establish the most important determinants of these two variables. Influences on the worker's attitudes to trade unionism are also discussed. Chapters ten and eleven present the results of a survey of nine large trade unions, conducted in an attempt to account for the inadequacies of the independent variables used in the quantitative analyses to explain fully the relationships explored. The thesis concludes that the lower level of involvement of women workers in trade unionism may be explained mainly in terms of differences between the sexes in hours worked, earnings and industrial relations traditions in male and female-dominated work. Also, however, significantly lower favourability to trade unions expressed by the women workers is found to contribute to the male/female union membership and union participation differentials. The thesis argues, in chapter twelve, that this apparent difference in satisfaction with trade unions between the men and women studied is, most probably, a result of traditional union culture, particularly the male-domination of the unions, and the unequal position of women in the trade union movement.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
18

Armstrong, Enid Carolyn. "The legal relationship between parent unions and their locals : a study of international unionism in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56635.

Full text
Abstract:
The legal relationship between trade unions and the subordinate units (locals, branches, regions etc) of which they are made up, has received little academic attention despite its importance in Canadian labour relations. Traditionally the link has been viewed as contractual, but the law of contract, developed in the context of individual rights, is ill-equipped to address the competing group interests which are at stake.
This paper is a study of "disaffiliation" or the severance of ties between the "parent" and the "local" union, an event which more than any other reveals the subordination inherent in the relationship and the way in which the law functions to preserve the status quo.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
19

Rubushe, Melikaya. "Trade union investment schemes: a blemish on the social movement unionism outlook of South African unions?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003119.

Full text
Abstract:
South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
20

Bellas, Joseph R. "The forgotten loyalists : unionism in Arkansas, 1861-1865." Connect to resource, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1162321711.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
21

Bassett, Carolyn M. "Negotiating South Africa's economic future COSATU and strategic unionism /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ59119.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
22

Kerrison, Anna. "The future of Australian trade unionism : strategic or enterprise? /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark3957.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
23

Cradden, Terence Gerard. "Trade unionism and socialism in Northern Ireland : 1939 - 1953." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292573.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
24

Delaney, Nathan D. "Community Unionism: The Toledo Auto-Lite Strike of 1934." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1271444986.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
25

Adams, Daniel J. "Did a new trade unionism emerge in Britain between 1995 and 2005? : a study of the TUC's new unionism project and the 'Awkward Squad'." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498805.

Full text
Abstract:
Over the last twenty five years there has been a sharp downturn in the fortunes of the British trade union movement. Membership has fallen from a peak of 13.3 million in 1979 to around 6.7 million in 2006. Accompanying the declining membership, unions have seen their political influence drop at the heart of government. With this declining power has come a number of attempts to revitalise the fortunes of the trade union movement.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
26

Kershaw, Matthew James. "The new politics of European trade unionism : the meaning of European industrial relations for British and German Trade Unions." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285361.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
27

Ptashnick, Melita Blanche. "Vancouver's living wage campaign : social movement unionism and identity construction." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27837.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis presents the findings of research on a living wage campaign conducted by low-wage hospital support workers. First, I conducted an analysis with a mobilization theory framework to assess whether a campaign strategy that utilizes the extended set of collective action frames associated with social movement unionism can compensate for the effects of severe economic environmental conditions on labour bargaining power. Second, as identity narratives have important consequences for social movement mobilization, I assessed how story modes shape identity assertion and alliance building within a social movement unionism organizing model. Based on findings from interviews with the outsourced workers, I recommend modifications to mobilization theory because within a social movement unionism model, campaign success depends, in part, on workers actively shaping the interpretive framework, and on social cohesion within the union’s horizontal network. While a depressed economic environment may dampen the power of interpretive framework resonance and social cohesion to achieve economic success from a campaign, successes in worker empowerment and skills can still be achieved. It is worthwhile to continue social movement strategies through a poor economic period to maximize the economic gains that are possible under the conditions as well as to empower and train workers into activists, and to organize horizontal networks, thus laying the groundwork for social movement expansion and success, when economic conditions improve. In addition, the findings reveal that the worker activists presented associational declarations of their alliances and atrocity tales of their hardships as their favoured motivational tools for mobilization. In their atrocity tales of hardship, activists asserted value-based identities to encourage mobilization, while associational declarations indicated that in order to build alliances activists selected an identity to emphasize their similarity to a given potential ally. These findings indicate that the basis for identity construction and assertion to encourage micromobilization is contingent on the type of social movement organizing model, alignment of activist and public values, and the nature of the ally audience.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
28

Park, Thea Alexander. "Broken barrier : mobility, political unionism and economic informality in India." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/33798.

Full text
Abstract:
Economic informality is often treated as defining a segregated, leeching, anti-systemic and apolitical sphere of an economic system. While an estimate 2.8 times the combined total populations of Canada and the United States comprise the informal labour population of India, the visibility of the workers involved is largely obstructed by a combination of natural and forced anonymity. Political unionism is shown as an imperfect instrument to respond to the varied interests of union members in addition to falling under criticism as a privileged process for an elitist, minority section of the working class in India. One of two labour unions recognized as clearly outside political associations is the Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), through which the voice, struggle and intense productivity of workers dubbed part of the informal economic sphere has been brought to the attention of domestic and international policy initiatives. In an analysis of studies engaging with the organized bidi workers of Gujarat and the history of political unionism in India, we see that the barrier between formal and informal is quite firmly an inaccurate product of our analysis. While individual agency in India should be supported and targeted for improvement by international labour laws, conventions and organizations, there needs to be a realization that protection from exploitation is necessary yet blind incorporation of the informal into the formal is not the logical conclusion for sustainable development practices.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
29

Ioannou, Gregoris. "Labour relations in Cyprus : employment, trade unionism and class composition." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/47187/.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis is a study of contemporary labour relations in Cyprus and is based on seven case studies: three from the hotel, two from the banking and two from the construction industries. The case studies involved particular medium and large size firms and focused on specific workplaces but some generalisations and projections are also made concerning broader tendencies in the corresponding sectors. Labour relations are approached holistically, examining both the context and the content of labour power utilisation as well as its broader impact and significance on society as a whole. The thesis focuses on employment practices and work organisation but also includes within its analytic frame, the institutional and political factors involved, management and trade unionism. The workplace is approached as a site of power relations whereby social identities and divisions occur and authority is both established and contested. Thus labour and trade union organisation is examined at the workplace level and analysed from the workers' perspective, taking into account the experience of hierarchies and resistance, and the experience of cooperation and conflict. The study is located in a nationally specific context, situating the contemporary state of labour relations in Cyprus in the historical course of development and local particular conditions of the island. The colonial legacy, the ethnic conflict and the division of the country and the rapidity of modernisation have impacted substantially on both the industrial relations and the class structure of the society. On the other hand, international forces, trends and phenomena in the era of globalisation such as flexibility in and the deregulation of the labour market, increased capital and labour flows, neo-liberal discourses and trade union decline constitute the broader coordinates of the labour process. These facts and schemata are both examined in the light of empirical data from Cyprus and used to explore and explain issues of contemporary labour organisation and class composition. Theoretically and politically the thesis is situated within a general Marxian framework that is informed both by the conflict school of industrial relations and the tradition of class composition studies. Workers' resistance and class conflict, the means through which class is being composed, is seen not only as a political by-product of the labour process but ontologically at its centre and conceptually at its heart. Thus the thesis also includes references to and can be used in broader discussions in and of the Left and concludes with a characterisation of the challenges and the prospects of the labour and trade union movement in Cyprus.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
30

Benomar, Jamal. "Working class, trade unionism, communism and nationalism in colonial Morocco." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.437101.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
31

Mulholland, Marc. "The evolution of Ulster Unionism 1960-9 : causes and consequences." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252287.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
32

Gray, Kevin. "Hard labour? : social unionism and neoliberal globalisation in South Korea." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420041.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
33

Knox, Martin T. "Terence O'Neill and the crisis of Ulster unionism : 1963-1969." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342387.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
34

Reiner, Robert. "The blue-coated worker : a sociological study of police unionism /." Ann Arbor (Mich.) : UMI, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37499312w.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
35

Hogan, John Michael Christopher. "The internet and the politics and processes of trade unionism." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2006. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/664/.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis explores the implications of the internet for the politics and processes of trade unionism. Michels' classic formulation on the "iron law of oligarchy" and its grounding in a communications based theory of leadership domination is presented as a heuristic devise for uncovering the significance of Information Communication Technologies for trade unionism. The present relationship of trade unionism and the internet in the United Kingdom is characterized and the potentialities for union democratization are presented. A set of concrete case studies of rank and file union internet activism are investigated. This thesis seeks to extend analysis beyond formal decision making processes and to situate communicative pathways, structures and protocols, so that the task of grasping the full significance of Information Communication Technologies for trade unionism can begin. Arising from the presentation of case study materials, new institutional patterning, politics and processes are revealed and uncovered. Established is a communicative network model of union communication, one that challenges traditional bureaucratic top down information models of union communication. With the supplementary powers revealed by the availability of distributed communication technologies leadership practices are challenged within the new context of a distributed discourse. The thesis looks forward to a collective solidarity which may be beyond the structure and shape of the present institutional form of trade unions and draws out the perils, opportunities and dilemmas that the future may bring.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
36

O'Sullivan, Michael James. "Trade unionism and politics in the London Borough of Haringey." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/109489/.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis is an exploration of the relationship between trade unionism and politics viewed primarily through events within the London Borough of Haringey. These events are examined through two case studies of local government union branches between 1965 and 1987. In these studies I use original research data with the aim of unifying what are usually deemed separate theoretical approaches, for example concern with either the labour process or with the bargaining relation. I show that by unifying these different strands of analysis a far greater depth of understanding is achieved. The research also examines the development of Labour Party politics in the 1980s, and particularly the rise of 'radical municipalism' as a response to traditional labourism. Finally this critical appraisal is extended to provide a critique of dominant themes running through radical and Marxist literature concerned with labour movement politics and in particular the trade unions.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
37

Cowgill, Kyler. "Local Teacher Unions and Their Relations with Their Members in a Context of Anti-Union Policies." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1606067396276884.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
38

Masiya, Tynai. "Social movement trade unionism: an investigation of workers' perceptions of the South African Congress of Trade Unions and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions practices on election and living wage issues." University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4127.

Full text
Abstract:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
This study investigates workers’ perceptions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) practices on elections and living wage issues from a social movement perspective from the Apartheid (South Africa) and Unilateral Declaration of Independence (Zimbabwe) eras to 2009. The trade union social movement perspective refers to labour movements that develop a socio-political character, and concern themselves not only with workplace issues but with broad social and political issues. A study of COSATU and ZCTU practices in South Africa and Zimbabwe at this time in the field of social movements is consistent with current calls for a conceptual shift, away from looking for invariant causes and effects to looking for mechanisms and processes that occur in many different kinds of movements and that lead to different outcomes depending on the specific contexts within which they occur. The study draws insights from social movement unionsm theory to understand mechanisms and processes pursued by COSATU and ZCTU in seeking to influence policy outcomes. This study used a qualitative approach and a case study strategy. In the study, questionnaire and in-depth interview responses were drawn from COSATU secretariat, two affiliates, the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) and National Union of Mine Workers (NUM). Questionnaire and in-depth responses were also drawn from the ZCTU secretariat, two affiliates, the General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GPWUZ) and the Zimbabwe Urban Municipal Workers Union (ZUMWU). The objective was to gain insights from a broad cross-section of union members – blue-collar workers, professionals, state or semi state institution workers and ordinarily low income farm workers. The study concludes that workers’ perceptions of the two labour social movements is that they can influence changes in the political system (through elections) as a means to securing living wages by engaging in five practices, namely, disruption mechanisms, public preference mechanisms, political access mechanisms, judicial mechanisms and international access mechanisms. However, while the study noted that workers perceive COSATU and ZCTU practices as essential in influencing elections and living wage issues, the popularity of the mechanisms was lower in Zimbabwe where workers often face persecution. In South Africa, utilisation of these practices is also affected by the less militant public sector affiliates and non- standard forms of work such as subcontracting, casualisation, informalisation, externalisation and the ballooning informal sector. Given these problems, social movement trade unionism remains a viable means of representing the interests of the working poor. Establishment of these challenges leads to areas of possible further research such as how the unions can effectively represent the unorganised workers of the informal sector. A broader research on the impact of the exponential growth of non-standard forms of work is also relevant at this time in the two countries.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
39

Fielding, George. "A stand for the union : unionism in four west Tennessee counties /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19172.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
40

Won, Changhee. "Unionism and turnover : exit-voice tradeoff, firm size, and spillover effects." Connect to resource, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1262608789.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
41

McMahon, Joel C. ""Our Good and Faithful Servant": James Moore Wayne and Georgia Unionism." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/15.

Full text
Abstract:
Since the Civil War, historians have tried to understand why eleven southern states seceded from the Union to form a new nation, the Confederate States of America. What compelled the South to favor disunion over union? While enduring stereotypes perpetuated by the Myth of the Lost Cause cast most southerners of the antebellum era as ardent secessionists, not all southerners favored disunion. In addition, not all states were enthusiastic about the prospects of leaving one Union only to join another. Secession and disunion have helped shape the identity of the imagined South, but many Georgians opposed secession. This dissertation examines the life of U.S. Supreme Court Justice James Moore Wayne (1790-1867), a staunch Unionist from Savannah, Georgia. Wayne remained on the U.S. Supreme Court during the American Civil War, and this study explores why he remained loyal to the Union when his home state joined the Confederacy. Examining the nature of Wayne’s Unionism opens many avenues of inquiry into the nature of Georgia’s attitudes toward union and disunion in the antebellum era. By exploring the political, economic and social dimensions of Georgia Unionism and long opposition to secession, this work will add to the growing list of studies of southern Unionists.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
42

Barros, Mauricio Rands Coelho. "Conquering citizenship : labour relations and the new unionism in contemporary Brazil." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307419.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
43

Greer, J. T. "Losing the Province : a localised study of Ulster unionism, 1968-1974." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546351.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
44

Lawther, Cheryl Elizabeth. "Unpicking the opposition to truth recovery : unionism and the contested past." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534627.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
45

Hunt, C. J. "Alice Arnold of Coventry : trade unionism and municipal politics 1919-1939." Thesis, Coventry University, 2003. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/609ddb54-f370-3cd0-e706-e01689025023/1.

Full text
Abstract:
The central focus of the thesis is Alice Arnold (1881-1955), women's organiser for the Workers' Union in Coventry between 1917 and 1931 and Labour councillor on Coventry City Council from 1919. The adoption of a local, biographical approach highlights the need to move beyond generalisations about 'Labour women' and encourages examination of the diverse political experiences of women who worked within trade unionism and municipal labour politics in interwar Britain. Within the context of Coventry's early twentieth century industrial and political development, Arnold's politicisation is explored and her experiences compared with those of men and women activists who worked in the industrial and political wings of the Coventry Labour movement. Additionally material that allows comparisons to be made with national figures as well as those from other localities is employed. As well as emphasising the influence of factors including gender, class and political affiliation upon Arnold's position within the male dominated labour movement between the wars, there is consideration of the effect that her status as a single woman had upon her career. The thesis advances what is known about the development of regional labour politics and emphasises the effects that local political, economic and social factors had upon both the involvement of women and on the attitudes of male colleagues towards women's participation. The study is situated within a tradition of feminist history that seeks not merely to draw attention to what women did but questions their motivations for doing it and how they were able to pursue their political ambitions. Through analysis of a range of primary sources, it examines the effects that gendered perceptions and sexist stereotypes had on the ways in which women were able to work within trade unionism and municipal politics. It places women's interests first in an area of history that has traditionally been dominated by accounts of men's involvement and it challenges the construction of historical accounts that have ignored or marginalised women. The influence of masculine epistemology on the ways in which women's political work has been recorded both nationally and at a local level is examined throughout the thesis.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
46

Badiuzzaman, Mohammed. "The growth and development of trade unionism in Bangladesh : 1947-1986." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.257473.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
47

Miller, Christopher Jan. "Public service, trade unionism and the decentralisation of the local state." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.331991.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
48

Fink, Elisabeth [Verfasser]. "Transnationaler Aktivismus und Frauenarbeit : Social Movement Unionism in Bangladesch / Elisabeth Fink." Frankfurt am Main : Campus Verlag, 2018. http://www.campus.de/home/.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
49

Ventura, de Morais Josimar Jorge. "'New unionism' and union politics in Pernambuco (Brazil) in the 1980s." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2828/.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis is an analysis of the emergence and development of "new unionism" in Pernambuco, Brazil (1978-89). The analysis is based on a sample of six trade unions: 1) the Metalworkers' Union; 2) the Bank Workers' Union; 3) the Data Processing Workers' Union; 4) the Urban (Electricity and Water) Workers' Union; 5) the Private Schools Teachers' Union; and 6) the Pernambuco State Schools Teachers' Association. The principal objective of this thesis is to analyse and discuss a number of issues raised by the "new unionism". These are related to its emphasis on a new kind of relationship between union leaders and the rank-and-file. I analyse the tensions between the radicalism of policies put forward by "new unionist" leaders and their concern for responsiveness towards demands arising from the workplace and strategies aimed at reconciling radical proposals with the true interests of the rank-and-file. I have taken four aspects in order to analyse the development of the "new unionism": union bureaucracy and militancy; union democracy; demands, internal segmentation of the working class, union policies and militancy; and finally, union strategies, levels of negotiation and the State in Brazil. Thus, another aspect analysed here is the Michelsian problem, namely whether or not union officials develop interests of their own which are different, and sometimes opposite, to the interests of the rank-and-file. I argue throughout this thesis that this relationship is socially constructed and that such a relationship must be understood in terms of the degree of reporting back to the membership, and responsiveness towards the demands of the rank-and-file. Thus, the major subject discussed in the thesis revolves around the theme of representativeness.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
50

Richardson, S. A. "Political cultures in British trade unionism and their dissemination, 1931-1951." Thesis, University of Salford, 2016. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/41186/.

Full text
Abstract:
This study is an Arts and Humanities Research Council funded collaborative project between Salford University and the Working Class Movement Library (WCML). The project seeks to investigate and analyse, both diachronically and synchronically, the political cultures within major British trade unions affiliated to the Labour Party, the way in which these relate to the ideologies of working-class political movements generally, and how they are situated within wider contemporaneous debates. Typically research into trade unions has focused on the industrial side of their work, their official doctrine, and their formal and explicit policies, as expressed through conference speeches, resolutions and voting behaviour. In contrast this study focuses on the morphology of the ideology and ethos of the different unions and their membership, looking beneath the official policies and overt statements to ascertain their common-sense understandings and unconscious and unquestioned received wisdom, which may have been invisible to the participants, but is exposed with the passage of time. The relationship between the ideological understandings expressed through the journals, the dominant strands of socialist thought, and Labour Party policy, will also be investigated. The key sources for the project are in-house journals (1931-1951), written by and for trade unionists affiliated to the Labour Party, which are held at the WCML. The Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) and the National Union of General and Municipal Workers (NUGMW) have been selected for scrutiny: the NUGMW, a general union in which ‘labourism’ dominated, and the AEU, a traditional craft union renowned for its centrist leadership and powerful communist influenced, shop steward movement. The journal of the Aircraft Shop Stewards’ National Council (ASSNC), the New Propellor, is also included, not as a co-equivalent to the official union journals, but as a representative benchmark of the ideological understandings of many engineering activists, who agitated and promoted left-wing socialist and communist interpretations.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography