Journal articles on the topic 'Undocumented immigration policy'
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1
Hoekstra, Mark, and Sandra Orozco-Aleman. "Illegal Immigration, State Law, and Deterrence." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 9, no. 2 (May 1, 2017): 228–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20150100.
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A critical immigration policy question is whether state and federal policy can deter undocumented workers from entering the United States. We examine whether Arizona SB 1070, arguably the most restrictive and controversial state immigration law ever passed, deterred entry into Arizona. We do so by exploiting a unique dataset from a survey of undocumented workers passing through Mexican border towns on their way to the United States. Results indicate the bill's passage reduced the flow of undocumented immigrants into Arizona by 30 to 70 percent, suggesting that undocumented workers from Mexico are responsive to changes in state immigration policy. (JEL J15, J18, J61, K37)
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Das, Debolin, Farha Sultana, and Monisha Das. "International Immigration Policy and Evaluating the impacts of Immigration." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 8, no. 08 (August 14, 2021): 6504–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v8i08.01.
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Over the past three decades, new anti-immigration policies and laws have issued to address the migration of undocumented and illicit immigrants. Previous study on immigration was conducted to assess and understand how these immigration policies and laws may affect to lot of sectors among undocumented immigrants and among citizens. This article will show a direct relationship between immigration policies and their effects. In addition, as a result of these policies, undocumented immigrants were impacted by mental health outcomes, including depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, uncertain future, poor lifestyle, and unstable economic life. Sometimes international immigration policy has serious limitations, particularly when viewed from an economic perspective. Some shortcomings arise from faulty preliminary design, others from the inability of the system to adapt to changing circumstances. In either case, a disrelish to confront politically tenacious decisions is often a contributing factor to the failure to craft laws that can stand the test of time. We argue that, as a result, some key aspects of international immigration policy are incoherent and mutually incompatible — new policies are often inconsistent with past policies and undermine their goals. Inconsistency makes policies less effective because participants in the immigration system realize that lawmakers face powerful enthusiasm to revise policies at a later date. Policies regarding impermanent visas, unaffiliated immigration, and humanitarian migrants offer examples of laxity and incompatibility. This article proposes key features of an integrated, coherent immigration policy from an economic perspective and how policymakers could better attempt to achieve policy consistency across laws and over time.
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Gomberg-Munoz, Ruth, and Laura Nussbaum-Barberena. "Is Immigration Policy Labor Policy?: Immigration Enforcement, Undocumented Workers, and the State." Human Organization 70, no. 4 (December 2011): 366–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.70.4.n253284457h28312.
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Pinotti, Paolo. "Immigration Enforcement and Crime." American Economic Review 105, no. 5 (May 1, 2015): 205–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20151040.
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Immigration enforcement has ambiguous implications for the crime rate of undocumented immigrants. On the one hand, expulsions reduce the pool of immigrants at risk of committing crimes, on the other they lower the opportunity cost of crime for those who are not expelled. We estimate the effect of expulsions on the crime rate of undocumented immigrants in Italy exploiting variation in enforcement toward immigrants of different nationality, due to the existence of bilateral agreements for the control of illegal migration. We find that stricter enforcement of migration policy reduces the crime rate of undocumented immigrants.
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Gonzales, Roberto G., and Stephen P. Ruszczyk. "The Legal Status Divide among the Children of Immigrants." Daedalus 150, no. 2 (2021): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01851.
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Abstract Over the past thirty-five years, federal immigration policy has brightened the boundaries of the category of undocumented status. For undocumented young people who move into adulthood, the predominance of immigration status to their everyday experiences and social position has been amplified. This process of trying to continue schooling, find work, and participate in public life has become synonymous with a process of learning to be “illegal.” This essay argues that despite known variations in undocumented youths by race, place, and educational history, undocumented status has become what Everett Hughes called a “master status.” The uniform set of immigration status-based exclusions overwhelms the impact of other statuses to create a socially significant divide. The rise, fall, and survival of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, a policy offering qualified youths a temporary semilegal status, have underlined how closely access and rights hew to the contours of contemporary immigration policy.
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Schaeffer, Peter V., and Mulugeta S. Kahsai. "A Theoretical Note on the Relationship between Documented and Undocumented Migration." International Journal of Population Research 2011 (August 4, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2011/873967.
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Undocumented migration is a (inferior) substitute to documented migration. Hence, policies affecting documented migration also affect undocumented migration. This paper explores this relationship from a theoretical perspective. The implications of this exploration are that lax enforcement of visa rules and national borders, combined with a very long waiting line (small annual quotas) for immigrant visas, can make illegal immigration a preferred option over legal immigration or, more generally, that for policy purposes all types of migrations should be regarded as interdependent. Therefore, policies aimed solely at, say, undocumented immigration will generally be less effective than an integrated policy approach.
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Dzordzormenyoh, Michael K. "Fear of Immigrants, Support for Exclusionary Immigration Policies & Police Stops against Illegal Immigrants with a Criminal Background in the US." Migration & Diversity 1, no. 1 (November 19, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/md.v1i1.2859.
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Most studies suggest that the fear of immigrants strongly influences public opinion about immigrants and immigration policies in the United States. Despite this knowledge, there is a lack of depth in the literature examining the effect of the fear of immigrants on police stops against undocumented immigrants and immigrants with criminal backgrounds. The present study fills this void in the literature by examining the effect of public fear of immigrants on public support for policing immigrants, specifically, undocumented immigrants with a criminal record, while controlling for other factors. Results from the regression analysis suggest that fear of immigrants, illustrated in exclusionary immigration policies, coupled with some socio-demographic factors, influence public attitude towards police stops against undocumented immigrants with criminal records. Theoretically, the present study fills a gap in the existing literature on the fear of immigrants, immigration, and policing, by exclusively focusing on undocumented immigrants with a criminal record. Policy-wise, the findings of these studies can be useful in developing more pragmatic and inclusionary immigration policies void of sentiments.
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Massey, Douglas S. "America's Immigration Policy Fiasco: Learning from Past Mistakes." Daedalus 142, no. 3 (July 2013): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00215.
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In this essay I discuss how and why U.S. policies intended to stop Latin American immigration to the United States not only failed, but proved counterproductive by ultimately accelerating the rate of both documented and undocumented migration from Mexico and Central America to the United States. As a result, the Latino population grew much faster than demographers had originally projected and the undocumented population grew to an unprecedented size. Mass illegality is now the greatest barrier to the successful integration of Latinos, and a pathway to legalization represents a critical policy challenge. If U.S. policy-makers wish to avoid the failures of the past, they must shift from a goal of immigration suppression to one of immigration management within an increasingly integrated North American market.
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Jones-Correa, Michael, and Els de Graauw. "The Illegality Trap: The Politics of Immigration & the Lens of Illegality." Daedalus 142, no. 3 (July 2013): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00227.
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The focus on undocumented immigrants in contemporary U.S. immigration debates, often at the expense of other immigration issues, has led to an illegality trap. This situation has serious negative consequences for both U.S. immigration policy and immigrants, including an overwhelming emphasis on enforcement; legislative gridlock and the failure of comprehensive immigration reform; constitutional conflict resulting from tensions between national, state, and local approaches to dealing with undocumented immigration; and the puzzling absence of federal policies addressing immigrant integration. This essay argues for a reframing of “illegality” as a contingent rather than categorical status, building on the insights of Plyler v. Doe and notions of implied contract and attachment to U.S. society. Doing so, we contend, will shift the terms of the immigration debate, enabling more fruitful policy discussions about both immigration and immigrant integration.
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Pollock, Mica. "Flipping Our Scripts about Undocumented Immigration." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (March 19, 2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010029.
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This critical family history explores a common script about undocumented immigration: that undocumented immigrants unfairly have refused to “stand in line” for official, sanctioned immigration and instead have broken rules that the rest of “our” families have followed. Noting a hole in her knowledge base, the author put herself on a steep learning curve to “clean her lenses”—to learn more information about opportunities past and present, so she could see and discuss the issue more clearly. The author sought new and forgotten information about immigration history, new information about her own family, and details about actual immigration policy. She wrote this piece to share a few script-flipping realizations, in case they can shortcut this journey for others.
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Turner, Erica O., and Ariana Mangual Figueroa. "Immigration Policy and Education in Lived Reality: A Framework for Researchers and Educators." Educational Researcher 48, no. 8 (September 5, 2019): 549–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x19872496.
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The urgency of immigration policy in the lives of immigrant students and families and educators is more evident than ever; however, education theories and educators’ practices are not keeping pace with this lived reality. We draw on scholarship that examines the lives and educational experiences of undocumented students and undocumented or mixed-status families; research on classroom, school, and district policy and practice for immigrant students; and critical sociocultural approaches and critical race theories to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the intersection of immigration policy and education in a nuanced way. We highlight conceptual insights—on people, policy, context, outcomes, and power—for making sense of this nexus. We conclude with implications for our work as researchers and educators and how we conceptualize citizenship.
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McCabe, Katherine T., Yalidy Matos, and Hannah Walker. "Priming Legality: Perceptions of Latino and Undocumented Latino Immigrants." American Politics Research 49, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20959600.
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Previous work has shown public opinion toward immigrants is malleable based on how immigrants are described in media and elite rhetoric. In a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of American adults, we extend this research to test for possible priming effects that occur based on how salient documentation status is when respondents proffer opinions on Latino immigrants. Our findings show that when subjects are first asked about “undocumented Latino immigrants,” their attitudes toward “Latino immigrants,” appear more negative, relative to when they are first asked about “Latino immigrants” without invoking the legal modifier. Respondents channel their negative associations with “illegal” or “undocumented” immigration into their opinions of Latino immigrants writ large. The results have implications for political communication, media reporting on immigration, and policy debates, which frequently discuss both “legal” and “undocumented” immigration in the same context.
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Enriquez, Laura E., Martha Morales Hernandez, Daniel Millán, and Daisy Vazquez Vera. "Mediating Illegality: Federal, State, and Institutional Policies in the Educational Experiences of Undocumented College Students." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 03 (March 18, 2019): 679–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2018.16.
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Immigration federalism scholarship has established that state and local government policies can make federally defined immigration status more or less consequential. Drawing primarily on focus groups and interviews with 184 undocumented students attending the University of California, we suggest that institutional policies work alongside state and local efforts to mediate the consequences of illegality for undocumented students. We find that the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, state-funded financial aid policies, and university support programs all facilitate the integration of undocumented students by increasing access to higher education and enabling fuller participation. Although federal policies contribute to persistent barriers to academic engagement and professional development, we show that universities can intervene to improve educational experiences and opportunities. Ultimately, we argue that university policies are a key site for intervening in immigration policy and constructing immigrant illegality.
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Sulkowski, Michael L., and Jaclyn N. Wolf. "Undocumented immigration in the United States: Historical and legal context and the ethical practice of school psychology." School Psychology International 41, no. 4 (June 6, 2020): 388–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143034320927449.
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Anti-immigrant sentiment, policy, and practice are deeply rooted in the US tradition. Because of this, a series of laws have been passed to restrict immigration, which has resulted in millions of children and families being designated as “undocumented”. These individuals reside in the US, yet do not receive the same protections as citizens. Schools, however, have historically been supportive institutions for undocumented children because of various laws and court decisions that uphold their access to a free and appropriate education. Various barriers exist to the successful implementation of these laws and they are often not followed. School psychologists, as professionals with an ethical responsibility to advocate for the well-being of all students and families—regardless of their immigration status—can help overcome these barriers. This article first reviews the historical and legal context surrounding undocumented immigration in the US as it impacts public K-12 education. Second, it details how ethical standards influence the applied practice of school psychology when working with undocumented students and families. Finally, it concludes with a brief discussion on resolving legal and ethical dilemmas.
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Durand, Jorge, and Douglas S. Massey. "Debacles on the Border: Five Decades of Fact-Free Immigration Policy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 684, no. 1 (July 2019): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219857647.
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Since 1987, the Mexican Migration Project (MMP) has compiled extensive data on the characteristics and behavior of documented and undocumented migrants to the United States, and made them publicly available to users to test theories of international migration and evaluate U.S. immigration and border policies. Findings based on these data have been plentiful, but have also routinely been ignored by political leaders, who instead continue to pursue policies with widely documented, counterproductive effects. In this article, we review prior studies based on MMP data to document these effects. We also use official statistics to document circumstances on the border today, and draw on articles in this volume to underscore the huge gap between U.S. policies and the realities of immigration. Despite that net positive undocumented Mexican migration to the United States ended more than a decade ago, the Trump administration continues to demand the construction of a border wall and persists in treating Central American arrivals as criminals rather than asylum seekers, thus transforming what is essentially a humanitarian problem into an immigration crisis.
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Guzman, Roxanne De. "The Possibility of Living the DREAM: A Study on Legislation Regarding Immigration Policy for Undocumented Minors." International Academic Journal of Social Sciences 06, no. 01 (June 6, 2019): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/iajss/v6i1/1910009.
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Gonzales, Roberto G., and Edelina M. Burciaga. "Segmented pathways of illegality: Reconciling the coexistence of master and auxiliary statuses in the experiences of 1.5-generation undocumented young adults." Ethnicities 18, no. 2 (April 2018): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796818767176.
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In response to a changing immigration enforcement landscape, a growing number of studies have sought to understand the impact of immigration policy and practice on a new and growing population. Recent scholarship has uncovered layers of stratification within undocumented populations, while some scholars have argued that illegality is a “master status.” In this article, we argue that these two ideas are not in tension. That is, certain traits or identities (e.g., race or gender) can be master statuses while also exhibiting layers of stratification. While our understanding of illegality is consistent with the master status framework, we recognize variation within that category. Our point of departure is the recognition that the experiences of undocumented children differ greatly from those of undocumented adults. From this observation, we point to four salient axes of difference and stratification that shape varied and unequal pathways for undocumented youth and young adults: (1) educational access and attainment, (2) place; (3) race and ethnicity, and (4) Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status.
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Fabini, Giulia. "Managing illegality at the internal border: Governing through ‘differential inclusion’ in Italy." European Journal of Criminology 14, no. 1 (January 2017): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370816640138.
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This article interrogates whether a crimmigration frame could be used to assess immigration control in Italy. It argues that even if crimmigration laws are similar across European countries, the outcomes of European border control depend on the local context. It looks at the interaction between police, judges, and migrants at the internal borders in Bologna, Italy. The article is based on quantitative data (analysis of case files on pre-removal detention in Bologna’s detention centre) and qualitative data (one-to-one in-depth interviews with migrants and justices of the peace, and participant observation). The case study focuses on ‘differential inclusion’ of undocumented migrants informally allowed to remain in the Italian territory. Police manage illegality rather than enforcing removals, using selective non-enforcement of immigration laws as effectively as enforcement itself. The article’s main hypothesis is that, at the local level, the production of borders works as a provisional admission policy to include undocumented migrants, though in a subordinated position.
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Cohen, Jeffrey H. "Where do they go? “A day without a Mexican,” a perspective from south of the border." MIGRATION LETTERS 3, no. 1 (April 16, 2006): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v3i1.33.
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The author uses the film “A day without a Mexican” to explore Mexican-US migration and to examine current US policy on immigration and in particular, US attitudes toward undocumented Mexican migrant workers.
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Sirin, Cigdem V., Nicholas A. Valentino, and José D. Villalobos. "Group Empathy in Response to Nonverbal Racial/Ethnic Cues." American Behavioral Scientist 60, no. 14 (December 2016): 1676–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216676246.
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In this study, we argue that nonverbal racial/ethnic cues can activate one’s empathy toward disadvantaged out-groups, particularly when such cues resonate with one’s own in-group cultural experiences with discrimination. To explain this phenomenon, we propose Group Empathy Theory and test our expectations via a national survey experiment on undocumented immigration. We find trait-level group empathy is strongly linked with empathic reactions to vignettes depicting immigrant detainees in distress, which in turn affect immigration policy attitudes. We also find African Americans and Latinos are considerably more likely than Anglos to exhibit empathy for disadvantaged groups other than their own and oppose deportation policies aimed at undocumented immigrants.
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Benuto, Lorraine T., Jena B. Casas, Caroline Cummings, and Rory Newlands. "Undocumented, to DACAmented, to DACAlimited: Narratives of Latino Students With DACA Status." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 40, no. 3 (May 21, 2018): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986318776941.
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The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) executive order intended to protect undocumented youth from deportation and mitigate the negative impact of their undocumented status. Using qualitative methods, eight DACA recipients were interviewed. Participants were primarily females, ranged in age from 19 and 27 years old, and had immigrated from Mexico. Our findings revealed that as participants grew up, they experienced a sense of liminality, or “non-belonging”; however, upon receiving DACA status, these feelings of liminality were temporarily abated. Problematically, as our participants encountered the limitations of DACA, their feelings of liminality returned. While DACA increases access to education, health care, and legal system participation, it only temporarily mitigates the impact of having an undocumented status. The ramifications of the sense of liminality that occur with being undocumented is discussed and policy reforms in areas of federal and state educational policy and immigration policy are suggested.
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Espenshade, Thomas J., and Charles A. Calhoun. "An analysis of public opinion toward undocumented immigration." Population Research and Policy Review 13, no. 2 (June 1994): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01080205.
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Gildersleeve, Ryan Evely. "Making and Becoming the Undocumented and the Illegal: Discourses of Immigration and American Higher Education Policy." education policy analysis archives 25 (March 27, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.25.2286.
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This paper discursively analyzes the public conversation around immigration as it intra-sects with state and federal policy, particularly in relation to higher education. I take in-state resident tuition policy as a departure point for an interpretive effort to explain how “undocumented” and “illegal” subject positions are produced through intra-secting policy texts, popular journalism, and presidential campaigns. I illustrate how the ethics produced through this policy regime act pedagogically, mediating understandings of students becoming reified into “undocumented” and/or “illegal” identities. I pay special attention to the discursive productions made available from policy texts, both state-based (e.g., CA Dream Act) and federal (e.g., DACA), highlighting the use of discourse analysis in the interrogation of social policy.
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Gubernskaya, Zoya, and Joanna Dreby. "US Immigration Policy and the Case for Family Unity." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500210.
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As the Trump administration contemplates immigration reform, it is important to better understand what works and what does not in the current system. This paper reviews and critically evaluates the principle of family unity, a hallmark of US immigration policy over the past 50 years and the most important mechanism for immigration to the United States. Since 1965, the United States has been admitting a relatively high proportion of family-based migrants and allowing for the immigration of a broader range of family members. However, restrictive annual quotas have resulted in a long line of prospective immigrants waiting outside of the United States or within the United States, but without status. Further policy changes have led to an increasing number of undocumented migrants and mixed-status families in the United States. Several policies and practices contribute to prolonged periods of family separation by restricting travel and effectively locking in a large number of people either inside or outside of the United States. On top of that, increasingly aggressive enforcement practices undermine family unity of a large number of undocumented and mixed-status families. Deportations — and even a fear of deportation —cause severe psychological distress and often leave US-born children of undocumented parents without economic and social support. A recent comprehensive report concluded that immigration has overall positive impact on the US economy, suggesting that a predominantly family-based migration system carries net economic benefits. Immigrants rely on family networks for employment, housing, transportation, informal financial services, schooling, childcare, and old age care. In the US context where there is nearly no federal support for immigrants' integration and limited welfare policies, family unity is critical for promoting immigrant integration, social and economic well-being, and intergenerational mobility. Given the benefits of family unity in the US immigrant context and the significant negative consequences of family separation, the United States would do well to make a number of changes to current policy and practice that reaffirm its commitment to family unity. Reducing wait times for family reunification with spouses and children of lawful permanent residents, allowing prospective family-based migrants to visit their relatives in the United States while their applications are being processed, and providing relief from deportation and a path to legalization to parents and spouses of US citizens should be prioritized. The cost to implement these measures would likely be minor compared to current and projected spending on immigration enforcement and it would be more than offset by the improved health and well-being of American families.
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Cramer, Gregory J., and Christopher A. Fons. "What teachers in the United States should know about undocumented students." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00045_1.
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In order to be effective in today’s diverse American K-12 classrooms, teachers must teach all students – including immigrant, undocumented and mixed-status students. This article suggests three ways for teachers to become effective educators for all students: by gaining historical perspective on immigration law and policy in the United States; by becoming knowledgeable about undocumented and mixed-status students; and by adopting a cosmopolitan human rights stance regarding migration, membership and human belonging.
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Murshid, Nadine Shaanta, and Elizabeth A. Bowen. "A Trauma-Informed Analysis of the Violence Against Women Act’s Provisions for Undocumented Immigrant Women." Violence Against Women 24, no. 13 (January 21, 2018): 1540–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217741991.
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Immigrant women in the United States are among the groups disproportionately affected by intimate partner violence (IPV). Undocumented immigrants generally have fewer resources for coping with violence and may experience a range of personal, cultural, and immigration status–related barriers to reporting violence and accessing help. Thus, undocumented immigrant victims of IPV could benefit significantly from policies that promote access to trauma-informed services and legal options. This article applies a trauma-informed policy analysis framework to the Violence Against Women Act’s immigration protections to demonstrate how the Act’s U-Visa provisions and implementation practices could be improved by incorporating trauma-informed principles of trustworthiness and transparency, empowerment, choice, safety, collaboration, and intersectionality.
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Inghammar, Andreas. "The Employment Contract Revisited. Undocumented Migrant Workers and the Intersection between International Standards, Immigration Policy and Employment Law." European Journal of Migration and Law 12, no. 2 (2010): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181610x496876.
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AbstractThis article considers recent legal developments on undocumented migrant workers, finds the acceptance of international legal standards unsatisfactory and argues that the private law rights derived from the “semi-legal” employment contract between the employer and the undocumented migrant worker generates a solid base for significant legal claims. It further monitors the promotion of the position of the undocumented migrant workers under recent EU law and calls for a refocusing on the employment contract in the reading of a relevant EC Directive, with a particular emphasis on the issue of access to justice for the migrant workers. The increased number of undocumented migrants who leave their countries of origin for reasons outside the scope of the asylum procedure, as well as the circumstances under which this migration is undertaken and the working conditions of these individuals in the host countries, have brought about legal activities from governments and institutions such as the EU. The aim has in general been to establish sanctions against employers of undocumented migrant workers, but a shift towards a compensatory, employee protective, attitude has recently emerged, both in EU legislation and in a broader perspective in US case law. The article concludes that such a development must be massively supported in relation to access to justice in order to fulfill the ambition. The poor legal position of the undocumented migrant workers is significantly connected to issues of legal representation, trade union participation and the threat of repatriation.
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Amuedo-Dorantes, Catalina, and Esther Arenas-Arroyo. "Immigration policy and fertility: Evidence from undocumented migrants in the U.S." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 189 (September 2021): 274–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2021.06.027.
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Jolly, Andy. "No Recourse to Social Work? Statutory Neglect, Social Exclusion and Undocumented Migrant Families in the UK." Social Inclusion 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i3.1486.
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Families in the UK with an irregular migration status are excluded from most mainstream welfare provision through the no recourse to public funds rule, and statutory children’s social work services are one of the few welfare services available to undocumented migrant families. This article draws on semi-structured interviews with undocumented migrant families who are accessing children’s services support to illustrate the sometimes uneasy relationship between child welfare law and immigration control. Outlining the legislative and policy context for social work with undocumented migrant families in the UK, the article argues that the exclusion of migrant families from the welfare state by government policy amounts to a form of statutory neglect which is incompatible with the global social work profession’s commitment to social justice and human rights.
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Buenavista, Tracy. "Citizenship at a Cost: Undocumented Asian Youth Perceptions and the Militarization of Immigration." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 10, no. 1 (2012): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus10.1_101-124_buenavista.
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Two federal policies, the Military Accessions Vital to National Interest (MAVNI) program and the proposed federal Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, represent the militarization of immigration. Critical Race Theory is used to analyze MAVNI, the DREAM Act, and semi-structured interviews with fourteen undocumented Asian immigrant youth who believe these policies provide viable pathways to citizenship through military enlistment. The project explores the recurring pattern of militarized immigration reform in the United States and challenges scholars, policy makers, and activists to understand the relationship between immigration and legacies of American imperialism.
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Chavez, Leo R., F. Allan Hubbell, Shiraz I. Mishra, and R. Burciaga Valdez. "Undocumented Latina Immigrants in Orange County, California: A Comparative Analysis." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (March 1997): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100105.
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This article examines a unique data set randomly collected from Latinas (including 160 undocumented immigrants) and non-Hispanic white women in Orange County, California, including undocumented and documented Latina immigrants, Latina citizens, and non-Hispanic white women. Our survey suggests that undocumented Latinas are younger than documented Latinas, and immigrant Latinas are generally younger than U.S.-citizen Latinas and Anglo women. Undocumented and documented Latinas work in menial service sector jobs, often in domestic services. Most do not have job-related benefits such as medical insurance. Despite low incomes and likelihood of having children under age 18 living with them, their use of public assistance was low. Undocumented and documented Latina immigrants lived in households that often contained extended family members; they were more likely than other women in the study to lack a regular source of health care, to utilize health clinics, public health centers, and hospital emergency rooms rather than private physicians or HMOs, and to underutilize preventative cancer screening services. Despite their immigration status, undocumented Latina immigrants often viewed themselves as part of a community in the United States, which significantly influenced their intentions to stay in the United States. Contrary to much of the recent public policy debate over immigration, we did not find that social services influenced Latina immigrants’ intentions to stay in the United States.
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Alarcón, Rafael. "U.S. Expansionism, Mexican Undocumented Migration, and American Obligations." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002763.
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In his compelling piece, “Living in a Promiseland? Mexican Immigration and American Obligations,” Rogers Smith argues that the greater the degree to which the U.S. has coercively constituted the identities of non-citizens in ways that have made having certain relationships to America fundamental to their capacities to lead free and meaningful lives, the greater the obligations the U.S. has to facilitate those relationships. Over the last hundred years, many rural communities in Mexico have been constituted more by U.S. immigration policy and the labor demands of U.S. employers than by similar policies and economic factors in Mexico. According to Smith, this means that Mexicans may be owed “special access” to American residency and citizenship, ahead of the residents of countries less affected by U.S. policies, and in ways that should justify leniency toward undocumented Mexican immigrants.
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Wallace, Geoffrey P. R., and Sophia Jordán Wallace. "Who Gets to Have a DREAM? Examining Public Support for Immigration Reform." International Migration Review 54, no. 2 (March 17, 2019): 527–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319833924.
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This article assesses how different notions of citizenship shape mass attitudes toward immigration reform. We examine the underpinnings of the military service and college education provisions that were at the center of the 2010 DREAM Act, which sought to provide a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrant youth in the United States. Employing a survey experiment on a nationally representative US sample, we unpack the extent to which the mass public is willing to support immigration reform based on criteria tied to undocumented immigrants’ educational attainment or enlistment in the armed forces. While education has little effect on its own, military service significantly increases public support for a pathway to citizenship. The positive effect of military service endures when it is paired with less popular provisions, suggesting that a military criterion can serve as a basis of support for broader immigration legislation. Moreover, the effects are strongest for those groups who are traditionally viewed as being most opposed to immigration reforms that expand access to citizenship. The results of this study have implications for public attitudes toward immigration, the persistence of the citizen-soldier ideal, and the importance of framing in the policy-making process.
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Coleman, Mathew. "Between Public Policy and Foreign Policy: U.S. Immigration Law Reform and the Undocumented Migrant." Urban Geography 29, no. 1 (January 2008): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.29.1.4.
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Ornelas-Dorian, Carolina, Jacqueline M. Torres, Jennifer Sun, Alexis Aleman, Emmanuel Cordova, Aristides Orue, Breena R. Taira, Erik Anderson, and Robert M. Rodriguez. "Provider and administrator-level perspectives on strategies to reduce fear and improve patient trust in the emergency department in times of heightened immigration enforcement." PLOS ONE 16, no. 9 (September 10, 2021): e0256073. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256073.
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Study objectives Heightened immigration enforcement may induce fear in undocumented patients when coming to the Emergency Department (ED) for care. Limited literature examining health system policies to reduce immigrant fear exists. In this multi-site qualitative study, we sought to assess provider and system-level policies on caring for undocumented patients in three California EDs. Methods We recruited 41 ED providers and administrators from three California EDs (in San Francisco, Oakland, and Sylmar) with large immigrant populations. Participants were recruited using a trusted gatekeeper and snowball sampling. We conducted semi-structured interviews and analyzed the transcripts using constructivist grounded theory. Results We interviewed 10 physicians, 11 nurses, 9 social workers, and 11 administrators, and identified 7 themes. Providers described existing policies and recent policy changes that facilitate access to care for undocumented patients. Providers reported that current training and communication around policies is limited, there are variations between who asks about and documents status, and there remains uncertainty around policy details, laws, and jurisdiction of staff. Providers also stated they are taking an active role in building safety and trust and see their role as supporting undocumented patients. Conclusions This study introduces ED-level health system perspectives and recommendations for caring for undocumented patients. There is a need for active, multi-disciplinary ED policy training, clear policy details including the extent of providers’ roles, protocols on the screening and documentation of status, and continual reassessment of our health systems to reduce fear and build safety and trust with our undocumented communities.
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Renfroe, SaraJane. "Building a Life Despite It All: Structural Oppression and Resilience of Undocumented Latina Migrants in Central Florida." Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography 10, no. 1 (February 12, 2020): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/jue.v10i1.9947.
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Immigrants to the United States encounter a multitude of challenges upon arriving. This is further complicated if migrants arrive without legal status and even more so if these migrants are women. My research engages with Kimberlé Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality to examine interlocking systems of oppression faced by undocumented migrant women living in Central Florida. I worked mainly in Apopka, Florida, with women who migrated from Mexico, Central America, and South America. I found that three broad identity factors shaped their experiences of life in the U.S.: gender, undocumented status, and Latinx identity. The last factor specifically affected women’s lives through not only their own assertions of their identity, but also outsider projections of interviewees’ race, ethnicity, and culture. My research examines how these identity factors affected my interviewees and limited their access to employment, healthcare, and education. Through a collaborative research project involving work with Central Floridian non-pro t and activist organizations, I conducted interviews and participant observation to answer my research questions. Through my research, I found that undocumented Latina migrants in Central Florida face structural vulnerabilities due to gendered and racist immigration policies and social systems, the oppressive effects of which were only partly mitigated by women’s involvement with community organizations. My research exposes fundamental and systemic failures within U.S. immigration policies and demonstrates that U.S. immigration policy must change to address intersectional oppression faced by undocumented Latina migrants.
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ARANDA, Elizabeth, and Elizabeth VAQUERA. "IMMIGRANT FAMILY SEPARATION, FEAR, AND THE U.S. DEPORTATION REGIME." Monitoring of public opinion economic&social changes, no. 5 (November 10, 2018): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.14515/monitoring.2018.5.16.
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In 2018, President Trump changed a long-standing policy of keeping families who cross the United States border together; instead, he ordered that parents be detained separately from children, drawing a national outcry that led to his administration walking back the practice. Drawing on 50 in-depth interviews with undocumented young adults in the state of Florida, USA, we argue that the practice of family separation through immigration policy is not new. We illustrate how our sample’s undocumented status puts them at risk for family separation under the current ‘deportation regime’ that creates a heightened and all-encompassing fear about the possibility of family separation.
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Hamlin, Rebecca. "Trump’s Immigration Legacy." Forum 19, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0005.
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Abstract From the moment that he first announced his presidential candidacy until his final days in office, Donald Trump’s signature personal political cause was the restriction of immigration. Media coverage and public debate often focused on Trump’s rhetorical invocation of this issue and emphasized his opposition to undocumented immigration in particular, as symbolized by his famous proposal to build a wall across the southern border of the United States. But while the wall itself was not completed, the Trump administration worked aggressively through the federal bureaucracy to reduce all forms of immigration. The Trump administration’s record on immigration should therefore be understood as extending far beyond charged presidential rhetoric and sporadic wall-building efforts, leaving a much more consequential substantive legacy in American immigration policy that will not be quickly or easily reversed by future presidents.
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Jepson, Victoria A., John V. Cox, and Jeffrey Peppercorn. "Ethical Challenges: Oncologists' Role in Immigrant Health Care." Journal of Oncology Practice 6, no. 5 (September 2010): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jop.000129.
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As health care and immigration policies evolve, oncologists may be faced with challenges regarding care for undocumented immigrants, and must stay abreast of changes in federal and state legal statutes as well as medical ethics guidelines.
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Baker, Susan González. "The “Amnesty” Aftermath: Current Policy Issues Stemming from the Legalization Programs of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100101.
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The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) created two one-time only legalization programs affecting nearly 3 million undocumented immigrants. Legalization has produced important changes among immigrants and in immigration policy. These changes include new patterns of immigrant social and economic adaptation to the United States and new immigrant flows through family ties to IRCA-legalized aliens. The heightened salience of immigration, produced in part by legalization, has also generated a wave of “backlash” policymaking at the state and local levels in high-immigration sites. This article combines data from a longitudinal survey of the IRCA-legalized population with qualitative field data on current immigration issues from key informants in eight high-immigration metropolitan areas. It reviews the political evolution and early implementation of legalization, the current socioeconomic position of legalized aliens, and changes in the immigration “policy space” resulting from legalization. Aldiough restrictive policies have again captured public attention, legalization has also sparked renewed efforts at immigration advocacy, particularly where immigrants who adjust to U.S. citizenship hold the potential for influencing local politics.
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Kerwin, Donald, and Evin Millet. "Charitable Legal Immigration Programs and the US Undocumented Population: A Study in Access to Justice in an Era of Political Dysfunction." Journal on Migration and Human Security 10, no. 3 (September 2022): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23315024221124924.
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This study examines the legal capacity available to low-income immigrants on national, state and sub-state levels. Legal professionals working in charitable immigration service programs serve as the study's rough proxy for legal capacity, and undocumented immigrants its proxy for legal need. The Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) compiled data on charitable immigration programs and their legal professionals from the: US Department of Justice's (DOJ's) “Recognized Organizations and Accredited Representatives Roster by State and City,” which is maintained by the Executive Office for Immigration Review's (EOIR's) Office of Legal Access Programs (OLAP). Directories of two leading, legal support agencies for charitable immigration legal programs, the Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (CLINIC) and the Immigrant Advocates Network (IAN). CMS supplemented and updated these sources with information from the websites of charitable immigration programs. It also added legal programs to its dataset that did not appear in any of these lists. It counted as legal professionals, attorneys, federally accredited non-attorneys, paralegals and legal assistants. The paper finds that there are 1,413 undocumented persons in the United States for every charitable legal professional, and far less capacity than the national average in: States such as Alabama (6,656 undocumented per legal professional), Hawaii (4,506), Kansas (3,010), Georgia (2,853), New Jersey (2,687), Florida (2,681), North Carolina (2,671), Virginia (2,634) and Arizona (2,561). Metropolitan areas (MAs) such as Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario (5,307), Dallas-Fort Worth-Arlington (4,436), Phoenix-Mesa-Scottsdale (3,439) and Houston-The Woodlands-Sugar Land (3,099). San Bernardino County (6,178), Clark County (4,747), Riverside County (4,625), Tarrant County (3,955) and Dallas County (3,939). The study's introduction summarizes its top-line findings. Its first section describes the importance of charitable immigration legal programs to immigrants, families and communities. Its second details the study's findings on charitable legal capacity and immigrant need. Its third compares the legal capacity of 1,803 charitable legal programs and their 7,322 legal professionals, with the US undocumented population by state and for the 15 largest MAs and counties. Its fourth describes CMS's research methodology and data sources. The paper ends with policy recommendations on how to expand legal capacity for low-income immigrants and better assess legal capacity and need moving forward.
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Frasure-Yokley, Lorrie, and Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta. "Geographic Identity and Attitudes toward Undocumented Immigrants." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 4 (May 16, 2019): 944–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919843349.
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This article examines the extent to which economic attitudes, political predispositions, neighborhood context, and socio-demographic factors influence views toward adult, undocumented immigrants living and working in the United States. We specifically examine how these factors differ for respondents living in various types of American urban, suburban, and rural areas. Arguably, in the aftermath of the 2016 Presidential election, public opinion toward often racialized immigration policy proposals is incomplete without an understanding of the role of place and geographic identity. In the 2016 general election, 62 percent of rural voters cast a ballot for Trump, as compared with 50 percent of suburban voters, and 35 percent of urban voters. However, we know little about how their views toward undocumented immigration, a persistent hot-button issue, varied by geographic type. Our findings suggest that views toward undocumented immigrants currently living and working in the United States are conditioned by factors related to a respondent’s geographic type. We find that attitudes toward immigrants vary considerably across place. These findings provide support to our argument about the development of a geographic-based identity that has considerable impact on important public opinion attitudes, even after controlling for more traditional explanatory factors.
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Mitchell, Daniel. "Book Review: U.S. Immigration Policy and the Undocumented: Ambivalent Laws, Furtive Lives." International Migration Review 36, no. 3 (September 2002): 944–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00111.xf.
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Kerwin, Donald, and Robert Warren. "National Interests and Common Ground in the US Immigration Debate: How to Legalize the US Immigration System and Permanently Reduce Its Undocumented Population." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 297–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500205.
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The conventional wisdom holds that the only point of consensus in the fractious US immigration debate is that the system is broken. Yet, the US public has consistently expressed a desire for a legal and orderly immigration system that serves compelling national interests. This paper describes how to create such a system. It focuses on the cornerstone of immigration reform,1 the legal immigration system,2 and addresses the widespread belief that broad reform will incentivize illegal migration and ultimately lead to another large undocumented population. The paper begins with an analysis of presidential signing statements on seminal immigration legislation over nearly a century. These statements reveal broad consensus on the interests and values that the United States seeks to advance through its immigration and refugee policies. They constitute additional common ground in the immigration debate. To serve these interests, immigration and refugee considerations must be “mainstreamed” into other policy processes. In addition, its policies will be more successful if they are seen to benefit or, at least, not to discriminate against migrant-sending states. Not surprisingly, the US immigration system does not reflect the vast, mostly unanticipated changes in the nation and the world since Congress last meaningfully reformed this system (27 years ago) and last overhauled the law (52 years ago). The paper does not detail the well-documented ways that US immigration laws fall short of serving the nation's economic, family, humanitarian, and rule of law objectives. Nor does it propose specific changes in categories and levels of admission. Rather, it describes how a legal immigration system might be broadly structured to deliver on its promises. In particular, it makes the case that Congress should create a flexible system that serves compelling national interests, allows for real time adjustments in admission based on evidence and independent analysis, and vests the executive with appropriate discretion in administering the law. The paper also argues that the United States should anticipate and accommodate the needs of persons compelled to migrate by its military, trade, development, and other commitments. In addition, the US immigration system needs to be able to distinguish between undocumented immigrants, and refugees and asylum seekers, and to treat these two populations differently. The paper assumes that there will be continued bipartisan support for immigration enforcement. However, even with a strong enforcement apparatus in place and an adaptable, coherent, evidence-based legal immigration system that closely aligns with US interests, some (reduced) level of illegal migration will persist. The paper offers a sweeping, historical analysis of how this population emerged, why it has grown and contracted, and how estimates of its size have been politically exploited. Legalization is often viewed as the third rail of immigration reform. Yet, Congress has regularly legalized discrete undocumented populations, and the combination of a well-structured legalization program, strengthened legal immigration system, and strong enforcement policies can prevent the reemergence of a large-scale undocumented population. In contrast, the immense US enforcement apparatus will work at cross-purposes to US interests and values, absent broader reform. The paper ends with a series of recommendations to reform the legal immigration system, downsize the current undocumented population, and ensure its permanent reduction. It proposes that the United States “reissue” (or reuse) the visas of persons who emigrate, as a way to promote legal immigration reform without significantly increasing annual visa numbers.
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Lakhani, Sarah Morando. "From Problems of Living to Problems of Law: The Legal Translation and Documentation of Immigrant Abuse and Helpfulness." Law & Social Inquiry 39, no. 03 (2014): 643–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12082.
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To apply for U Visa status, a temporary legal standing available to undocumented crime victims who assist law enforcement in investigations, immigrants must obtain validation of their experiences from police via a signed “certification” paper. This article investigates the challenges lawyers and immigrant crime victims face in translating and documenting victims' experiences into legal form. By analyzing interactions between Los Angeles attorneys and female undocumented immigrants, I explore how immigrant victims of violence prepare to approach police certifiers. Attorneys arbitrate between accounts of violence and immigrant‐police encounters and the legal cases they can develop, offering retrospective and prospective advice to immigrants about how to make effective pleas to police. Drawing attention to the devolutionary dynamics of an inclusive immigration policy, I show how nonfederal bureaucrats shape immigrants' eligibility for legalization remedies. In turn, I expose detrimental consequences of mixing street‐level administrative discretion with federal visa eligibility determinations.
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Medel-Herrero, Alvaro, Monica Torreiro-Casal, Joseph D. Hovey, Karla Rascon-Garcia, Suzette Smiley-Jewell, Martha Shumway, and Natalia Deeb-Sossa. "The increasing toll of racism and discrimination on California agricultural workers and their families under the Trump administration." Ethnicities 21, no. 4 (May 26, 2021): 638–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211018255.
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Over 800,000 Mexican agricultural workers are employed in California each year, of which approximately 400,000 are estimated to be undocumented immigrants. Previous studies have found President Trump to be distinct in his anti-immigrant rhetoric and explicit verbal attacks of immigrants and refugees, which predicts hostile community attitudes towards immigrants and minorities. We convened 19 focus groups (FG) in diverse regions of California to gather information from Latina/o agriculture workers on the potential impact(s) of the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and immigration policy on this population. Widespread racism and discrimination were overwhelmingly noted in all FG sessions. Participants reported being the targets of increasingly hostile behavior, including hate crimes, that they attributed to anti-immigration rhetoric. Therefore, participants also reported an increasing sense of fear and psychological distress that led them to avoid community participation. Perceptions of racist and intentionally harmful policies contributed to reduced interactions with healthcare facilities and prompted both documented and undocumented participants to withdraw themselves and their children from public programs. For FG participants, the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and immigration policy severely impacted their community resulting in profound negative impacts on their economic well-being, education, and physical and emotional health.
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Barboza, Gia, Silvia Dominguez, Laura Siller, and Miguel Montalva. "Citizenship, fear and support for the criminalization of immigration." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 40, no. 2 (May 15, 2017): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-03-2016-0041.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the association between Mexicans’ support for the criminalization of immigration and level of police contact, fear of deportation and the perceived personal impact of immigration enforcement. Design/methodology/approach This analysis uses data from the 2008 National Survey of Latinos, a representative random sample of 1,153 self-identified Latino/as residing in the USA. The authors sought to identify the prevalence of Latino support for local police actively identifying undocumented immigrants and to examine the relationship between acculturation, confidence in the police and/or fear that immigrants increase neighborhood crime and support for the criminalization of immigration. The authors use logistic regression analysis and post-estimation techniques to explore the relationship between support for the criminalization of immigration and acculturation, discrimination, perceptions of crime and confidence in the police. Findings The authors found that Latino policy attitudes are not monolithic but differ by nativity and citizenship status and vary according to their level of confidence in fair and proper police enforcement of the law. Within levels of confidence, the authors found that the perception that immigrants increase local crime rates was a significant predictor of policy attitudes. Contrary to the authors’ expectations, neither previous contact with the criminal justice system nor being stopped and asked about immigration status predicted support for criminalizing immigration. Nor did level of support vary according to proficiency in English and perceptions of discriminatory treatment. Practical implications This study has implications for understanding how citizenship statuses influence public opinion on issues that are presumed to be reflective of a unified political voice. Social implications This study has implications for understanding the role of social stigma and political socialization and their relationship to Mexican citizens and non-citizens policy preferences. Originality/value No study to date has explored associations between Latinos’ policy attitudes on the criminalization of immigration and acculturation, fear of crime and confidence in the police.
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Rodriguez, Sophia, and Timothy Monreal. "“This State Is Racist . . ”: Policy Problematization and Undocumented Youth Experiences in the New Latino South." Educational Policy 31, no. 6 (August 16, 2017): 764–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904817719525.
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This article examines how state-level policy discourse articulates a category of knowledge about immigrants in South Carolina that governs the everyday experiences of undocumented immigrants. In the analysis of proposed and enacted immigration legislation from 2005 to the present, we use a Foucauldian-inspired critical discourse analysis to better understand how policy forms out of a problematization of marginalized groups such as undocumented immigrants. We find that policy constitutes immigrants as an economic and security threat and as Othered, outsiders to the state. This allows for policy makers to propose seemingly rational solutions such as “proving one’s status” and “increased law enforcement.” We suggest that this categorization of knowledge about immigrants has clear implications for educational attainment, social mobility, and public life while highlighting the viability of a Foucauldian-inspired theorization of discourse and critical discourse analysis as a method for inquiry.
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Matthew, Olayemi O., Paul F. Monaghan, and John S. Luque. "The Novel Coronavirus and Undocumented Farmworkers in the United States." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 31, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291121989000.
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The Covid-19 pandemic has greatly impacted frontline workers’ health in 2020. The objective of this commentary is to evaluate some of the challenges faced by undocumented farmworkers in the context of the current global pandemic and possible risk mitigation strategies. Undocumented farmworkers make considerable contributions to the U.S. economy and food production, but they are at an elevated risk for contracting Covid-19. Their risk is compounded by their employment and legal status, as well as their poor working and living conditions which makes it difficult for them to observe Covid-19 precautionary measures. U.S. immigration policy disincentivizes undocumented farmworkers from seeking healthcare services. Contact tracing challenges could be overcome by gaining trust with subsequent increased testing and care. Extending eligibility of safety net programs for undocumented farmworkers will help to ease the burden of Covid-19, thereby improving their overall health and productivity.
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Slack, Jeremy, and Scott Whiteford. "Violence and Migration on the Arizona-Sonora Border." Human Organization 80, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/1938-3525-80.2.91.
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2010 was a significant year for immigration issues along the United States-Mexico border. In April, Arizona signed the most extreme law against undocumented immigrants. In August, 72 hopeful migrants were massacred in Tamaulipas by alleged drug traffickers, and the Arizona desert claimed a record 252 lives in fiscal year 2010. These events were part of the trend that began with border militarization in the mid-1990s and escalated in the wake of 9/11, resulting in the extremely violent character of the undocumented border crossing experience. This is manifest, not only in the frequent reports of abuses by various actors along the border, but also in the consolidation of undocumented migration with the trafficking of narcotics. The authors have documented many cases of robbery, kidnapping, physical abuse, rape, and manipulation by drug traffickers. In this article, we discuss these different manifestations of violence by understanding both the structural constraints that create and characterize violence, as well as the individual reactions to the factors. The authors propose the conceptualization of “post structural violence” as a manner of enhancing the discussion of agency within and as a reaction to the structural conditions generated by border security and immigration policy.