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1
Martyukova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna. "Position of the Soviet Union in the United Nations on settling the Greek conflict (late 1947 – 1951)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.5.36772.
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This research is dedicated to the analysis of the role of the Soviet Union in the United nations on settling the Greek conflict (late 1947 – 1951), which drew the attention of international community. The article covers the process of curtailing the UN programs due to deterioration of relations between the USSR and the United States in the conditions of active bipolar confrontation, which involved Greece. The goal lies in examination of the approaches, tactics, and nature of the Soviet delegation in the United Nations on resolution of the international and regional crises. Based on the documentary materials of the Security Council and General Assembly of the United Nations, assessment is given to the results of the efforts undertaken by the Soviet government on settling the Greek conflict. The scientific novelty consists in comprehensive examination of the positions of the USSR in UN on settling the Greek conflicts using the relatively unknown documentary materials of the United Nations. In the scientific literature, this topic has not previously become the subject of special research. The author reveals the method of settlement of the Greek conflict. Having compared the positions of the parties to the conflict, the author describes the course of political struggle around making final decisions on resolution of the complicated and controversial Greek conflict. The conclusion is made the achieved results were not satisfactory for all parties, since their interests differed. Overall, the UN played a positive role as an international arbiter, since the critical war stage of the Greek conflict has been ceased, and the conflict has been localized with the active participation of the United Nations.
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Lityński, Adam. "Powracające ludobójstwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i Rosji (1894-1995)." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.13.
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There have been numerous publications on genocide, which provides evidence that this topic is up-to-date, important and still insufficiently researched. The author of the legal concept of "genocide " is Rafał Lemkin, a Polish scholar of Jewish nationality: "Father of Genocide Convention". In 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a convention on the prevention and punishment of genocide crime. During the hundred years (1894-1995), genocide repeatedly occurred in Central and Eastern Europe. The greatest genocide in human history is the extermination of the Jews (the Holocaust). The author also recalls the genocide of the Armenians (1894-1915) in the Ottoman Empire (although it goes beyond Central and Eastern Europe and Russia). There were numerous genocide cases in the Soviet Union, and it is only about them that it is possible to accumulate substantial literature. Namely, the author reminds: the Cossacks genocide following the Bolshevik revolution; genocide in the countryside in connection with the collectivization process; Great Famine in Ukraine; the extermination of entire national minorities (so-called national operations 1937-1938); the most massive such operation was the "Polish operation." The author also recalls genocide in the countries of former Yugoslavia: especially in the fascist so-called Independent Croatian State [Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH). The genocide of Ukrainian nationalists on Poles (1943-1946) closes the text. The article describes the largest genocidal operations carried out in Central and Eastern Europe over the course of a century and outlines their historical and political background, the manner in which they were carried out and their relationship with the international law and individual national regulations in force at the time.
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Ishfaq Ahmad Akhoon. "INDO-RUSSIA RELATIONS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO UKRAINIAN IMBROGLIO: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY." International Journal of Economic, Business, Accounting, Agriculture Management and Sharia Administration (IJEBAS) 3, no. 1 (February 11, 2023): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54443/ijebas.v3i1.684.
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Russia has been a longstanding and time-tested partner for India. Development of India-Russia relations has been a key pillar of India’s Foreign policy. India and Russia have enjoyed good relations since 1947 wherein Russia helped India in attaining its goal of economic self-sufficiency through investment in areas of heavy machine-building , mining, energy production and steel plants. Later India and Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in august 1971 which was the manifestation of shared goals of the two nations as well as blueprint for the strengthening of regional and global peace and security. After the dissolution of Soviet Union, India and Russia entered into a new Treaty of Friendship and cooperation in January 1993 and a bilateral Military-Technical Cooperation agreement in 1994. As the Indian government’s response to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis received a mixed reaction, it puts a serious introspective question to Indian lawmakers: is Indian foreign policy still dependent upon the big superpowers or are we moving towards Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India)? After abstaining in UN Security Council, New Delhi again abstained from voting in United Nations General Assembly on a resolution condemning “in the strongest terms” Russia’s belligerence against Ukraine and calling on Moscow to “immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from Ukraine’s territory within its internationally recognised borders.” In the current crisis, India has strived to maintain a non-aligned collinear, avoiding pointing a finger or naming names. This has proven to be challenging in the present predicament. It has done so by reiterating fundamental principles enshrined in the UN Charter and international law, but also appeals for a halt to violence and to return for dialogue as “the only response to addressing disagreements and conflicts, however daunting that may sound at this time.”
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Dobrenko, Vladimir. "The Soviet “Struggle for Peace,” the United Nations, and the Korean War." Journal of Cold War Studies 26, no. 1 (2024): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01190.
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Abstract Before the Second World War the Soviet Union had been an isolated pariah state, but by the end of the war it had emerged as one of the world's two superpowers. Yet, the founding of the United Nations (UN) in October 1945 brought a new round of international isolation for the USSR, as a Western majority dominated the UN General Assembly during the first ten years of the organization's existence. This article focuses on the Soviet Union's attempt to overcome the Western-led majority during the Korean War, when the Soviet-backed World Peace Council became embroiled in an orchestrated propaganda campaign spreading false allegations that the United States had used biological weapons in Korea. Soviet officials used this campaign to try to discredit both the United States and Not until after the death of Joseph Stalin did Soviet policymakers curtail their support for the baseless allegations, though in public they refrained from acknowledging the falsity of the earlier claims.
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Frowein, Jochen A. "The Transformation of Constitutional Law through the European Convention on Human Rights." Israel Law Review 41, no. 3 (2008): 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000339.
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Only five years after the end of the Second World War terminating the complete disregard for human rights in one of the important European countries and in the occupied territories, the governments of European countries agreed on a European Bill of Rights and took the first steps toward collective enforcement of certain rights of the Universal Declaration, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948. Evidently the Convention was a response to the totalitarian ideologies prevailing in national socialism but also to the communist ideology and practice governing the Soviet Union and the European countries behind the iron wall. Was the Convention intended to be more than a response and clarification of the fundamental principles which were well recognized in the constitutional structure of the free European states? If this is the case it should have had an impact on the legal system of member states.How far that impact would go was certainly not foreseen in 1950 or 1953 when the Convention came into force. By hindsight we may say that the establishment of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights as judicial organs to enforce the Convention had something that is called “List der Vernunft” in German, a certain rule of reason, not fully understood by the drafters.
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Aikman, Colin. "New Zealand and the origins of of Universal Declaration." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 29, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v29i1.6052.
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Dr Aikman here provides a personal perspective on the New Zealand's role at the United Nations Conference on International Organisation, held at San Francisco in 1945, and at the time of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, held in Paris in 1948. Dr Aikman was adviser to the member of the New Zealand delegation who presented the New Zealand case at the Paris meeting of the UN General Assembly in September 1948. The author provides New Zealand's positions on economic and social rights, trade unions, and the right to petition. The author then discusses the adoption of the Declaration, and core conventions which were later adopted. The author concludes with a discussion on the legal status of the Declaration, as well as its Māori translation.
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Samosiuk, I., V. Orzheshkovsky, W. Zukow, and A. Sikorska. "To the history of hydrothermotherapy: pages of history." Journal of Education, Health and Sport 1, no. 1 (March 3, 2011): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/jehs.2011.01.01.001.
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In 1921 in London, was created by the International Society of Medical Hydrology, which included scientificsocieties of scientists from over 40 countries, in 1928 they were joined by scientists of the Soviet Union. In 1937 wasorganized by the International Federation of the health resort, which in 1947, renamed the "International Federation ofHydrotherapy and Climatology (FITEC). In 1999, Congress in Yalta, it was called "The World Federation ofHydrotherapy and Climatotherapy (FEMTEC). FEMTEC is the most representative association of Spa and healthorganizations in the world. FEMTEC composed of national Spa and health resorts associations and federations, as wellas central state organizations dealing with Spa problems from many countries and continents. FEMTEC functions underthe aegis of the World Health Organization and submits every three years report on its activities. The principal functionsof the Federation are following: representing world thermalism matters and promote them internationally before statesand public organization; international business-like co-operation in health resorts' sector; study, research and experienceexchanges in the sphere of Spa treatments; popularization of Spa and health resorts of the FEMTEC member-countriesin different countries of the world. With a view of organizing fruitful activities of FEMTEC there function 4 permanentcommissions: medical, economic, technical and social. FEMTEC members actively participate in international scientificsymposia, exhibitions, conferences; there are held annual General Assembly, Executive Board and ExecutiveCommittee meetings. Every year FEMTEC organizes Scientific Congress along with a competition of scientific works,marks of the best thermalists etc. The Federation maintains close contacts with European Spas Association (ESPA),World Tourism Organization (WTO) and other international organizations. The Board of FEMTEC includes thefollowing member: Prof. Nikolay Storozhenko - (Russia) President of FEMTEC from 1998, President National SpaAssociation D.M., Honored Physician (http://www.naturmed.unimi.it/femtec.html). In 1996 he joined the Federation ofRussia, which was timed to the International Congress "The resort medicine, science and practice", held in May 1996 inSt. Petersburg. In 1998 the Federation adopted the Ukrainian Association of Physiotherapists and health resort. One ofthe main problems is FEMTEC: cooperation of scientific institutions, exchange of information in the study oftechnological and scientific problems associated with water-and climate-through scientific committees, convening theannual congresses, conferences, symposia, seminars, publications, etc.
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Nurhidayatuloh, Nurhidayatuloh, and Febrian Febrian. "ASEAN and European Human Rights Mechanisms, What Should be Improved?" PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 01 (April 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a8.
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The human rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) are universal values agreed upon countries in the world. This is reflected by the fact that no state rejects the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1948. It is even strengthened by the ratification of two major international human rights covenants, which have binding legal powers. They are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1966. European states are legally bound to human rights through the European Human Rights Convention that is signed in 1950 and come into force in 1953. On the other hand, ASEAN states are bound to human rights as parties of ICCPR, ICESCR, and their commitment to the regional level ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights. Both in European Union and ASEAN have their own human rights mechanisms: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). This study employed a comparison method with a normative legal research approach to compare the human rights mechanisms in Europe and in ASEAN. It also deals with the implementation of human rights protection by the states in the two regional organizations. As a result, although the two regional organizations have human rights mechanisms applied in their areas, with experiences through cases appealing to European Human Rights Courts, Europe provides more assurance and legal certainty towards individuals when a state commit human rights violations against individuals. On the other hand, the AICHR, as the equal commission in ASEAN region, tends not to have sufficient legal power in handling human rights cases occurred in its territory.
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Nurhidayatuloh, Nurhidayatuloh, and Febrian Febrian. "ASEAN and European Human Rights Mechanisms, What Should be Improved?" PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 01 (April 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n1.a8.
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The human rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) are universal values agreed upon countries in the world. This is reflected by the fact that no state rejects the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 1948. It is even strengthened by the ratification of two major international human rights covenants, which have binding legal powers. They are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1966. European states are legally bound to human rights through the European Human Rights Convention that is signed in 1950 and come into force in 1953. On the other hand, ASEAN states are bound to human rights as parties of ICCPR, ICESCR, and their commitment to the regional level ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights. Both in European Union and ASEAN have their own human rights mechanisms: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). This study employed a comparison method with a normative legal research approach to compare the human rights mechanisms in Europe and in ASEAN. It also deals with the implementation of human rights protection by the states in the two regional organizations. As a result, although the two regional organizations have human rights mechanisms applied in their areas, with experiences through cases appealing to European Human Rights Courts, Europe provides more assurance and legal certainty towards individuals when a state commit human rights violations against individuals. On the other hand, the AICHR, as the equal commission in ASEAN region, tends not to have sufficient legal power in handling human rights cases occurred in its territory.
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Kolchin, N. N., and V. N. Zvolinskiy. "The matter of extreme national importance." Traktory i sel hozmashiny 84, no. 8 (August 15, 2017): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/0321-4443-66349.
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It is reported on the history of the development of the domestic agricultural machinery industry. It is noted that the beginning of the modern development of the industry was laid down by the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR of April 1, 1921, in which it is recognized as «... a matter of extreme national importance». It sets out a set of measures to create the industry as the basis for the de-velopment of the country's agriculture. The head institute All-Union scientific research Institute of agri-cultural engineering (VISKhOM), profile research institution, leading specialized design bureaus, student design bureaus and various factories are being created in different regions of the country. Being the lead-ing complex center for scientific research and practical development of new and promising agricultural technology, including the training of scientific personnel, the Institute VISKhOM played a major role in the development of domestic agricultural machinery and integrated mechanization of the country's agri-culture in the 20s and 30s, in its restoration to Postwar years of the last century. Achievement in 1947 of pre-war production of agricultural machinery. It is noted that the Institute VISKhOM developed and pro-duced in the industry a large number of new machines; many monographs and collections of articles and other scientific papers have been published, scientific and technical reports on the results of their imple-mentation of R&D have been compiled. Scientific and technical assistance was provided to design bu-reaus and factories of the industry in the creation and production of new equipment, according to method-ological and normative documentation. Significant is its contribution to the development and implemen-ta-tion of systems of machinery and technology in the country's agriculture. The UN General Assembly rec-ognized the need to increase the world's food production. Russia has a unique agrarian potential and can provide itself with quality, renewable products and its supply to the world market. It is noted that a number of problems of the domestic agro-industrial complex remain unresolved, for example, its insufficient support by the state, the liquidation of scientific research institutes of the industry, including VISKhOM and a number of factories. There is a need for a large-scale revival of the domestic agricultural machinery industry as an effective scientific and production system for the creation and production of modern ma-chinery of high quality and reliability for our agriculture with an extensive set of crops and with various technologies. The future of Russia's agriculture is the use of modern machine technologies as the basis for the country's food security and the competitiveness of Russian food in the domestic and world markets.
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Mallik, D. C. V. "India’s participation in IAU over the years." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (December 2018): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000334.
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AbstractIndia was still a British colony when the International Astronomical Union was born in 1919. India did not have a national science academy nor a national research council at the time. The Royal Society, London, which was the adhering body of Great Britain to IAU, handled matters of the colony too. India formally joined the IAU in 1948 as an independent nation through an initiative taken by the Government of India. In 1968, the National Institute of Sciences of India (NISI) became the adhering organisation to the IAU, as did the other affiliate Unions of ICSU. Soon after, its name was changed to Indian National Science Academy (INSA).Till the nineteen-sixties, individual Indian membership in the IAU grew rather tardily but the situation changed with the rapid growth of astronomical activities in the country. In 1967, M.K. Vainu Bappu, the then Director of the Kodaikanal Observatory, was elected a Vice-President of the Union. In 1979, he was elected the President of IAU for the triennium 1979–1982, and during the same period, V. Radhakrishnan and Govind Swarup were elected Presidents respectively of the Commisions 34 and 40. In 1985, the General Assembly of the Union was held in New Delhi. It was dedicated to the memory of Vainu Bappu who had initiated the process of inviting the Union to hold its GA in India. A few years later the Sixth Asian-Pacific Regional IAU Meeting was held in Pune. A number of IAU symposia and colloquia have also been held in the country. During the last three decades, the engagement of the Indian astronomers with IAU has increased a great deal with a large number of them taking on important official roles in the IAU. Currently, India has close to 300 individual members.
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Jugrin, Rodica. "Deputați bucovineni în Parlamentul României Întregite. Dorimedont Popovici (legislatura 1920 - 1922)." Analele Bucovinei 58, no. 1 (September 1, 2022): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.56308/ab.2022.1.19.
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Dorimedont Popovici (1874–1950) was a Bukovinian politician who became involved in cultural-national activities, campaigning for the rights of Romanians in Bukovina. He attended primary school in Suceava, secondary school and university courses (Law School) in Chernivtsi, later obtaining a PhD in Law. From the autumn of 1918, he became involved in the national liberation movement of the Romanians in Bukovina. He was one of the organizers of the National Assembly on October 27, 1918, Vice-President of the Romanian National Council; was part of the Bukovina government; participated in the General Congress of Bukovina (November 28, 1918) and voted for the unconditional union of Bukovina with the Kingdom of Romania. After 1918, Dori Popovici continued his political activity, contributing to the integration of Bukovina into the structures of the Romanian state. He held various public functions and dignities. He was a member of the Democratic Union Party (1919), the People’s Party (1920) and the National Peasant Party (1927). He was an MP from the People’s Party in the legislative period between 1920 and 1922, Minister Secretary of State in the Averescu governments (1920–1921, 1926–1927). His parliamentary interventions focus on issues related to the unification and administration of the province. In 1944, before the occupation of the northern part of Bukovina, Dori Popovici fled to Romania. Arrested on the night between the 5th and the 6th of May 1950, then imprisoned at Sighet without trial, he died in extermination on June 12, 1950. In the Annex we present an interpellation about the problems of Bukovina integration (administrative and legislative unification), important for understanding how Dorimedont Popovici saw the organization of the province within the Kingdom of Romania.
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Yildiz, Gaye Burcu. "The general aspects of collective labour rights for workers in Turkey." Russian Journal of Labour & Law 13 (2023): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu32.2023.121.
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After Turkey's political system was transformed to a multi-party democracy, legally interpreted collective labour rights were introduced to the system by legal instruments. The first Trade Unions Act was enacted in 1947. Depending on the articles related to collective labour rights, stated in 1961 Constitution, the Turkish National Assembly passed two particular legislation in 1963, numbered 274 and 275. These codes governed labour unions and collective bargaining, as well as grievance procedures such as strikes and lockouts. The 1982 Turkish Constitution established collective bargaining and strike action as fundamental rights as well as the prior Constitution. For nearly three decades, collective labour rights have regulated by two different legislation, numbered 2821 and 2822. In 2012, new legislation was proposed to regulate collective labour relations and meet the necessities of the social parties. The Law of Trade Unions and Collective Labour Agreements (law numbered 6356) is the current principal legislative tool for dealing with trade unions and collective labour agreements, as well as strike and lock-out. In Turkish system, the formation of trade unions and employers' associations is based on a voluntary and free basis and requires no previous approval from administrative bodies. Employers' organizations and trade unions both have legal personality. A double threshold approach for trade unions to conduct collective bargaining has been criticized by the ILO on several occasions. Strikes are infrequently utilized as an industrial action, despite the fact that they are protected by the Constitution and the Law numbered 6356.
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Burmester, Nicolas, and Michael Jankowski. "Reassessing the European Union in the United Nations General Assembly." Journal of European Public Policy 21, no. 10 (May 29, 2014): 1491–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.919833.
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Burmester, Nicolas, and Michael Jankowski. "One voice or different choice? Vote defection of European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 652–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118768184.
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Existing research suggests that European Union member states are increasingly able to act in concert in the United Nations General Assembly. Based on several hundred co-ordination meetings per year, the European Union ‘speaks with one voice’ on most of the resolutions voted upon in the United Nations General Assembly. However, little is known about instances where the European Union member states do not vote coherently. Three questions remain unanswered. First, what factors determine deviating voting behaviour of European Union member states? Second, who are the most frequent defectors from the European Union’s majority position? Third, which voting blocs within the European Union can be identified? The article answers these questions in a quantitative design by controlling for domestic factors, issues of resolutions and the position of the United States. The results suggest that domestic factors determine deviating voting behaviour far less than agenda-related issues and the position of the United States.
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Vayssière, Bertrand. "Federalists and the Beginnings of the Council of Europe: Converting Institutions and Opinion to Supranationality (1949–1951)." Histories 2, no. 1 (December 24, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2010001.
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In 1949, it seemed that Western governments were ready to accept some delegation of sovereignty, which met the ambitions of increasingly well-organised Europeanists. One of the most ambitious advances was the proposal for a European Assembly, which could have heralded the beginning of an integration process. However, on this point, as on many others, there was not total agreement between the unionists and the federalists: for some, the Assembly was simply a co-operation structure, while others thought it should be a constituent body. The federalists—who had been united since December 1946 within the European Union of Federalists (EUF), which claimed to have no fewer than 150,000 members—were very demanding. After the adoption of the Statute of the Council of Europe on 5 May 1949, the EUF Central Committee approved a “motion on the Consultative Assembly” in which it openly demanded the drafting of a federal pact that would lead to real European power. Faced with the modest intergovernmental status of the Council of Europe, the EUF proposed that the Assembly of this Council should be transformed from a “consultative” to a “constituent” assembly, which amounted to condemning any kind of conciliatory attitude. Therefore, the constituent path was becoming more and more important within the federalist organisation: it was now a matter of pressing, without restraint, for the triumph of ideals freed from initial reluctance, in the most diverse forums. The most important of these remained the Council of Europe, which was, in the eyes of the federalists, an institution that could be improved. Defending an integrated Europe, the federalists called for the creation of a democratic power on the scale of the challenges of the time, which seemed to them to exceed that of the nation states. To achieve this, they defended a “political” vision of integration, of which the Council of Europe could be the spearhead. It is this struggle, which took place at a time when the construction of Europe seems to be based on a simple but firm act of will, that this article will examine.
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Jin, Xi, and Madeleine O. Hosli. "Pre- and Post-Lisbon: European Union Voting in the United Nations General Assembly." West European Politics 36, no. 6 (November 2013): 1274–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.826032.
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Chakravarti, Ananya. "Peripheral eyes: Brazilians and India, 1947–61." Journal of Global History 10, no. 1 (February 18, 2015): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281400031x.
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AbstractThe post-Second World War era witnessed the need for new political forms to accommodate the aspirations for national identity of newly decolonized nations within the hegemonic structure of the Cold War. Although both Cold War historiography and postcolonial studies have analysed these phenomena, the place of Latin America in general and Brazil in particular remains fraught with conceptual difficulties, largely due to the very different (post)colonial experience of this region from the rest of the ‘Third World’. This article examines how three Brazilian intellectuals and diplomats observed India from its independence until the annexation of Portuguese India by the Indian Union in 1961. In exploring their peripheral gaze, it shows how Brazilian self-identification with the West, and particularly its complex relationship with the heritage of European colonialism, prevented a truly commensurable experience, despite a sense of commonality with India based on their peripheral position in the global political structure.
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Deplano, Rossana. "The parliament of the world? Reflections on the proposal to establish a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 3 (April 6, 2020): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000151.
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AbstractOn 5 July 2018, the European Parliament adopted a recommendation to the Council endorsing a proposal for the establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly. Conceived as a new primary organ of the United Nations (UN), the Parliamentary Assembly aims at complementing the work of the General Assembly by giving direct representation to the peoples of the world and passing binding legislation. This article reconstructs the historical roots of the proposal and speculates about the possible legal implications for both the UN and its member states stemming from the establishment of an elected citizens’ chamber within an intergovernmental organization. An argument is made that in order to achieve the stated goals of the model of United Nations Parliamentary Assembly endorsed by the European Union (EU), the required institutional changes to the UN system would be so radical as to effectively repudiate it in favour of a newly established system of international co-operation.
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Bassiouni, M. Cherif. "The History of the Draft Code of Crimes Against the Peace and Security of Mankind." Israel Law Review 27, no. 1-2 (1993): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016939.
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Since 1946, the United Nations efforts to codify international crimes and to establish an international criminal court have overlapped, with scant results from either endeavor.The Assembly began its efforts to codify international crimes in its first session when the United States sponsored resolution 95 (I), adopted on December 11, 1946, which affirmed “the principles of international law recognized by the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and the judgment of the Tribunal”. Furthermore, the Assembly directed the Committee on the Codification of International Law, the International Law Commission's predecessor, to formulate a general codification of offenses against the peace and security of mankind.In 1947, the United Nations established the International Law Commission (ILC). In a resolution again sponsored by the United States the United Nations directed the ILC to:(a) formulate the principles of international law recognized in the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and in the Judgment of the Tribunal, and(b) prepare a draft code of offenses against the peace and security of mankind, indicating clearly the place to be accorded to the principles mentioned in sub-paragraph (a) above.
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Knysh, V. V. "Historical Aspects Of Constitutional Responsibility In Ukrainian Lands In 1917-1920." Actual problems of improving of current legislation of Ukraine, no. 51 (August 6, 2019): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/apiclu.51.213-221.
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The article explores the main aspects of legal consolidation of constitutional legal responsibility on Ukrainian lands in 1917-1920. In this case, the main attention is paid to the legislation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR) on this issue.
On the author’s conviction, the responsibility of state authorities and local selfgovernment of the UPR was characterized by the following features:
1) the consolidation at the level of the Constitution of the general and specific features of the constitutional and legal responsibility of the parliament of the UPR (NationalAssembly ofthe UPR). In particular, the common features ofthe constitutional legal responsibility of the Parliament of the UPR are their clear correspondence with the main functions: law-making (responsibility for the exercise of the functions of the legislative power) and personnel (constitutional and legal responsibility for the formation of executive and judicial authorities). Specific features of constitutional legal responsibility were expressed in the functions of exclusive constitutional rulemaking (amending the Constitution of the UPR by at least 3/5 of the votes of the present deputies; the authority to approve political and economic treaties concluded in the name of the UPR and to be responsible for their content and execution); economic and fiscal functions (the impossibility of collecting taxes without a decision of the National Assembly; the impossibility of establishing loans and pledging state property without a resolution of the National Assembly) emergency functions (responsibility for the National Assembly to form troops and law enforcement agencies of the state, for declaring war and peace)
1) legal consolidation in relation to the government (Council of People’s Ministers) of sole retrospective (negative) constitutional legal responsibility, which provides for constitutional legal sanctions against the ministers themselves, as well as collective retrospective (negative) constitutional legal responsibility, which provides for constitutional legal sanctions against the entire government;
2) Determination of constitutional legal responsibility (both positive and negative) for the administration of justice in the state by the General Court of the UPR;
3) approval of the constitutional and legal responsibility of local authorities for the control function of the ministers of the UPR in relation to the elected Councils and Administrations of communities, volosts and lands, as well as through the jurisdictional function of the justice authorities;
4) Conditionality of the constitutional and legal responsibility of the autonomous rights of national Unions with the exclusive competence of the National Unions and bodies representing them with functions of a fiscal and economic nature.
So, the basic principles of competence and constitutional legal responsibility of the organs of state power and local self-government of the UPR according to the Constitution of the UPR were closely related to the principle of separation of powers and other leading principles, corresponding models of a democratic, social and legal state.
It should also be noted that the normative consolidation of the foundations of constitutional legal responsibility (as well as other institutions of constitutional law of Ukraine) at the present stage of development of Ukrainian constitutionalism should be based not only on the current needs of state and law-making, but also certain positive historical and legal traditions, earlier existed on Ukrainian lands.
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Vrailas, Ioannis. "Negotiating in the un General Assembly: The European Union and the Other Major Groups." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 12, no. 2-3 (February 1, 2017): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341361.
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The overwhelming majority of the United Nations’ member states remain keen to preserve the traditional intergovernmental nature of the organization in the name of universalism, equality among states and national sovereignty. However, in most negotiating processes, delegations are increasingly content to take part through the groups or sub-groups of which they are members, rather than individually on a national basis. In this regard, the European Union (eu) sets the standards for both organization and effectiveness, especially since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the eu’s Special Observer status, granted by unga Resolution 65/276.
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Majumdar, Ananda. "Immigrants and Refugees in Globalized World." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v6i2.354.
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Globalization, Neo-liberalization, Post-modernism are approaches that makes the world one, it has increased cultural exchanges, academic exchanges, trade and business exchanges and is useful for all developing countries on the globe, if those are its advantages, people migration through illegally is its disadvantages, there was no global terms of legal or illegal immigration at the beginning of 19th century, United Nations General Assembly in 1948 states that everyone has the right to leave any country including his own and to that return country, but it has not been honoured by developing countries, due to changes of world order, population growth, regional conflicts, war, civil war, poverty, people start to moving from one to another country, population growth in developing countries is one of the most important reasons that forced people leave their land and to migrate illegally or legally, though legal immigration has processes for their further innovation, development but illegal immigration is a curse for developed countries, countries that are industrially developed like United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, people from developing world are forcing to leave due to war, civil war, community clashes, and to taking shelter as a refugees but at the end most of them are not returning after normalization of their own conflicts, people are moving without documents, in the United Europe, European Union policies are trying to control immigration from non-member countries such as immigrants from Morocco and other North Africans countries are migrating illegally to Spain for a better life and to came out from miserable life from their own countries but the Spain Government declares to deport people from non-members countries who are living illegally in Spanish land, England declares to controlling access of all Romanian and Bulgarian to the UK who are benefitting as EU member country, upon acceptance of all East European countries as the member of EU, approximately 427,000 East Europeans, mostly from Poland have registered for employment in Britain, though Western Europe are more inclined to hire Eastern European than Asian and Africans, but yet Britain decided to came out from EU because of illegal immigration to Britain from Eastern Europe which negatively affected their economy and job security of original British citizens’, so what is the solution for the worst crisis of illegal immigration and refugees accommodation world-wide? Is it forcing them to back their own countries? Is it taking initiatives through both North and South countries for the solution of the problem? Or is it solving really? A continual discussion of alternative solutions world-wide has to be discovered for the reduction of the problem of refugees and immigration world-wide, communication between developing and the developed countries have to be strength for the resolution of faster population growth in developing countries, assistance by the developed countries in war conflicted regions has to be increased, universal birth control education need to be formed, I tried to discussed the problems, reasons, and its solution as one of my focused areas in international development, it is something that I would like pursue my study in the near future as a continuing student, I hope I will be succeed.
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PhDr. Matej Mindár, PhD. "Constitutional-legal framework for the establishment of an independent Slovak Republic on January 1, 1993." 14th GCBSS Proceeding 2022 14, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gcbssproceeding.2022.2(48).
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The dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic into two separate states (the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic) is still an example of the peaceful peaceful separation of Czechs and Slovaks for other nations seeking independence. Compared to the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, this process in Central Europe took place without a single drop of blood. When writing this article, we will use the content analysis method. The aim of our article is to show what constitutional and legal processes were most important in the dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic. We will show that the most crucial Czecho-Slovak institution was the Federal Assembly. In our conclusions, based on the Czech-Slovak example, we will also offer possible solutions to other nations striving for their independence. Keywords: Federal assembly, Czech Republic, Slovak republic, constitutional law about dissolution Czech and Slovak Federal Republic
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Eden, Paul. "II. PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD: TRAPPED BETWEEN RHETORIC AND REALPOLITIK." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 62, no. 1 (January 2013): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589312000528.
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On 23 September 2011, Mahmoud Abbas, in his capacity as the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization and President of the State of Palestine, applied for full membership of the United Nations (UN) on behalf of the State of Palestine. In his letter of application (addressed to the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon), Mr Abbas made reference to section F of the Plan of Partition in UN General Assembly Resolution 181(II) of 29 November 1947 (where sympathetic consideration of the application for membership of the UN of both the Arab and Jewish States was urged) as well as the Declaration of Independence of the State of Palestine of 15 November 1988 and the acknowledgement by the General Assembly (GA) of this Declaration in Resolution 43/177 of 15 December 1988.1
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Brewer, Evan. "The Participation of the European Union in the Work of the United Nations: Evolving to Reflect the New Realities of Regional Organizations." International Organizations Law Review 9, no. 1 (2012): 181–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-00901005.
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In May 2011, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 65/276 to provide the European Union with an “enhanced observer status” to participate more extensively in the General Assembly. The EU needed to restructure its participation in international organizations following the Lisbon Treaty, and this resolution effected some of those changes. Numerous UN member states expressed concerns that the expanded participation rights might compromise the integrity of the General Assembly as an inter-state entity. Ultimately, the rights granted pose a minor speculative threat, but offer a considerable opportunity at increasing the ability of regional organizations to better represent the common positions of their member states in the General Assembly and to improve the efficiency of the General Assembly.
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Folga-Januszewska, Dorota. "ESTABLISHMENT OF ICOM NATIONAL COMMITTEE POLAND AND THE ROLE IT PLAYED IN 1947–1958." Muzealnictwo 60 (February 25, 2019): 2–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0562.
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International Committee Poland (PKN) of the International Council of Museums (ICOM) was founded in 1947 as a result of Poland having joined the United Nations, and subsequently the International Council on Monuments and Sites (UNESCO). Throughout the 72 years of its activity, ICOM Poland (PKN ICOM) has transformed from a smallsized group of museum directors and experts (21 individuals in 1947) into a team of professionals amounting to over 300 individuals (either professionally active or retired). Their contribution to shaping Polish museology will likely become the topic of an extensive monograph. In 1947-2018, ICOM Poland was presided by 8 individuals (see Table 1.); their operation mode was specified by subsequent ICOM Statues, modified by the General Assembly, as well as the ICOM Code of Ethics for Museums. It is the first decade of the ICOM Poland operations that is discussed in the paper; the names of the illustrious museologists of that period are given; they were the ones who in 1947-58 worked out the principles of cooperation, and despite the challenging political situation, were able to gradually introduce the rules of creating museums and of managing them as institutions of heritage protection and active learning, open to a broad exchange of ideas and international cooperation; furthermore, they worked out the assumptions and models for museum exhibits’ conservation and documentation.
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Magaard, Christian. "Ein ständiger Sitz der Europäischen Union im UN-Sicherheitsrat." Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht / Heidelberg Journal of International Law 82, no. 3 (2022): 671–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0044-2348-2022-3-671.
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A Permanent Seat for the European Union in the UN Security Council The article develops constructive standards to implement a permanent seat for the European Union in the UN Security Council in contrast to regular rejections in legal scholarship. The author argues that a complementary UN membership should be established, which would suit the basic structure of the Security Council and the General Assembly. European Union law provides suitable instruments for the effective exercise of the permanent seat. Based on the example of German constitutional law, the state analogue appearance of the European Union would have to ensure that its Member States maintain their own capacity to act in the United Nations to an impactful degree both in the process of disintegration and in a state of reduced membership rights.
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Willems, Auke. "The United Nations Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice Systems." New Criminal Law Review 17, no. 2 (2014): 184–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2014.17.2.184.
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This article reviews the background and content of the Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice Systems, adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in December 2012, to consider its objectives and potential. As with similar international agreements, the Principles and Guidelines is not legally binding and requires further legislative action to be implemented. This article demonstrates how urgent the need for legal aid reform is and raises realistic expectations about what the international instrument can achieve in this regard. In stressing the urgent need for reforms of legal aid systems, the discussion uses the European Union as an example because of the extensive comparative analysis available and because of the recent European Union Roadmap for Criminal Procedural Rights that aims, inter alia, to improve access to legal aid. To strengthen further the argument, attention also will be paid to the problems surrounding legal aid in the United States, which will indicate some of the Principles and Guidelines’ limitations. Furthermore, the path of implementation of an earlier United Nations General Assembly Resolution will be outlined to articulate what reasonable expectations can be placed on the Principles and Guidelines’ approach to ensuring access to legal aid.
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Smith, Karen E. "The European Union and the Politics of Legitimization at the United Nations." European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 1 (February 1, 2013): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013004.
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The European Union should be well-placed to exercise influence at the United Nations, as it is endowed with many material and ideational power resources that could enable it to win approval for its positions and proposals. Yet it encountered hostility when it sought enhanced observer status in the General Assembly and it has often been isolated at the Human Rights Council. The EU's failures to translate its putative power resources into influence in international affairs are often attributed to a lack of unity within the EU, but even when the EU is united at the UN, it may not win support. To help explain why, this article focuses on the UN as a locus of the international politics of legitimization, where UN Member States seek approval for their positions and policies, and base their appeals for support on competing principles and values.
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Hasan, Mehabub, Firoz Al Mamun, Ruhul Amin, Hafizul Islam, and Monirul Islam. "United Nations Security Council’s Role in the Liberation War of Bangladesh: Critical Analysis." Pancasila International Journal of Applied Social Science 2, no. 01 (November 4, 2023): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.59653/pancasila.v2i01.336.
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Bangladeshis began their fight for independence on March 26, 1971, as a response to Pakistani rule that was unfair to their race and treated them like a colony within their own country. Between the start of the Liberation War and November, the UNO's main job was to provide aid and support for civilians. When India and Pakistan went to war on December 3 over the Liberation War, the UN Security Council got very busy. The Security Council met nonstop during this time and discussed many ideas and counter-proposals. Two superpowers of this time, USA and the Soviet Union, took opposing positions in the Security Council. United States and China sided with Pakistan while Soviet Union sided with Bangladesh (East Pakistan). In the Security Council, France and Britain remained neutral and did not vote. The Security Council could not reach a consensus. After debate and vote in the Security Council, the agenda was transmitted to the General Assembly on 6 December. General Assembly passed a 'Unity Formula for Peace' resolution by an overwhelming majority on December 7. India and Bangladesh rejected this idea; therefore, the US called a second Security Council session. The Security Council met from 12 to 21 December at various times. Bangladesh's independence on December 16 altered everything. International representatives acknowledged reality and unanimously approved a ceasefire agreement on December 21, resolving the long-awaited Bangladesh problem.
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Khalidi, Walid. "The Hebrew Reconquista of Palestine: From the 1947 United Nations Partition Resolution to the First Zionist Congress of 1897." Journal of Palestine Studies 39, no. 1 (2009): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2010.xxxix.1.24.
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Challenging the widely accepted premise that the 1948 war was a war of Jewish self-defense, the author demonstrates that the 1947 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) partition resolution was fundamentally a green light for the Yishuv's fully mobilized paramilitary organizations (supported by the resources of the World Zionist Organization) to effect the long-planned establishment of a Jewish state by force of arms. He further argues that as a national movement, Zionism was inherently conquest-oriented from the moment of its birth in Basel in 1897 and that it most closely resembles——in the alchemy of its religious and secular motivation and its insatiable land hunger, irredentism, and indifference to the fate of the "natives"——the Iberian Reconquista of the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries.
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Bokeriya, Svetlana A., and Anita Kiamba. "The UN - African Union Partnership on the Women, Peace and Security Agenda: Frameworks, Policies and Strategies." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-307-321.
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A strong partnership between the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) is essential to achieve strategic convergence, coherence and effective solutions to Africa’s complex peace and security challenges. This article analyzes the key challenges in the UN - AU partnership for peacekeeping, including the UN - AU frameworks, policies and strategies in implementing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to establish equal, full and constructive participation of women in the peacekeeping process. The authors identify key challenges in the UN - AU partnership for peacekeeping and assess the effectiveness of the mechanisms and tools of this partnership in the field of maintaining peace and security. The implementation of the WPS agenda in Africa in 2003-2022 is discussed in detail. The empirical basis for the research was drawn from the UN peacekeeping website database, official AU documents, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, and AU and UN statistics on the gender composition of key UN peacekeeping missions during the period under review. This study employs quantitative methods of assessment and comparative analysis of UN and the AU statistics on women’s participation in African peacekeeping from 2003 to 2022. It focuses on the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) as a case study. The article concludes that there is a direct link between the deteriorating security situation in Africa, the effective implementation of the WPS agenda, and the level of strategic partnership between the UN and the AU.
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Soroczyński, Rafał. "Acquisition of Title to Territory in the Aftermath of the Use of Force in the United Nations Era: The case of the State of Israel." Revue québécoise de droit international 30, no. 1 (September 26, 2018): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1053758ar.
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The territory to which the State of Israel had a title as a newly-created state corresponded to the areas allotted to Jews by the provisions of the resolution 181(II) adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on November 29, 1947, which had recommended the partition of Palestine and creation of the Arab state, the Jewish state and the City of Jerusalem as a corpus separatum. As this territorial regime had been modified during the Arab-Israeli war of 1948-1949 and Israel’s government has recognized the areas seized by it during the war as part of its territorial domain, the problem arose as to Israel’s title to those additional territories situated between the 1947 partition lines and the lines established in accordance with the armistice agreements of 1949. Due to important characteristics of the legal status of former mandatory Palestine and to the fact that considerable parts thereof became occupied territories, the process of consolidation of the title thereto required the consent of the international community as a whole. This consent has in fact been granted, both by the international community and by representatives of Palestinian Arabs, in respect of large parts of territories situated between the 1947 partition lines and the 1949 armistice lines. There are no doubts that the State of Israel has sovereign, uncontested rights to these areas. As it constitutes important departure from the generally accepted principle that the use of force in any form cannot serve as a root of title to territory, this situation is of particular interest, providing support for the view that this principle cannot be analyzed without due regard paid to those exceptional situations where the international community decided to depart from its strict application in order to safeguard stability of territorial solutions.
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Mbah, Ruth Endam, Drusilla Engonwei Mbah, and Laura Hultquist. "The Role of the United Nations and Its Agencies in the Israel-Hamas War." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 11, no. 6 (June 30, 2024): 311–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.116.17203.
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Institutional Liberalism, an International Relations theory argues that international institutions play a significant role in influencing cooperation and peace among nations. Although criticized by some as unrealistic, the tenets of Liberal Institutionalism have contributed to the rising interest in the capabilities of international organizations like the United Nations (UN) in ensuring long-lasting international relations and peace among countries after the Cold War Era. This is due to their mediation ability that provides a ‘common ground’ for discussions among states while maintaining the common interest of each state actor. It is considering this tenet of Institutional Liberalism that we explore the role of the UN and some of its agencies in the ongoing Israel-Hamas war of 2023. The involvement of the UN in the Israeli-Palestinian tension dates back to November 29, 1947, when the UN General Assembly voted to divide Palestine into Jewish and Arab states with Jerusalem as its international city (Resolution 181- Partition Plan). However, the focus of this article is limited to the October 7, 2023, Israel-Hamas war, as the role of the UN and its agencies have been active in mediating international relations in a manner supported by the theory of Liberal Institutionalism. The agencies under consideration in this article include the UN General Assembly, UN Security Council, International Court of Justice, UNHCR, UNRWA, UNESCO, UNICEF, and WFP. This article is, however, limited to a few UN agencies and, as such, gives room for further research as to the role of unexamined UN agencies as well as other international institutions in the ongoing 2023 Israel-Hamas war.
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Blavoukos, Spyros, Dimitris Bourantonis, and Ioannis Galariotis. "In quest of a single European Union voice in the United Nations General Assembly: The politics of Resolution 65/276." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 4 (January 12, 2017): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716684879.
Full textAbstract:
In May 2011, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) passed Resolution 65/276 that enhances the European Union (EU) institutional mode of representation in the UNGA and other multilateral fora operating under its auspices. This followed an earlier, failed attempt that caused much embarrassment and political turmoil in the EU. The article examines the politics of this resolution, tracing its background logic, its origins and the political interactions in the UN that eventually led to its almost consensual embracement. It accounts for the failure in the first stage of the negotiations and how the EU responded to it, adjusting its bargaining strategy accordingly. This case study contributes to the better understanding of the links between intra-EU coherence and EU effectiveness as an international actor. We posit that there is one additional dimension of EU coherence not fully captured in the relevant literature. We distinguish between genuine coherence and generated coherence. The former entails homogeneity, or at least a significant degree of a priori convergence among EU member-states. The latter refers to EU positions that have emerged after hard and protracted intra-EU negotiations. The two types differ in the degree of flexibility bestowed on the EU in international negotiations.
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Shaumyan, Tatiana L. "THE KASHMIR PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PERSPECTIVE." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (26) (2023): 250–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-250-264.
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A complex of political, economic and military-strategic problems arose on the territory of the former Principality of Jammu and Kashmir, which were accompanied by serious violations of human rights. The basis of the Kashmir dispute is the incompatibility of approaches to solving the fate of the Principality on the part of secularist India and Muslim Pakistan. for which the religious principle applied during the partition of British India in 1947 was identified with the ‘theory of two nations’. In the context of the first Indo-Pakistani conflict,Maharaja Hari Singh informed the Viceroy of India of the decision to join it, provided that article 370 on granting special rights to Jammu and Kashmir would be included in the text of the Constitution. The situation in Jammu and Kashmir is characterized by instability, movements of pro-Pakistani separatists, which caused three Indo-Pakistani wars. The issue of the situation in Kashmir is being discussed in the UN Commission on Human Rights, in human rights organizations, including Islamic ones, which insist on holding a plebiscite in Kashmir in order to ensure its citizens the right to choose between India and Pakistan. The Government of India has decided to actually liquidate the state and divide it into two union territories: Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, which come under the direct control of the center. The country’s leadership believes that the measures taken will contribute to strengthening the constitutional order of India, equalizing the rights of states and union territories.
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Meena, Rishabha, and Advaith Rao. "The Context Of Text: Harmonizing Multilingual Texts Of The WTO." Journal of World Trade 58, Issue 2 (April 1, 2024): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2024016.
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Legal traditions of international institutions reflect how language shapes the interaction of individuals from various legal disciplines. Institutions like the European Union (EU), United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO) cater to multilingualism by publishing different linguistic versions of their texts. These organizations have their own divisions to promote multilingualism – it is the General Assembly and Conference Management for the UN; the Directorate-General for Translation (DGT) in the EU; and the Language and Documentation Services Division (LDSD) for the WTO. In the context of the WTO, coordination among different language groups in drafting WTO documents appears to be lacking. In addition to creating hurdles in substantive law, issues of multilingualism at the WTO also affect the procedural aspects of the dispute. This may have implications on third-party rights, selection of panellists, and timely resolution of disputes, thereby influencing a party’s strategy in a dispute. Against this background, the authors explore the issue of multilingualism at the WTO vis-à-vis the UN and EU by adopting a comparative research methodology. The Article provides recommendations in the form of best practices for improvements at the WTO in the context of multilingualism. WTO, multilingualism, VCLT, translation, DSU, European Union, United Nations, Spanish, French, language
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Khairunnisa Anggraeni, Shafira. "Analyzing Russia’s Interests in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh Ceasefire Agreemen." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 2 (November 29, 2022): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35864.
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The Nagorno-Karabakh war has been one of the most important conflicts in the South Caucasus. The two nations involved, Azerbaijan and Armenia, have been in conflict more times than in cooperation ever since their independence from the Soviet Union. The territory disputed, Nagorno-Karabakh, has been internationally recognized as Azerbaijan’s since the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 2008. However, this did not stop the conflict, as seen with the newest escalation happening in September of 2020. In the majority of the conflict, Russia has been a constant presence, being a mediator as well as a military supplier to both countries. Russia also has been involved in peacekeeping efforts, sending peacekeeping forces to Nagorno-Karabakh. In November 2020, a ceasefire agreement was reached involving Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia. This paper aims to examine Russia’s interest in its involvement in the conflict, the weaknesses of the ceasefire agreement, and Russia’s gains from the agreement and the overall situation. This paper found that Russia’s interests lay in its economic relationship with Armenia and Azerbaijan and in exercising influence in the region with the deployment of its peacekeeping contingent.
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Lopes, Nuno Vasco, Kenneth Bagarukayo, and Jun Cheng. "Knowledge Societies in China, Portugal, and Uganda." International Journal of Knowledge Society Research 8, no. 1 (January 2017): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijksr.2017010102.
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In September 2015, the United Nations (UN) Member States subscribed the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) of the 2030 Agenda (General Assembly 2015). This work makes an analysis on how Knowledge Societies can effectively contribute for the achievements of the Agenda's 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Moreover, it will be presented the research overview conducted by UNU-EGOV for producing the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Knowledge Societies Handbook (UNESCO/IFAP and UNU-EGOV 2016). In addition, three countries from three different Continents of Asia, Europe and Africa - China, Portugal and Uganda respectively - will be analyzed in the context of the knowledge societies architecture proposed in the handbook. For making that analysis a set of indicators collected from the “The World Bank” (The World Bank 2016) and “International Telecommunication Union” (ITU) (ITU 2015) databases have been selected. The indicators have been interpreted taking into consideration the socio-cultural, political, and economic context of each of the three countries.
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Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.
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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
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Barqueiro, Carla, Kate Seaman, and Katherine Teresa Towey. "Regional Organizations and Responsibility to Protect: Normative Reframing or Normative Change?" Politics and Governance 4, no. 3 (August 11, 2016): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i3.642.
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The adoption of the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) by all United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) member states in 2005, and its reaffirmation in dozens of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, indicate that there is a growing consensus around the world that egregious human rights violations necessitate a cooperative and decisive international response. But just as the political debates raged surrounding the precise articulation of RtoP between 2001 and 2005, so too goes the contemporary debate surrounding the implementation of RtoP. Regional divergences in RtoP implementation, in particular, have been noted by many scholars, as regional organizations implement those elements of RtoP that best suit their policy goals. This paper will apply recent scholarship on norm-lifecycles, specifically on “norm localization” to the operationalization of RtoP by regional organizations. We seek to explore regional divergences on RtoP implementation between the European Union (EU), League of Arab States (LAS), and the African Union (AU) on Libya and Syria. From this assessment, three main arguments will be put forward: (1) regional organizations remain politicized, reframing RtoP in divergent ways that dilute the strength of the norm, (2) politicization of the RtoP discourse constrains regional norm localization processes, (3) politicization and reframing of RtoP inhibit regional normative change and limit the potential for timely and decisive responses to protect civilians.
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Almaev, Rustam Z. "The Fate of Educators in the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic During the Struggle Against “Bourgeois Nationalism” (1937-1938)." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-95-118.
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This article discusses the political repressions of 1937-1938 in the fi eld of public education, with the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic as its case study. The author assembles new archival documents, mass media materials and memoirs of contemporaries to illuminate the regional specifi cs of repression in the broader context of the Stalinist era. Particular attention is paid to how “enemies of the people” were identifi ed. The author argues that the Bashkir Regional Party Committee, the media, and the party committees of educational institutions, as well as the organs of the NKVD worked in unison to expose “hostile elements” and Trotskyists among directors of educational institutions, specialists in higher education, and public school teachers. The media, as well as the decisions of closed party meetings, were imbued with the spirit of ideological intolerance; they provided the moral and ideological justifi cation for the arrests. This article traces a trend that was characteristic of national autonomous republics in general: the persecution of regional leaders and members of the national intelligentsia on charges of “local bourgeois nationalism.” The author also examines how purges in the party, state and educational bodies of the republic targeted “nationalists” directly or indirectly associated with “national and local deviationists” of the revolutionary years. The article also discusses the fate of Bashkortostan’s People’s Commissars of Education who were subjected to repression. Reconstructing the complex social and political situation in the educational sphere of the BASSR allows us to draw important conclusions, and better understand contemporary social and political processes.
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Snapkouski, Uladzimir. "Cooperation of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR in the UN during the Perestroika Period." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.113.
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The article examines the main directions of activity and forms of interaction between the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR in the UN and its specialized institutions during the years of perestroika (1985 - 1991). To disclose the topic, materials from the journal “International Affair” were used (reviews of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the foreign policy of the USSR, articles by the foreign ministers of the Union republics, primarily Ukraine and Belarus), book and journal publications of Union / Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian scientists, documents of the United Nations and foreign policy of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR. The author’s conscious emphasis on the union level reflects the real situation in relations between the Union Center and the republics in the Soviet federation during the perestroika period, when these relations rapidly evolved from the foreign policy dictate of the Center to greater autonomy of the republics in the international arena, which ultimately has led to the collapse of the USSR and the proclamation of independence all union republics. The article analyzes such issues as the new approach of the Soviet Union to the UN in the years of perestroika, the formation of new relations between the Union republics and the Center, diplomatic cooperation of Soviet delegations and representatives of socialist countries in the UN, Belarusian initiatives at the 45th session of the UN General Assembly (1990). During the years of perestroika, the Soviet leadership and the union Foreign Ministry did a tremendous job of clearing the rubble of the Cold War, developing broad international cooperation and integration the USSR into the world economy. The Belarusian and Ukrainian diplomatic services have made a significant contribution to this activity within the framework of the UN and its specialized agencies and have received much broader opportunities for realizing the national interests and needs of their peoples within the framework of radically renewed relations between the Union Center and the republics. The article is one of the first attempts in post-Soviet historiography to investigate the activities of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the BSSR in the UN and its specialized institutions during the period of perestroika
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Рагимов, Тельман Сабир оглы, and Telman Sabir ogly Ragimov. "INTERNATIONAL TOURIST LAW: TENDENCIES AND DEVELOPMENT." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14274.
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The article deals with the formation of the international tourist law, main sources and international and legal documents that regulate the tourism business. On the basis of international documents the author sets forth general principles of the international tourist law. The author also defines the legal status of a tourist and an international traveler on the basis of existing international conventions and agreements in tourism business. A number of international treaties, conventions, declarations, as well as resolutions of international organizations form the base of international legal regulation of tourism and international travel. Thus, Art. 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization on December 10, 1947, reads, in particular, as follows: “Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay”. Article 12 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 16, 1966, confirms the right of each person to be free to leave any country, including his own. Resolutions and recommendations of the 1963 UN Diplomatic Conference on International Travel and Tourism deal with the promotion of tourism development in various countries of the world and simplification of formalities concerning tourism and international travel. In the modern context, tourism and international travel, as one of the forms of international economic relations, have gained a universal scale and have started to exercise significant influence on political, economic and cultural contacts between states and nations. The institute of the international tourist law is a body of principles and norms, regulating states’ activity in the sphere of tourism and international travel with the purpose of satisfying a wide range of people’s cultural and spiritual needs.
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Amanov, Shatlyk. "The External Convergence of the EAEU on Global Issues: Evidence from the UN General Assembly Vote, 2000–2020." Journal of Globalization Studies 15, no. 1 (May 30, 2024): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/jogs/2024.01.03.
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This paper examines the voting behavior of the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in order to find out their preference similarities on foreign policy issues. Based on a specific dataset of UNGA resolutions from 2000 to 2020 and using two different indices of voting cohesion, the present research addresses two empirically motivated questions: To what extent does the EAEU speak in unison externally in the context of UNGA plenary? And second, what has been the impact of the formation of the EAEU in 2015 on the common foreign policy? The results reveal that the EAEU scores a ‘medium’ level of cohesion as measured in the context of the UNGA, which may indicate that members often speak with one voice, while defections still occur during controversial votes. Moreover, the findings suggest that there is no meaningful difference in cohesion between the pre- and post-EAEU periods. Finally, the study finds that Eurasian states are most cohesive on development resolutions, but least cohesive on security and human rights issues, as reflected in their recorded voting behavior.
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Konarzewska, Iwona. "Meeting the Sustainable Development Goal of Good Health and Well-Being by European Union Countries in 2017." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.23.12.
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In September 2015, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which includes 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). One of them, Goal 3, is defined as: Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages. In the paper, we have considered the indices proposed by Eurostat, which help to measure the level that the targets achieve. We present the dynamics of indices over the period 2002–2017. Multi-criteria statistical analysis for 28 EU countries was conducted using data up to 2017 to show how much EU countries are diversified and to present rankings of countries on their way to achieving the good health and well-being status of their citizens. The results are compared with a global SGD-Sub-Index for Goal 3, developed by Sachs et al. (2018).
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr L. "The Afghan question in the work of SC & GA of UNO in January, 1980." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 26, 2019): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611810.
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In December, 1979 sub-units of the Soviet Army invaded the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, eliminated Hafizullah Amin from power, established the government of Babrak Karmal and occupied the country. These events caused the condemnation of the international community, that were reflected by the statement on the Afghan question in the agenda of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly in January, 1980. The minute-books of SC of the UNO, as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions are the main sources of research of this problem. The discussion of the Afghan question in the UN Security Council lasted from 5 to 7 January, 1980, involving 42 countries. The USSR Representative to the United Nations O. Troyanovskyi and Foreign Minister of DRA Sh. M. Dost tried to persuade all those present that Soviet troops had been brought to Afghanistan at the invitation of a legitimate Afghan government to repulse allegedly externally-aggressive aggression. Herewith they referred to Article 51 of the UN Charter and Article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Neighborhood and Cooperation between the USSR and the DPA. Most of the delegations (primarily the US delegation, Pakistan, the Chinese People’s Republic, Great Britain) rejected the arguments of the Soviet and Afghan sides and condemned Soviet aggression and called for the withdrawal of troops from the territory of Afghanistan immediately. The Soviet Union and the DRA were supported only by a few delegations of Soviet satellites (Poland, the GDR, Hungary, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Laos and Vietnam). But during the vote on the anti-Soviet resolution on January 7, 1980, the USSR expected vetoed it. After that, the consideration of the «Afghan question» was postponed to the General Assembly, where 108 countries condemned the Soviet aggression on January, 14 (18 countries abstained, the same number supported the USSR). The discussion of the «Afghan question» at the United Nations Organization in January, 1980 assured that the Soviet Union had suffered a loud defeat in the international arena, its authority was severely undermined. This was also confirmed by the end of the policy of "discharging" and the subsequent eruption of the Cold War in international relations. In addition, the consideration of the Afghan question at the UNO has shown the lack of a mechanism for influencing an aggressor country that has a veto power in the UN Security Council. The USSR was expected to veto the Security Council resolution, and the decisions of the General Assembly were recommendatory. This is particularly relevant in terms of the current UN crisis in deterring the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, the DPRK, Syria and others like that.
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Meron, Theodor. "“Exclusive Preserves” and the New Soviet Policy Toward the Un Secretariat." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (April 1991): 322–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203064.
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An “exclusive preserve” of a state in the UN Secretariat is a post that is continuously filled by nationals of the same state. Virtually from the founding of the United Nations, the Secretariat has observed an “unofficial” practice of exclusive preserves for many senior posts held by nationals of several influential states, including the United States; but its most persistent advocate, and with regard to a particularly wide range of posts, has been the Soviet Union. In view of the past underrepresentation of Soviet nationals in the Secretariat, largely because the Soviet Government insisted that its nationals be recruited only on fixed-term contracts based on secondment from the Government and Soviet institutions, a considerable number of posts were set aside to be filled on a replacement basis. The occupants of those posts were selected by the Secretary-General from a very short list of candidates submitted by the Soviet Government. The object of this Editorial is to assess the impact of the new Soviet policy toward the UN Secretariat, recent General Assembly resolutions and the jurisprudence of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal on the practice of exclusive preserves.
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Malacka, Michal. "The relations between the Singapore Mediation Convention and the European Mediation Directive." European Studies 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eustu-2022-0023.
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Abstract Summary This paper deals with the Singapore Convention on Mediation from United Nations General Assembly in December 2018 and signed in Singapore on 7 August 2019. Also with the European Union situation, given by the existence of the Directive 2008/52/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 21 May 2008 on certain aspects of mediation in civil and commercial matters. EU States haven’t signed the Singapore Convention on Mediation. This paper is trying to analyse the two instruments, the Directive as a harmonisation instrument, maybe opening the field of the possible usage of the convention and not existing Regulation unifying the legal ground in the EU. The Singapore Convention on Mediation enters into force six months after deposit of the third instrument of ratification, acceptance, approval, or accession. EU is now in the position, where a decision about new Directive, or maybe the acceptance of the convention must be decided with accordance to all the dilemmas of the Singapore Convention.