Academic literature on the topic 'Union County journal (Ohio)'

The author, holder of a Bachelor's degree in Sociology, a Masters'degree in Education Sociology, both from the University of Lagos, Nigeria, and a Ph.D in Sociology of Education from the University of Birmingham, England, is currently an Associate Professor of Sociology of Education at Lagos State University, and an Adjunct Professorat Union Institute and University Graduate College, Cincinnati, Ohio,USA. She has over 40 publications (national and international) which include journal articles, book chapters, monographs, text books and commissioned empirical research reports. Dr Omokhodion is an external examiner to some Nigerian universities, a consultant to UNICEF, UNESCO and UNDP, Nigeria Country Offices, Federal Ministry of Education, National Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non-Formal education, and does accreditation of Courses for Nigerian Colleges of Education. She is currently working on an expanded version of her book on the Sociology of Esan, Edo State, Nigeria and on another book on The Sociology of African Families. Dr Omokhodion is a member of the World Society for Ekistics. The text that follows is a slightly revised and edited version of a paper presented at the international symposion on "Globalization and LocalIdentity," organized jointly by the World Society for Ekistics and the University of Shiga Prefecture in Hikone, Japan, 19-24 September 2005.

The aim of this paper is to present tourism and recreation in the county of Kremenets on the pages of “Życie Krzemienieckie” [Life of Kremenets] journal.”Życie Krzemienieckie” was issued in Kremenets in the years 1932-1939 and was published monthly. In some periods, “Życie Krzemienieckie” came out as a biweekly. It was a journal which was to provide information on social, cultural and economic life, as well as tourist and recreational activity, mostly of the Kremenets county community. As far as preparations for drawing up the study are concerned, the following procedures were used: analysis of historical sources, synthesis, induction, deduction and the comparative method. <br>The years 1932-1939 saw the development of tourism and recreation in the county of Kremenets. It was noticeable in the progression of infrastructure for tourism and recreation, e.g. in Kremenets, the Community and Tourism House was built. Some facilities were established for active tourism in the county of Kremenets. In addition to infrastructure, an important element in tourism activity was personnel training. Activity in the fi eld of tourism and recreation was pursued by social organisations including the following; Polish Sightseeing Association (branch in Kremenets), the County Committee for Physical Education and Military Training in Kremenets, the County Committee of Rural Youth in Kremenets, the Volhynian District Skiing Association, Union of Social Organisations and Association of Women’s Civic Work. In the fi eld of tourism, an important role was played by Kremenets Secondary School. In Kremenets, a department of the “Orbis” Travel Agency operated. In the county of Kremenets, mainly sightseeing, school as well asactive tourism was practised, and excursion traffi c in its broad sense was notable.

Abstract The objective of the study was to analyze whether higher nurse aide retention was related to better resident care experiences using an overall score and seven domain scores among a sample of Ohio nursing homes. The 2017 Ohio Biennial Survey of Long-Term Care Facilities was used in combination with the 2017 Ohio Nursing Home Resident Satisfaction Survey. These data were merged with the Ohio Medicaid Cost Report, Certification and Survey Provider Enhanced Reports, LTC Focus, Area Health Resource File, Rural Urban Commuting Area data, and Payroll-based Journal Public Use Files. The analytic sample (N=690) represents freestanding facilities with a full-year cost report. The analysis included means and frequencies, ANOVAs with Tukey adjustments, and linear regressions that controlled for heteroskedasticity. Quartiles of the CNA retention rate were used to define four groups: low, medium, high, and extremely high. After controlling for facility and county characteristics, facilities with high CNA retention (61-72%) had significantly higher overall resident care experience scores by 1.27 percentage points and better environment scores by 1.35 percentage points compared to those with low CNA retention (0-48%). Medium retention (49-60%) also had significantly better environment scores than low retention. Compared to the high retention group, facilities with extremely high retention (73%+) had significantly lower scores for the overall resident care experience, facility culture, caregivers, and spending time. Maintaining a high retention rate of CNAs is important, but there were surprising negative effects from having extremely high retention potentially due to high burnout or poor person-job fit.

Soybean has been increasing in importance and acreage over wheat and corn for the past decade in Ohio and is now planted on 4.5 million acres. Previous surveys in Ohio of viruses infecting soybean failed to identify Bean pod mottle virus (BPMV) and soybean virus diseases have rarely caused economic losses (1). During 1999, producers in Ohio noticed virus-like symptoms in soybeans in a few isolated locations. Soybeans with green stems, undersized and “turned up pods” were collected from Union, Wood and Wyandot Counties during October 1999 and soybeans with crinkled, mottled leaves were collected in Henry, Licking and Sandusky during August 2000. Five to six plants were collected from a single field from each county each year. In 1999, samples were sent to the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where one symptomatic leaflet/sample was ground in 3 ml of chilled phosphate buffered saline (pH 7.2). Leaf sap was placed in 1.5-ml centrifuge tubes and stored at 4°C for 24 h. Sap was assayed for the presence of BPMV using an alkaline phosphatase-labeled double-antibody sandwich enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (DAS ELISA) for BPMV (AgDia Inc., Elkhart, IN). All samples tested were positive for BPMV. Samples collected in 1999 were also maintained at The Ohio State University in Harosoy soybean and in 2000 assayed serologically along with samples collected in 2000 for BPMV and Soybean mosaic virus (SMV) by ELISA and for Tobacco ringspot virus (TRSV) and Bean yellow mosaic virus (BYMV) by a host-range symptom assay; SMV, BYMV and TRSV had been identified from soybean in previous Ohio surveys. Soybean leaf samples were assayed using F(ab′)2-Protein A ELISA with antiserum prepared in 1968 to a southern U.S. isolate of BPMV and to an Ohio isolate of Soybean mosaic virus (SMV) prepared in 1967, both stored at −20°C. Diseased and non-symptomatic soybean leaf samples were ground in 4 ml 0.025M Tris pH 8.0, 0.015M NaCl and 0.05% Tween 20. Extracts were tested for BPMV and SMV by ELISA following a protocol described elsewhere (2). All of the samples collected during 1999 and maintained in the greenhouse tested positive for both BPMV and SMV while all of those samples collected during 2000 tested positive for BPMV and negative for SMV. Host-range symptom assays were conducted with leaf extracts prepared by grinding 1 g tissue:10 ml potassium phosphate buffer, pH 7.0. Extracts were inoculated by leaf rub method to Harosoy soybean, Phaseolus vulgaris cvs. Red Kidney and Bountiful, cowpea, and cucumber. The host-range symptom assays of both the 1999 and 2000 samples were negative for TRSV and BYMV; cowpea failed to express local lesions and cucumber systemic mosaic characteristic of TRSV infection and the two Phaseolus cultivars the yellow mosaic characteristic of BYMV infection. These results indicate that both BPMV and SMV were present in the samples in 1999 but only BPMV in 2000. The distribution of BPMV within Ohio and economic impact of this virus have yet to be determined. This is the first report of BPMV in Ohio. References: (1) A. F. Schmitthenner and D. T. Gordon. Phytopathology 59:1048, 1969. (2) R. Louie et al. Plant Dis. 84:1133–1139, 2000.

Dr. Penny Hansen is an international physiology educator. She was born in America and became a Canadian citizen, and her husband is from Sweden. Dr. Hansen has a reputation throughout the world from international meetings and visiting professorships in North America and Europe. She received her bachelor’s and master’s degrees in Ohio, and her PhD and entire academic career have been at Memorial University in St. John’s, Newfoundland, which is closer to London than to New Orleans. She found a hospitable environment and stayed. Remember how some jet planes were grounded on Sept. 11 at Gander, Newfoundland; the local people opened their homes, transported passengers in school buses, and served them free meals for a couple of days. Dr. Hansen has received local and national awards for her teaching skills. At St. John’s, her ideas about education quickly outgrew the Basic Science Division in the Faculty of Medicine. She went from Assistant Dean for Undergraduate Medical Education to Director of Academic Development for Medicine to director of a center for health professional education for five professional schools. With this track record she might have been chosen to be dean of a medical school. Dr. Hansen’s most notable contribution to international physiology has been in editing our Society’s teaching journal, Advances in Physiology Education, for nine years. During that time, she has written provocative editorials, encouraged authors from developing countries, and found ways to incorporate fresh ideas about teaching. As far as I know, no other society in the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology has a journal devoted to teaching. This is a tribute to Dr. Hansen and her associate editors in their encouragement of teachers to do research on teaching and publish their findings. Dr. Hansen will continue writing and is authoring a textbook entitled Physiology of Life Situations, which will have unique organization. Dr. Hansen was recently appointed co-chair of the Education Committee for the International Union of Physiological Sciences. In that role, she is responsible for conducting teaching workshops and providing resources to teachers of physiology worldwide, particularly in developing countries. She spends time each winter teaching at St. George’s Medical School in Granada. Dr. Hansen is also the elected chair of the Teaching Section for the next three years. It is particularly appropriate that, on this Earth Day 2002, whose motto is “One People, One Earth, One Future,” we hear a citizen of Canada who teaches worldwide talk about“Physiology’s Recondite Curriculum.”—Roger TannerThies, PhD, Professor Emeritus of Physiology, The University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.

The Constitution of Kenya specifically recognizes the freedom of association to form and belong to trade unions. However, despite the adoption of the Labour Relations Act, union practice is still hampered by excessive restrictions. The EPZ companies are labor intensive requiring a large amount of labor to produce its goods or service and thus, the welfare of the employees play a key role in their functions. This study sought to determine the effect of trade union practices on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The specific objectives sought to determine the effect of collective bargaining agreements, industrial action, dispute resolution and trade union representation on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The study employed a descriptive research design. Primary data was collected by means of a structured questionnaire. The target population of the study was employees in EPZ companies in Athi River, Kenya with large employees enrolled in active trade unions. The unit of observation was the employees in the trade unions. The findings indicated that collective bargaining agreements had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Industrial action had a positive but non-significant effect with employees’ welfare at Export Processing Zones industries. Dispute resolution had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Trade union representation had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. The study recommended that trade union should avoid the path of confrontation but continue dialogue through the collective bargaining process and demands should be realistic in nature with what is obtainable in the related industry. An existence of a formal two way communication between management and trade unions will ensure that right message is properly understood and on time too. Keywords: Collective Bargaining Agreements, Industrial Action, Dispute Resolution, Trade Union Representation, Employees Welfare & Export Processing Zones

AbstractThe disproportionate risks and impacts of climate change and extreme weather on older adults are increasingly evident. While especially true in disaster-prone areas, human-caused climate change introduces an element of uncertainty even in previously identified “safe” regions such as the Midwestern United States. Using a cumulative disadvantage and vulnerability-informed framework and descriptive statistics from multiple data sources, this article provides an overview of climate impacts, vulnerabilities, and county-level characteristics, focusing on older adults living in Central Ohio. A comparative multiple-case study methodology was used to triangulate regionally representative primary and secondary data sources to examine state and county-level measures of vulnerability, emergency preparedness, and disruptions caused by extreme weather among older adults across eight counties in Central Ohio. Seventy-eight percent of older adults in the sample reported being prepared for emergencies per Federal Emergency Management Agency guidelines. Older adults in Union County reported the highest rates of preparedness, while those in Fayette County reported the lowest. County-level rates of disruption of life activities by extreme weather ranged widely. Among the most rural in the region, Fayette County emerged as uniquely disadvantaged, with the lowest median income, the most vulnerable across multiple social vulnerability dimensions, and the most reported disruptions to life activities from extreme weather. County profiles offer a snapshot of existing vulnerabilities, socioeconomic conditions, special needs, preparedness, and current disruptions among older adults in the region and can inform resource mobilization across community and policy contexts.

Customs was one of the six areas highlighted for improvement by the United Nations International Symposium on Trade Efficiency, which was held in Columbus, Ohio, in 1994. A review by the World Customs Organization (WCO) of their training for members led to the start of a Customs Reform and Modernisation program in 1994. In 2005 an informal strategy set the scene for (a) the development of professional standards, (b) the International Network of Customs Universities and (c) the World Customs Journal. In 2008 the WCO published the first Partnerships in Customs Academic Research and Development (PICARD) standards and in 2017 the European Commission published the European Union (EU) Customs Competency Framework for operational and management development in the customs profession. The road from the Columbus Declaration in 1994 has been long and difficult. The perseverance of many has addressed the need for managerial skills, knowledge and capacity to a point where the customs profession is better now than 25 years ago.

During World War II, the Soviet Union’s food supply was in a state of crisis. Hitler’s army had occupied the agricultural heartlands of Ukraine and Southern Russia in 1941 and, as a result, agricultural production for the entire nation had plummeted. Soldiers in Red Army, who easily ate the best rations in the country, subsisted on a daily allowance of just under a kilogram of bread, supplemented with meat, tea, sugar and butter when and if these items were available. The hunger of the Red Army and its effect on the morale and strength of Europe’s eastern warfront were causes for concern for the Soviet government and its European and American allies. The one country with a food surplus decided to do something to help, and in 1942 the United States agreed to send thousands of pounds of meat, cheese and butter overseas to help feed the Red Army. After receiving several shipments of the all-American spiced canned meat SPAM, the Red Army’s quartermaster put in a request for a more familiar canned pork product, Russian tushonka. Pound for pound, America sent more pigs overseas than soldiers during World War II, in part because pork was in oversupply in the America of the early 1940s. Shipping meat to hungry soldiers and civilians in war torn countries was a practical way to build business for the U.S. meat industry, which had been in decline throughout the 1930s. As per a Soviet-supplied recipe, the first cans of Lend-Lease tushonka were made in the heart of the American Midwest, at meatpacking plants in Iowa and Ohio (Stettinus 6-7). Government contracts in the meat packing industry helped fuel economic recovery, and meatpackers were in a position to take special request orders like the one for tushonka that came through the lines. Unlike SPAM, which was something of a novelty item during the war, tushonka was a food with a past. The original recipe was based on a recipe for preserved meat that had been a traditional product of the Ural Mountains, preserved in jars with salt and fat rather than by pressure and heat. Thus tushonka was requested—and was mass-produced—not simply as a convenience but also as a traditional and familiar food—a taste of home cooking that soldiers could carry with them into the field. Nikita Khrushchev later claimed that the arrival of tushonka was instrumental in helping the Red Army push back against the Nazi invasion (178). Unlike SPAM and other wartime rations, tushonka did not fade away after the war. Instead, it was distributed to the Soviet civilian population, appearing in charity donations and on the shelves of state shops. Often it was the only meat product available on a regular basis. Salty, fatty, and slightly grey-toned, tushonka was an unlikely hero of the postwar-era, but during this period tushonka rose from obscurity to become an emblem of socialist modernity. Because it was shelf stable and could be made from a variety of different cuts of meat, it proved an ideal product for the socialist production lines where supplies and the pace of production were infinitely variable. Unusual in a socialist system of supply, this product shaped production and distribution lines, and even influenced the layout of meatpacking factories and the genetic stocks of the animals that were to be eaten. Tushonka’s initial ubiquity in the postwar Soviet Union had little to do with the USSR’s own hog industry. Pig populations as well as their processing facilities had been decimated in the war, and pigs that did survive the Axis invasion had been evacuated East with human populations. Instead, the early presence of tushonka in the pig-scarce postwar Soviet Union had everything to do with Harry Truman’s unexpected September 1945 decision to end all “economically useful” Lend-Lease shipments to the Soviet Union (Martel). By the end of September, canned meat was practically the only product still being shipped as part of Lend-Lease (NARA RG 59). Although the United Nations was supposed to distribute these supplies to needy civilians free of cost, travelers to the Soviet Union in 1946 spotted cans of American tushonka for sale in state shops (Skeoch 231). After American tushonka “donations” disappeared from store shelves, the Soviet Union’s meat syndicates decided to continue producing the product. Between its first appearance during the war in 1943, and the 1957 announcement by Nikita Khrushchev that Soviet policy would restructure all state animal farms to support the mass production of one or several processed meat products, tushonka helped to drive the evolution of the Soviet Union’s meat packing industry. Its popularity with both planners and the public gave it the power to reach into food commodity chains. It is this backward reach and the longer-term impacts of these policies that make tushonka an unusual byproduct of the Cold War era. State planners loved tushonka: it was cheap to make, the logistics of preparing it were not complicated, it was easy to transport, and most importantly, it served as tangible evidence that the state was accomplishing a long-standing goal to get more meat to its citizenry and improving the diet of the average Soviet worker. Tushonka became a highly visible product in the Soviet Union’s much vaunted push to establish a modern food regime intended to rival that of the United States. Because it was shelf-stable, wartime tushonka had served as a practical food for soldiers, but after the war tushonka became an ideal food for workers who had neither the time nor the space to prepare a home-cooked meal with fresh meat. The Soviet state started to produce its own tushonka because it was such an excellent fit for the needs and abilities of the Soviet state—consumer demand was rarely considered by planners in this era. Not only did tushonka fit the look and taste of a modern processed meat product (that is, it was standard in texture and flavor from can to can, and was an obviously industrially processed product), it was also an excellent way to make the most of the predominant kind of meat the Soviet Union had the in the 1950s: small scraps low-grade pork and beef, trimmings leftover from butchering practices that focused on harvesting as much animal fat, rather than muscle, from the carcass in question. Just like tushonka, pork sausages and frozen pelmeny, a meat-filled pasta dumpling, also became winning postwar foods thanks to a happy synergy of increased animal production, better butchering and new food processing machines. As postwar pigs recovered their populations, the Soviet processed meat industry followed suit. One official source listed twenty-six different kinds of meat products being issued in 1964, although not all of these were pork (Danilov). An instructional manual distributed by the meat and milk syndicate demonstrated how meat shops should wrap and display sausages, and listed 24 different kinds of sausages that all needed a special style of tying up. Because of packaging shortages, the string that bound the sausage was wrapped in a different way for every type of sausage, and shop assistants were expected to be able to identify sausages based on the pattern of their binding. Pelmeny were produced at every meat factory that processed pork. These were “made from start to finish in a special, automated machine, human hands do not touch them. Which makes them a higher quality and better (prevoskhodnogo) product” (Book of Healthy and Delicious Food). These were foods that became possible to produce economically because of a co-occurring increase in pigs, the new standardized practice of equipping meatpacking plants with large-capacity grinders, and freezers or coolers and the enforcement of a system of grading meat. As the state began to rebuild Soviet agriculture from its near-collapse during the war, the Soviet Union looked to the United States for inspiration. Surprisingly, Soviet planners found some of the United States’ more outdated techniques to be quite valuable for new Soviet hog operations. The most striking of these was the adoption of competing phenotypes in the Soviet hog industry. Most major swine varieties had been developed and described in the 19th century in Germany and Great Britain. Breeds had a tendency to split into two phenotypically distinct groups, and in early 20th Century American pig farms, there was strong disagreement as to which style of pig was better suited to industrial conditions of production. Some pigs were “hot-blooded” (in other words, fast maturing and prolific reproducers) while others were a slower “big type” pig (a self-explanatory descriptor). Breeds rarely excelled at both traits and it was a matter of opinion whether speed or size was the most desirable trait to augment. The over-emphasis of either set of qualities damaged survival rates. At their largest, big type pigs resembled small hippopotamuses, and sows were so corpulent they unwittingly crushed their tiny piglets. But the sleeker hot-blooded pigs had a similarly lethal relationship with their young. Sows often produced litters of upwards of a dozen piglets and the stress of tending such a large brood led overwhelmed sows to devour their own offspring (Long). American pig breeders had been forced to navigate between these two undesirable extremes, but by the 1930s, big type pigs were fading in popularity mainly because butter and newly developed plant oils were replacing lard as the cooking fat of preference in American kitchens. The remarkable propensity of the big type to pack on pounds of extra fat was more of a liability than a benefit in this period, as the price that lard and salt pork plummeted in this decade. By the time U.S. meat packers were shipping cans of tushonka to their Soviet allies across the seas, US hog operations had already developed a strong preference for hot-blooded breeds and research had shifted to building and maintaining lean muscle on these swiftly maturing animals. When Soviet industrial planners hoping to learn how to make more tushonka entered the scene however, their interpretation of american efficiency was hardly predictable: scientifically nourished big type pigs may have been advantageous to the United States at midcentury, but the Soviet Union’s farms and hungry citizens had a very different list of needs and wants. At midcentury, Soviet pigs were still handicapped by old-fashioned variables such as cold weather, long winters, poor farm organisation and impoverished feed regimens. The look of the average Soviet hog operation was hardly industrial. In 1955 the typical Soviet pig was petite, shaggy, and slow to reproduce. In the absence of robust dairy or vegetable oil industries, Soviet pigs had always been valued for their fat rather than their meat, and tushonka had been a byproduct of an industry focused mainly on supplying the country with fat and lard. Until the mid 1950s, the most valuable pig on many Soviet state and collective farms was the nondescript but very rotund “lard and bacon” pig, an inefficient eater that could take upwards of two years to reach full maturity. In searching for a way to serve up more tushonka, Soviet planners became aware that their entire industry needed to be revamped. When the Soviet Union looked to the United States, planners were inspired by the earlier competition between hot-blooded and big type pigs, which Soviet planners thought, ambitiously, they could combine into one splendid pig. The Soviet Union imported new pigs from Poland, Lithuania, East Germany and Denmark, trying valiantly to create hybrid pigs that would exhibit both hot blood and big type. Soviet planners were especially interested in inspiring the Poland-China, an especially rotund specimen, to speed up its life cycle during them mid 1950s. Hybrdizing and cross breeding a Soviet super-pig, no matter how closely laid out on paper, was probably always a socialist pipe dream. However, when the Soviets decided to try to outbreed American hog breeders, they created an infrastructure for pigs and pig breeding that had a dramatic positive impact of hog populations across the country, and the 1950s were marked by a large increase in the number of pigs in the Soviet union, as well as dramatic increases in the numbers of purebred and scientific hybrids the country developed, all in the name of tushonka. It was not just the genetic stock that received a makeover in the postwar drive to can more tushonka; a revolution in the barnyard also took place and in less than 10 years, pigs were living in new housing stock and eating new feed sources. The most obvious postwar change was in farm layout and the use of building space. In the early 1950s, many collective farms had been consolidated. In 1940 there were a quarter of a million kolkhozii, by 1951 fewer than half that many remained (NARA RG166). Farm consolidation movements most often combined two, three or four collective farms into one economic unit, thus scaling up the average size and productivity of each collective farm and simplifying their administration. While there were originally ambitious plans to re-center farms around new “agro-city” bases with new, modern farm buildings, these projects were ultimately abandoned. Instead, existing buildings were repurposed and the several clusters of farm buildings that had once been the heart of separate villages acquired different uses. For animals this meant new barns and new daily routines. Barns were redesigned and compartmentalized around ideas of gender and age segregation—weaned baby pigs in one area, farrowing sows in another—as well as maximising growth and health. Pigs spent less outside time and more time at the trough. Pigs that were wanted for different purposes (breeding, meat and lard) were kept in different areas, isolated from each other to minimize the spread of disease as well as improve the efficiency of production. Much like postwar housing for humans, the new and improved pig barn was a crowded and often chaotic place where the electricity, heat and water functioned only sporadically. New barns were supposed to be mechanised. In some places, mechanisation had helped speed things along, but as one American official viewing a new mechanised pig farm in 1955 noted, “it did not appear to be a highly efficient organisation. The mechanised or automated operations, such as the preparation of hog feed, were eclipsed by the amount of hand labor which both preceded and followed the mechanised portion” (NARA RG166 1961). The American official estimated that by mechanizing, Soviet farms had actually increased the amount of human labor needed for farming operations. The other major environmental change took place away from the barnyard, in new crops the Soviet Union began to grow for fodder. The heart and soul of this project was establishing field corn as a major new fodder crop. Originally intended as a feed for cows that would replace hay, corn quickly became the feed of choice for raising pigs. After a visit by a United States delegation to Iowa and other U.S. farms over the summer of 1955, corn became the centerpiece of Khrushchev’s efforts to raise meat and milk productivity. These efforts were what earned Khrushchev his nickname of kukuruznik, or “corn fanatic.” Since so little of the Soviet Union looks or feels much like the plains and hills of Iowa, adopting corn might seem quixotic, but raising corn was a potentially practical move for a cold country. Unlike the other major fodder crops of turnips and potatoes, corn could be harvested early, while still green but already possessing a high level of protein. Corn provided a “gap month” of green feed during July and August, when grazing animals had eaten the first spring green growth but these same plants had not recovered their biomass. What corn remained in the fields in late summer was harvested and made into silage, and corn made the best silage that had been historically available in the Soviet Union. The high protein content of even silage made from green mass and unripe corn ears prevented them from losing weight in the winter. Thus the desire to put more meat on Soviet tables—a desire first prompted by American food donations of surplus pork from Iowa farmers adapting to agro-industrial reordering in their own country—pushed back into the commodity supply network of the Soviet Union. World War II rations that were well adapted to the uncertainty and poor infrastructure not just of war but also of peacetime were a source of inspiration for Soviet planners striving to improve the diets of citizens. To do this, they purchased and bred more and better animals, inventing breeds and paying attention, for the first time, to the efficiency and speed with which these animals were ready to become meat. Reinventing Soviet pigs pushed even back farther, and inspired agricultural economists and state planners to embrace new farm organizational structures. Pigs meant for the tushonka can spent more time inside eating, and led their lives in a rigid compartmentalization that mimicked emerging trends in human urban society. Beyond the barnyard, a new concern with feed-to weight conversions led agriculturalists to seek new crops; crops like corn that were costly to grow but were a perfect food for a pig destined for a tushonka tin. Thus in Soviet industrialization, pigs evolved. No longer simply recyclers of human waste, socialist pigs were consumers in their own right, their newly crafted genetic compositions demanded ever more technical feed sources in order to maximize their own productivity. Food is transformative, and in this case study the prosaic substance of canned meat proved to be unusually transformative for the history of the Soviet Union. In its early history it kept soldiers alive long enough to win an important war, later the requirements for its manufacture re-prioritized muscle tissue over fat tissue in the disassembly of carcasses. This transformative influence reached backwards into the supply lines and farms of the Soviet Union, revolutionizing the scale and goals of farming and meat packing for the Soviet food industry, as well as the relationship between the pig and the consumer. References Bentley, Amy. Eating for Victory: Food Rationing and the Politics of Domesticity. Where: University of Illinois Press, 1998. The Book of Healthy and Delicious Food, Kniga O Vkusnoi I Zdorovoi Pishche. Moscow: AMN Izd., 1952. 161. Danilov, M. M. Tovaravedenie Prodovol’stvennykh Tovarov: Miaso I Miasnye Tovarye. Moscow: Iz. Ekonomika, 1964. Khrushchev, Nikita. Khrushchev Remembers. New York: Little, Brown & Company, 1970. 178. Long, James. The Book of the Pig. London: Upcott Gill, 1886. 102. Lush, Jay & A.L. Anderson, “A Genetic History of Poland-China Swine: I—Early Breed History: The ‘Hot Blood’ versus the ‘Big Type’” Journal of Heredity 30.4 (1939): 149-56. Martel, Leon. Lend-Lease, Loans, and the Coming of the Cold War: A Study of the Implementation of Foreign Policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1979. 35. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 59, General Records of the Department of State. Office of Soviet Union affairs, Box 6. “Records relating to Lend Lease with the USSR 1941-1952”. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative reports 1940-1954. USSR Cotton-USSR Foreign trade. Box 64, Folder “farm management”. Report written by David V Kelly, 6 Apr. 1951. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative Reports 1955-1961. Folder: “Agriculture” “Visits to Soviet agricultural installations,” 15 Nov. 1961. Skeoch, L.A. Food Prices and Ration Scale in the Ukraine, 1946 The Review of Economics and Statistics 35.3 (Aug. 1953), 229-35. State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). Fond R-7021. The Report of Extraordinary Special State Commission on Wartime Losses Resulting from the German-Fascist Occupation cites the following losses in the German takeover. 1948. Stettinus, Edward R. Jr. Lend-Lease: Weapon for Victory. Penguin Books, 1944.

Beech leaf disease (BLD) was first reported in 2012 in Lake County, Ohio on American beech trees (Fagus grandifolia Ehrh.). Since then, it spread across the Northeastern United States and has been reported from Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Maine, West Virginia, and Ontario, Canada (Carta et al. 2020; Mara and LaMondia 2020, Reid et al. 2020). The symptoms of BLD are characterized by dark interveinal banding of leaves appearing soon after spring flush that become chlorotic and necrotic through autumn, resulting in canopy thinning in advanced stages, followed in some young trees by death. Litylenchus crenatae mccannii has similar morphological characteristics with Litylenchus crenatae (Kanzaki et al. 2019) reported on Fagus crenata from Japan. However that beech species has not shown BLD symptoms or yielded any L. crenatae mccannii in North America. There are several morphological differences between the two. The North American subspecies have shorter post-uterine sac, narrower body width in mature females, shorter tail in immature females, longer tail in mature females, and longer stylet in males when compared to the Japanese subspecies (Carta et al. 2020). BLD symptoms were found on American beech trees in Prince William Forest Park, Prince William County, Virginia in June, 2021. The affected leaves contained females, males, and juveniles with morphometrics consistent with L. crenatae mccannii (Carta et al. 2020). The crude genomic DNA from a live single Litylenchus was prepared with freeze-thaw lysis (Carta and Li, 2019). The ITS PCR were performed by using the procedures and primer set, ITS-CL-F2 and 28S-CL-R described in the previous study (Carta and Li, 2020). The visualization, the cleanup and the direct DNA sequencing of the PCR products were performed by using the procedures described in the previous studies (Carta and Li, 2018 and 2019). Sequences were submitted to GenBank as accessions MZ611855 and MZ611856. This represents the first report of BLD in Virginia. It is also approximately 300 miles south of the 2020 detection of BLD from New Cumberland, WV, and represents the southernmost detection of the disease and nematode in North America. The author(s) declare no conflict of interest. References Carta, L.K., Li, S. 2018. Improved 18S small subunit rDNA primers for problematic nematode amplification. Journal of Nematology. 50, 533-542. Carta, L.K., Li, S. 2019. PCR amplification of a long rDNA segment with one primer pair in agriculturally important nematodes. Journal of Nematology. 51, e2019-26. Carta, L.K., Li, S. 2020. Improvement of long segment ribosomal PCR amplification for the molecular taxonomic identification of Litylenchus crenatae mccannii in beech trees with beech leaf disease. Journal of Nematology. 52, e2020-016. Kanzaki, N., Ichihara, Y., Aikawa, T., Ekino, T., Masuya, H. 2019. Litylenchus crenatae n. sp. (Tylenchomorpha: Anguinidae), a leaf gall nematode parasitising Fagus crenata Blume Nematology 21 (1), 5-22. http://www.brill.com/nematology doi: 10.1163/15685411-00003190 Marra, R.E., LaMondia, J. 2020. First report of beech leaf disease, caused by the foliar nematode, Litylenchus crenatae mccannii, on American beech (Fagus grandifolia) in Connecticut. Plant Disease (early view). https://doi.org/10.1094/PDIS-02-20-0442-PDN Reed, S. E., Greifenhagen, S., Yu, Q., Hoke A., Burke D. J., Carta L. K., Handoo Z.A., Kantor, M.R., Koch, J. 2020. Foliar nematode, Litylenchus crenatae ssp. mccannii, population dynamics in leaves and buds of beech leaf disease-affected trees in Canada and the US. Forest Pathology 50 (3), e12599.

This chapter examines the military defenses on the Bluegrass corridor of the Kentucky Central Railroad, which was important for military transportation and communications. State Guards, Home Guards, and Union volunteers encamped in the Cynthiana, Ky., area to guard the railroad, including Camp Bruce. The book describes in detail the establishment and activities of Camp Frazer, one of the first Union camps in Kentucky after neutrality ended. It was organized by Col. Van Derveer’s 35^th Ohio Voluntary Infantry in September 1861. The reaction of citizens to these troops is explored in the chapter. The book documents other Union regiments who guarded the railroad, including Col. S. R. Mott’s 118^th Ohio infantry, who built stockades for Union squads to protect railroad bridges. The chapter examines the interaction of Union troops occupying the county with local citizens, and the military arrest of secessionists caught sabotaging bridges.

Federal courts indicted but later acquitted General Lucius B. Desha, a prominent Harrison County farmer and politician, for both treason and high misdemeanor; however, Union commanders incarcerated him as a civilian prisoner for three months in Camp Chase, a Northern prison, on unspecified charges. This chapter follows Desha’s pro-Confederate activities from the time he was a state representative participating in a State Rights convention and its committees. The book details an inquiry by a legislative committee on his alleged disloyal activities, a federal trial for treason, and his role as Harrison County’s “secessionist leader.” It was Desha’s prominent role that helped label Cynthiana as a Rebel town. The chapter quotes letters describing farm operations and camp life between Eliza Jean Desha and her husband, Lucius Desha, who was a political prisoner at Camp Chase, Ohio.

When a Confederate officer scribbled in his journal after the Second Battle of Cynthiana that Morgan’s men were “plundering & pillaging … the best rebel town of our native state,” he was expressing a widely held perception that, in the Bluegrass, Cynthiana was a “Rebel town.” This reputation was earned in the early years of the war after a series of implicating events: the county judge, county clerk, sheriff, and newspaper editor were arrested for being southern sympathizers; one of the very first Kentucky Rebel volunteer companies was from Harrison County, marching off to war as a Confederate flag was displayed on the courthouse flagpole; and the majority of Harrison County recruits joined the Confederate army. At this divisive time, a citizen admitted: “It is not safe for a man to talk about or in favor of the Union.” The state representatives from Harrison County were known to be prosouthern by their speeches during the neutrality period. Rep. Lucius Desha fled behind Confederate lines to avoid being arrested, only to be indicted for treason on returning to the state. Cincinnati newspapers and a US representative from Bourbon County pointed to the arrest of about sixty citizens to support their contention that Cynthiana was full of “lurking Rebels” and described the town as a “pestiferous Secession hole.” A militia officer, writing state officials in October 1861, referred to “Cynthiana, that infernal hole of rebellion.” And in correspondence with President Lincoln about shipping guns through Harrison County, the clerk of the Kentucky state court of appeals warned, “Cynthiana is a dark hole of traitors.” Even after the war ended, complaints surfaced that some candidates for office in Harrison County were former “stay-at-home rebels.”...

Abstract In 1847, the year Sam Clemens entered the newspaper trade as a printer’s devil, the Hannibal, Missouri, Journal reported on the exceptional durability of some local homespun. After explaining how he inadvertently uprooted a nine-foot-wide tree stump with the seat of his pants, the correspondent declared proudly: “My wife made the cloth for them pantaloons, and I han’t worn any other kind since.” In a similar spirit, Orion Clemens, editor of the Hannibal Western Union, comforted local farmers in August 1851 with a report that the soil in Maine is so poor that before planting, the downeasters must “look for crivices in the rocks, and shoot the grains in with a musket.” Conditions in one Virginia county were even more desperate that year, according to the Western Union, which reported that horses there “are so thin that it takes twelve of them to make a shadow, and when they kill a beef they have to hold him up to knock him down.”