Relevant bibliographies by topics / Unionism

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Unionism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Unionism"

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Mulholland, Marc. "The ‘best and most forward-looking’ in Ulster unionism: the Unionist Society (est. 1942)." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015522.

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During the premiership of Captain Terence O’Neill, from 1963 to 1969, an inclusive, liberal unionism for the first time guided the policies of the Northern Ireland state. Liberal roots in the Unionist Party, however, were never deep, and liberal unionism was effectively destroyed by the onset of the ‘Troubles’. It was an ambiguous creed, more pro-British than anxious to conciliate Irish nationalism. Liberal unionism’s aversion to overt and offensive anti-Catholicism struck a chord with perhaps the majority of the Protestant population. However, it did not encourage a proactive stance; rather a passive reciprocation of nationalist ‘goodwill’, defined, in effect, as acquiescence. It was an ideology of comfortable superiority. This can be illustrated by the fate of the Unionist Society. Uniquely for any unionist organisation of the post-war era, this association has left all its records open for inspection. The weaknesses and strengths of liberal unionism over a thirty-year span can thus be elucidated by a case-study examination of the Unionist Society.
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Coulter, Colin. "Unionists after Unionism." Peace Review 13, no. 1 (March 2001): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650120038170.

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Jackson, Alvin. "The failure of unionism in Dublin, 1900." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 104 (November 1989): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010129.

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The election contests of 1900 in St Stephen’s Green and South County Dublin were covered in detail by newspapers throughout the British Isles and have been treated as a political watershed by more recent and scholarly commentators. This interest has had a partly personal and biographical inspiration since one of the unionist candidates for South Dublin was the agrarian reformer and junior minister, Horace Plunkett; but the significance, symbolic and actual, of these contests has been seen as extending beyond the participation of one prominent Edwardian Irishman. The defeat of two unionist M.P.s, Plunkett and Campbell, in a fairly static Irish electoral arena would in itself have been worthy of comment. But the association of these men with a constructive administrative programme for Ireland, combined with the fact of their defeat by dissident unionists, gave the contests a broader notoriety and a significance for policy formulation which they would not otherwise have had. With the benefit of hindsight it has also been suggested that the repudiation of Plunkett and Campbell was a landmark in the gradual decline of southern unionism in Ireland. For, though South Dublin briefly returned to the unionist party between 1906 and 1910, the defeats of 1900 effectively marked the end of unionism as a significant electoral movement outside Ulster. After 1900, as the historian W.E.H. Lecky observed, ‘Ulster unionism is the only form of Irish unionism which is likely to count as a serious political force’.
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White, Andrew. "Is Contemporary Ulster Unionism in Crisis? Changes in Unionist Identity during the Northern Ireland Peace Process." Irish Journal of Sociology 16, no. 1 (June 2007): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350701600107.

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This paper addresses the way in which the Northern Ireland Peace Process has impacted on unionist identity. In particular, it offers a critique of the three constituent philosophies of unionism – cultural unionism, liberal unionism and economic unionism – and suggests that a new form of unionism that reflects the altered polity of Northern Ireland must be constructed.
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Reid, Colin W. "DEMOCRACY, SOVEREIGNTY AND UNIONIST POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN IRELAND, c. 1912–1922." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011700010x.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines ideas about democratic legitimacy and sovereignty within Ulster unionist political thought during the revolutionary period in Ireland (c. 1912–22). Confronted by Irish nationalists who claimed that Home Rule (and later, independence) enjoyed the support of the majority of people in Ireland, Ulster unionists deployed their own democratic idioms to rebuff such arguments. In asserting unionism's majority status, first, across the United Kingdom and, second, within the province of Ulster, unionists mined the language of democracy to legitimise their militant stand against Home Rule. The paper also probes the unionist conception of sovereignty by examining the establishment of the Provisional Government of Ulster in 1913, which was styled as a ‘trustee’ for the British constitution in Ireland after the coming of Home Rule. The imperial, economic and religious arguments articulated by unionists against Home Rule are well known, but the space given to constitutional rights and democratic legitimacy in the political language of unionism remain obscure. While the antagonisms at the heart of the revolutionary period in Ireland assumed the form of identity politics and sectarianism, the deployment of normative democratic language by unionists reveals that clashing ideals of representative government underpinned the conflict.
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SCHIRMANN, Sylvain. "Regards croisés et contacts entre syndicalistes français et allemands (1945-1962)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-9.

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The animosity which often prevails among French and German trade unionists in the wake of World War I disappears in the aftermath of the Second conflict. The meetings are more numerous, certain positions converge and the demands related to specific workforces often meet. Despite this, the two union worlds find it hard to understand each other. French and German union models seek to adapt to the evolution of capitalism. Undeniably German trade unionism seems to have better coped with this transformation. His weight, influence and co-management allowed him to achieve the highest standard of living for German labour forces, and gave them often better social protection in comparison with their French or British counterparts. Divided, folded over ideological identities and marked by the strategies of confrontation, French trade unionism has obviously greater difficulties. Favourable developments can be seen, however. The number of union members for instance is increasing and innovative thinking is emerging. European integration represents a challenge for these organizations, even if most of the organizations are in favour of it. It obliges trade unionists (as well as politicians, senior civil servants etc.) to take new approaches. Due to the contacts generated between French and German unionists, this period 1945-1962 prepares the two major developments of trade unionism during the next decade: the birth of a European trade unions’ confederation and that of the first Interregional Trade Union Council on Lorraine, Saarland and Luxembourg-level. Contacts and crossed views between French and German trade unionists were thus essential to establish a Europe of trade unions.
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Köhler, Holm-Detlev, and José Pablo Calleja Jiménez. "“They don´t represent us!” Opportunities for a Social Movement Unionism Strategy in Spain." Articles 70, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1031485ar.

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Our goal is to analyze strategies of union revitalization that have been successful elsewhere and have the potential to become so in Spain. Within these practices, Social Movement Unionism focuses on alliances with other groups to improve unions’ social efficiency. In this article, we address the applicability of the principles of Social Movement Unionism in the specific case of Spain. Given the transformations in the Spanish economy and labour laws tending towards further deregulation, Spanish unions have had to react. The emergence of new social movements such as the Indignados or Mareas Ciudadanas (civic tides) and the declining confidence in unions among the Spanish population, make this approach timely and appropriate. For this article, we will take certain aspects from the trade union revitalization debate and combine them with the main theories on New Social Movements. We will apply these approaches to a specific case study: The viability of cooperation between the largest Spanish trade unions and the recent social movements arising from the Indignados movement. For this purpose, we will primarily use data from secondary sources and transcripts of interviews conducted with unionists and social movement activists. With all these elements taken into consideration, we will conclude by showing the inhibiting and facilitating conditions for the development of a Social Movement Unionism strategy for the referred actors.
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Jackson, Alvin. "Irish unionism and the Russellite threat, 1894-1906." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025062.

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Whether as a unionist, or as an independent, T W Russell was never taken lightly by the parliamentary representatives of late Victorian unionism: directly, and obliquely, his contribution to the evolution of their movement was immense. As a popular unionist missionary in Britain between the first two home-rule bills, and as a protégé of Joseph Chamberlain, Russell was a valuable medium of communication between the British and Irish unionist parties. Moreover, he was both a champion of unionist farmer demands and a loyalist member of parliament; so Russell also created a vital bond between Irish unionism and rural opinion. As a member of the parliamentary Ulster party, Russell worked unstintingly for its success, provoking flexibility among both the more obtuse landed elements in the commons and among radical farmers in the counties. Yet, when he left unionism, his influence (now indirect) remained. Confronted by the spectre of presbyterian farmer militancy led by Russell, Irish unionist members of parliament meekly tailored their public pledges; and when, between 1900 and 1902, his agitation peaked, these members went further, revising the structure of their party in order to deflate his criticism and restore old loyalties. As one of the most significant forces in moulding twentieth-century unionism from nineteenth-century toryism, Russell merits special attention: his relationship with the unionist leadership in the strategically crucial years between 1894 and 1906 is examined here at length.
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Evans, Jocelyn A. J., and Jonathan Tonge. "The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00411.

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The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as represented by the Alliance Party, has rejected unionism and nationalism, believing either to be ideologies to be overcome, rather than accommodated. Under the post-Agreement political arrangements, Alliance has already been obliged to bolster pro-Agreement unionism, through the temporary tactical redesignation of three of its Assembly members as Unionist and through tacit support for selected unionist election candidates. Using the first ever membership survey of the existing centre party in Northern Ireland, this article examines whether its vision of a radical third tradition is sustainable in a polity in which unionist and nationalist politics are legitimised.
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Woodcock, Jamie. "How to beat the boss: Game Workers Unite in Britain." Capital & Class 44, no. 4 (February 12, 2020): 523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816820906349.

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This article provides an overview of the growth of game worker organising in Britain. These workers have not previously been organised in a trade union, but over the last 2 years, they have developed a campaign to unionise their sector and launched a legal trade union branch. This is a powerful example of so-called ‘greenfield’ organising, beyond the reach of existing trade unions and with workers who have not previously been members. The article provides an outline of the industry, the launch of the Game Workers Unite international network, the growth of the division in Britain as well as their formation as a branch of the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain. The aim is to draw out lessons for both the videogames industry, as well as other non-unionised industries, showing how the traditions of trade unionism can be translated and developed in new contexts.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Unionism"

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Shouba, Derek C. (Derek Christopher). "Unionism and unionist politics : 1906-1914." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23357.

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This thesis will trace the development of Conservative ideology in Great Britain between 1906 and 1914. During these years the Conservative party was defeated by the Liberal party on three separate occasions. Many historians believe that this string of electoral contretemps offers convincing evidence that Conservatism, as an evolving pattern of beliefs, was fundamentally unsuited to the political climate of Great Britain at the turn of the century. According to this interpretation of Edwardian Conservatism, it was only the timely onset of war which saved the party from having to come to terms with the democratic impulse of an unfamiliar era. This is a gross exaggeration of the plight of Conservatism before the war, for the party's unwavering commitment to the economic status quo was not in itself a recipe for electoral catastrophe. What may well have turned out to be fatal to the party's well-being was Joseph Chamberlain's Tariff Reform campaign. In 1903 Chamberlain offered the party an all-encompassing creed, a total solution to Britain's problems, both domestic and foreign, and a positive platform to sustain the party in office. Balfour sensed the dangers of a comprehensive ideology that was inherently of its own time. He, and Bonar Law after him, helped to rehabilitate Conservative ideology by limiting its scope and suggesting that Tariff Reform was merely one weapon among many in a large Conservative arsenal.
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Sherwood, Peter. "Withering unions: human resources conspiracies or ineffective unionism?" Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1993. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/226978/1/T%28BS%29%20192_Sherwood_1993.pdf.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate the phenomenon of declining trade union membership density in Australia since the early 1980s. The study looks at the various possible causes of that decline by attempting to apply the most important theoretical approaches to industrial relations: unitarism, Marxism, corporatism and pluralism. It examines the increasingly visible practical approaches to employee relations generally subsumed under the heading of Human Resources Management (HRM), and the influence of the New Right both at the level of individual disputes and in terms of the changing macropolitical scenarios shaping up for industrial relations in Australia in the 1990s. All these influences will be borne in mind in examining a case study of an industrial dispute in the Queensland tourism industry in the 1980s, in which the union effectively self-destructed.
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Torrance, David. "‘Standing up for Scotland’ : the Scottish Unionist Party and ‘nationalist unionism’, 1912-1968." Thesis, University of the West of Scotland, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.744778.

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McCay, Kevin. "Fermanagh Unionism 1945-1973." Thesis, Ulster University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603580.

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The thesis addresses three issues which have not been sufficiently addressed in previous research. Within northern Nationalism there is a palpable impatience with the present peace process. Twenty years after the IRA ceasefire and fifteen years since the Good Friday Agreement many of the key issues which divide society here have not been addressed, as expected. There is a sense of drift, prevarication and a reluctance to address the big contentious issues. "Fudge" has become an overused term of the political lexicon of Northern Ireland. Unionism has been primarily blamed for equivocation: the monolith, the rock in the stream. Historically, Unionism has been cast as the villain. Border Unionism has been at the forefront of the resistance to change. Fermanagh Unionists always believed that the prevailing view of virtually all other parties [from Gladstone to Wilson] was that a resolution of the Irish problem was based on the Nationalist interpretation. Naturally, they believed this to be a flawed interpretation and saw their role as frustrating the aims of Irish Nationalism. The thesis has three aims. The first is to study regional Unionism in Fermanagh which has not been sufficiently addressed in other research. The second is to test the theory that Unionism is a monolith. This issue has been comprehensively researched but the thesis refines the research by its focus on one region. The thesis asked whether these people were Unionists from Fermanagh or whether they belong to a distinct category called "Fermanagh Unionists". The third aim attempts to establish the political outlook of Fermanagh Unionism. This entails examining the origins of Fermanagh Unionism which created a distinct negative political posture and a political organisation which had a major influence on politics in the 1960s. The thesis will attempt to establish whether their political mentality was valid and whether their subsequent influence on events was negative, benign or constructive. The thesis covers the period from 1945 to 1973. The end of World War Two was the beginning of a period of social, economic and political change. It is within these changes and this time frame that Fermanagh Unionism reacted as it did. The thesis examines the clash between traditional Unionism with modernity. The thesis cites the nuances of the cosy parochial political world of Fermanagh and the clash with the technocratic political realities of a much more complicated political world created by more composite interdependent economic reliance and changing relationships. Finally, the thesis questions whether the political analysis of Fermanagh Unionism was valid.
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Boucher, Joan. "Mapping Unionism : a comparative study of the evolution of Ulster : Unionism since the 1960s." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423449.

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LaFreniere, Peter McNeel. "Social Movement Unionism: Through Teachers Unions' Mobilization in Opposition to Corporate Education Reform." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1496425457204444.

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Burnett, David Andrew. "Unionism and the new century : the structure, organisation and mechanics of the Unionist Party in Britain and Ulster, 1900-22." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295366.

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Flewelling, Lindsey Jean. "Ulster Unionism and America, 1880-1920." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8251.

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This thesis examines the relationship between Ulster unionists and the United States during the Home Rule era from 1880 to 1920. As they fought to uphold the Union, Ulster unionists reacted to Irish-American involvement in the Irish nationalist movement with anxiety and fear of the impact on a potential Dublin parliament. At the same time, unionists cultivated an image of a violent and extremist Irish-America in order to counter Irish nationalism and support their own movement. Unionists condemned the American funding of Irish nationalism and United States government interference on the Irish question. However, they were also anxious to show that unionism had international appeal, seeking American support against Home Rule and promoting a self-image of close ties to the United States. This thesis argues that Ulster unionists took a multifaceted and paradoxical approach to America, repudiating American involvement in the Irish nationalist movement while attempting to find opportunities to advance the cause of unionism in the United States. Throughout the Home Rule period, the Ulster unionist record of appeals and responses to the United States was marked by unevenness and contradictions which limited their effectiveness. However, unionists increasingly used an idealized, imagined America to support their own movement. They cited American historical and constitutional examples and fostered an Ulster identity based in part on Scotch-Irish heritage and Protestant connections. Ulster unionists were less insular and more internationally focused than they are generally portrayed. Chapter I introduces the historical context and historiographic framework in which the thesis operates. Chapters II and III provide an overview of the relationship between Ulster unionists and the United States from 1880 to 1920. During this period, unionists attempted to garner American support for their movement while contemporaneously responding to Irish-American nationalism and the involvement of the United States government on the Irish question. Subsequent chapters are arranged thematically, examining the elements of the Ulster unionists’ American strategy. Chapter IV investigates Scotch-Irish ethnic revival and associational culture in the United States, analyzing continued links to Ireland and attitudes toward Irish Home Rule. Chapter V provides case-studies of unionist visits to the United States as they endeavored to counter nationalist influence and build up a unionist following. Chapter VI explores the interconnection of religion and politics in Ulster’s relationship with America. Chapter VII examines the impact of American history and politics on the Ulster unionist movement. Chapter VIII concludes that the inability of Ulster unionists to effectively deal with the United States in the present day has roots in the relationship between unionists and America during the Home Rule era.
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Aughey, Arthur. "Tracing arguments in Conservatism and Unionism." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260969.

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Knox, J. W. "Trade unionism in Canadian universities : An empirical study of unionised and nonunionised academic staff at Canadian universities." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379032.

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Books on the topic "Unionism"

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McBride, Jo, and Ian Greenwood, eds. Community Unionism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180.

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Hunter, John. Unionism: A brief history of the Ulster Unionist Council. [Belfast]: Ulster Unionist Council, 1993.

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Gall, Gregor, and Tony Dundon, eds. Global Anti-Unionism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137319067.

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McKenzie, D. G. Socialism and unionism. [Vancouver?]: Socialist Party of Canada, 1997.

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English, Richard, and Graham Walker, eds. Unionism in Modern Ireland. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509849.

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Khandekar, N. C. Multiple unionism in banks. Pune: National Institute of Bank Management, 1987.

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Canada. Library of Parliament. Research Branch., ed. Trade unionism in Canada. [Ottawa]: Library of Parliament, Research Branch, 1989.

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Knotter, Ad. Transformations of Trade Unionism. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724715.

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The historical experiences of workers organizing in Europe and the United States figure among the many forms of workers’ resistance resulting from the variety of labour relations in the global past. They cannot and will not be uniformly duplicated or copied from their present form in the global transformations of labour and workers’ movements that we are witnessing today. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century trade unionism as a form of collective agency among workers became a global phenomenon. With growing numbers of workers being exposed to wage labour and labour markets, the cases of workers organizing in the original heartlands of trade unionism in Europe and the United States can provide a historical background for future prospects and transformations. Based on comparisons of long-term developments and focusing on transnational connections, Transformations of Trade Unionism shows that historically there have been many varieties of trade unionism, emerging independently or transforming older ones, and that these varieties and transformations can be explained by specific and changing labour regimes. The case studies all start from Dutch examples, or incorporate a Dutch element, but the comparative and transnational approach connects these histories to general developments in Europe and United States from the eighteenth to the twenty-first century. This publication was made possible thanks to the generous financial support of the Stichting Unger - van Brero Fonds
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Chew, Soon Beng. Trade unionism in Singapore. Singapore: McGraw-Hill Book, 1991.

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Wells, Don. Building transnational coordinative unionism. Kingston, Ont: IRC Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Unionism"

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Kahveci, Erol, and Theo Nichols. "Trade Unionism." In The Other Car Workers, 159–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230209381_8.

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Koike, Kazuo. "‘Enterprise Unionism’." In Understanding Industrial Relations in Modern Japan, 226–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19220-5_8.

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Stewart, Paul, Jo McBride, Ian Greenwood, John Stirling, Jane Holgate, Amanda Tattersall, Carol Stephenson, and Dave Wray. "Introduction." In Community Unionism, 3–20. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_1.

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Greenwood, Ian, and Jo McBride. "Conclusion." In Community Unionism, 210–20. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_10.

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Stephenson, Carol, and Dave Wray. "Now That the Work is Done: Community Unionism in a Post-Industrial Context." In Community Unionism, 23–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_2.

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Holgate, Jane. "Contested Terrain: London’s Living Wage Campaign and the Tensions Between Community and Union Organising." In Community Unionism, 49–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_3.

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Lucio, Miguel Martínez, and Robert Perrett. "Strategies in Search of Structures: The Real World of Community Unionism in Relation to Black and Minority Ethnic Communities." In Community Unionism, 75–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_4.

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Fitzgerald, Ian. "Polish Migrant Workers in the North — New Communities, New Opportunities?" In Community Unionism, 93–118. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_5.

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Urano, Edson I., and Paul Stewart. "Beyond Organised Labour in Japan — The Case of the Japanese Community Union Federation." In Community Unionism, 121–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_6.

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Moody, Kim. "Immigrant Workers and Labour/Community Organisations in the United States." In Community Unionism, 139–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230242180_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Unionism"

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Axlerod, Harvey. "Unionism for the computer professional." In the 20th annual ACM SIGUCCS conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/143164.143183.

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Chivers, Wil, Helen Blakely, and Steve Davies. "Investigating the Patterns and Prevalence of UK Trade Unionism on Twitter." In the 8th International Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3097286.3097315.

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Eisenschmidt, Alexander. "Collective Bargaining for Collective Housing: Hilberseimer, Goldberg, and the Labor Union’s Struggle Towards New Typologies of Living." In 111th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.111.36.

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According to the World Bank, 1.6 billion people will be affected by the shortage in housing by 2025 and the United Nations estimates that today 100 million people are without a home—records that are driven by the lack of affordable housing and an exponential rise of housing cost over income. Acknowledging the difficulties to escape today’s neoliberal market value begs the question of alternatives to profit- based home ownership and the possibility of a radical rethinking of housing. This essay, therefore, investigates two projects that challenged the economic system in place and rethought housing by rewriting its dominant narratives, financial frameworks, and spatial layouts. In vastly different contexts Ludwig Hilberseimer’s 1923 project of the Wohnstadt (residential city) and Bertrand Goldberg’s 1960s Marina City in Chicago allied with unions in their struggle for a new kind of housing. In both cases, the partnership between architecture and labor organization pushed the project far beyond spatial and programmatic ambitions. These collaborations point at a model in which a union’s knowledge in collective bargaining became instrumental in the creation of housing through an alliance with architecture.
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Davidova, Marcela. "EUROPEAN UNION'S WASTE POLICY." In 15th International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2015/b51/s20.042.

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Kawansson, Nathan. "European union's ecological label." In 2018 Advances in Science and Engineering Technology International Conferences (ASET). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icaset.2018.8376756.

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Skenderi, Diamanta, and Besnik Skenderi. "Unions and Professional Organizations." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.250.

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7

Kalça, Adem. "Is Knowledge Economy the End of Union Action?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01225.

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Production methods transform social structures, including the economy. In the societies that are shaped by old production methods, the existence of those people who earn their living working through these methods will be destroyed altogether and their lives will be harder than they used to be, which will lead to conflicts. It is true that changes make transformations inevitable Labor in the agriculture society was a very important production factor. In the industrial society, on the other hand, workers will serve their labor for the needs of people with a huge capital rather than serving their own ends, which make union action all the same very important. It is true that the potential role of labor as a vital component of the production has been weakened in the industrial societies. The reason for this is that there are now millions of people who can easily replace others in industrial societies. For this reason, the laborers who have faced huge challenges against the capital in this framework started to initiate union action in order to protect their rights. The function or the roles of union actions to have appeared in the industrial societies have changed when faced with information society in the 21.century. Information society forced unions towards change in union actions. Today, there is need for unionists to agree on a new road map in the 21.century for union organizations and activities.
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Wang, Bo, Wei Shen, Wenyu Liu, Xinge You, and Xiang Bai. "Shape Classification Using Tree -Unions." In 2010 20th International Conference on Pattern Recognition (ICPR). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icpr.2010.246.

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Priede, Janis. "European Union’s International Trade Policy And Strategy." In Joint Conference ISMC 2018-ICLTIBM 2018 - 14th International Strategic Management Conference & 8th International Conference on Leadership, Technology, Innovation and Business Management. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.01.02.47.

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Sakız, Burcu, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "European Union’s Green Deal and Sustainable Finance." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c15.02773.

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The European Union (EU) unveiled the European Green Deal (EGD) in the year 2019 with the aim of transforming the union into a climate-neutral economy by 2050. The European Union’s Green Deal aims to mobilize private capital toward sustainable investments in this regard, and to ensure that the financial system is resilient to environmental risks. Hence, sustainable finance is a crucial part of the deal. This paper explores the EU's Green Deal and its sustainable finance agenda. The first two sections provide a comprehensive overview on the background and the significance of the EU’s Green Deal and its sustainable finance agenda, while underlining the theoretical and the practical ramifications of directing private money toward sustainable investments and making sure that the financial system is resistant to environmental threats. The Taxonomy Regulation, the Green Bond Standard, the Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation, and the Non-Financial Reporting Directive are a few of the regulatory tools and data sources for the EGD’s sustainable financing framework, and these are covered in the third section of this study. The fourth section discusses the conditions for a sustainable finance agenda for required for implementing the EGD, and the fifth section elaborates on the challenges to be faced along the process. The paper's key conclusions, which are presented in the final sixth section, include the necessity of harmonizing and standardizing sustainable finance processes, the significance of high-quality environmental, social and governance (ESG) data, and the implications for the financial sector, businesses, and investors.
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Reports on the topic "Unionism"

1

Holmes, Thomas. Geographic Spillover of Unionism. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12025.

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Pazello, Elaine, Jose Paulo Chahad, Naercio Aquino Menezes-Filho, and Helio Zylberstajn. Unions and the Economic Performance of Brazilian Establishments. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011248.

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Using a pooled sample, this paper indicates that unions seem to affect the economic performance of Brazilian establishments, especially in terms of profitability, employment and productivity. Unions tend to reduce profitability, whereas the relationship between union density and productivity, employment and average wages seems to be concave. These performance indicators first rise with union density up to a certain density level (usually about 50 percent) and then start to decline. These results indicate that some unionism may be good for the plants' economic performance, although too much unionism may start having negative effects.
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Allen, Steven. Productivity Levels and Productivity Change Under Unionism. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2304.

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Mulligan, Casey. Can Monopoly Unionism Explain Publicly Induced Retirement? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w7680.

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Freeman, Richard. On the Divergence in Unionism among Developed Countries. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2817.

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Ronconi, Lucas, Juan Sanguinetti, Maria Victoria Murillo, and Mariano Tommasi. The Economic Effects of Unions in Latin America: Teachers' Unions and Education in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011247.

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This paper considers the effects of trade unions on the education sector in Argentina and the channels of union influence on the performance of this crucial sector. The authors find that those provinces where teacher unionism is fragmented, where union density is higher and where political relations with the governor are more conflictual, have more strikes (fewer class days). Based on estimates of education production functions both in this paper and elsewhere, we expect this to translate into lower student performance. The authors then find a number of weak conclusions related to the impact that unions have on several variables that affect students' performance (i.e., teachers' tenure, job satisfaction, class size, education budget and teachers' salaries). Reviewing these results, we conclude that the impact of unions on students' performance depends on the channel and kind of political market where unions operate, but not on the existence of unions per se.
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Freeman, Richard, Eunice Han, David Madland, and Brendan Duke. How Does Declining Unionism Affect the American Middle Class and Intergenerational Mobility? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21638.

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Blanchflower, David, and Richard Freeman. Going Different Ways: Unionism in the U.S. and Other Advanced O.E.C.D. Countries. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w3342.

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Diamond, Wayne, and Richard Freeman. Will Unionism Prosper in Cyber-Space? The Promise of the Internet for Employee Organization. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8483.

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Freeman, Richard, Casey Ichniowski, and Harrison Lauer. Collective Bargaining Laws and Threat Effects of Unionism in the Determination of Police Compenstation. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w1578.

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