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Journal articles on the topic 'Ulster'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Kingon, Suzanne T. "Ulster opposition to Catholic emancipation, 1828–9." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 134 (November 2004): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004260.

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The centre stage of early nineteenth-century Irish politics has long been held by Daniel O’Connell and the Catholic Association. This may be justifiable, as O’Connell created a mass constitutional movement for liberal reform out of a Catholic, peasant population on the fringe of Europe. Less justifiable is the single perspective that sees the struggle for Catholic emancipation as Catholic Ireland’s battle with the British establishment. In 1828 and 1829 there was also a massive Protestant political campaign in Ireland. This centred on the new Brunswick Clubs and Ulster. Yet anti-Catholic and Ulster politics merit few sentences in narratives of these years. Indeed, there is a general neglect of Ulster politics in the first half of the nineteenth century. Presbyterianism, the evangelical revival, Catholicism, sectarian conflict, the Orange Order, the Irish Yeomanry, the economy and the growth of Belfast as a city have all received detailed treatment, but the nuances of politics remain vague. The Catholic Association appears to have reduced Ulster’s importance in shaping political developments in the island as a whole from its high-water mark of the 1790s. This does not, however, justify simply leaving Ulster out of the story. This article aims to look at the Ulster anti-emancipation campaign and to correct the skewed picture of Ireland in these years.

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2

Hill, Myrtle. "Ulster Awakened : The '59 Revival Reconsidered." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41, no. 3 (July 1990): 443–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900075230.

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The 1859 revival has been granted a special place in Ulster's religious history. It is most often portrayed as a spontaneous and dramatic outpouring of the Holy Spirit, leading to the conversion of many thousands of men and women, and resulting in the moral and social reformation of a formerly sinful society. While this popular image requires a degree of modification in the interests of historical accuracy, the importance of the movement itself is not questioned. As Peter Gibbon ha pointed out, ‘the Ulster religious revival of 1859 involved larger numbers of people in sustained common activity than any movement in rura Ulster between 1798 and 1913’. Its value to the historian lies in its revelation of the attitudes of Ulster society — both religiouss and secular — to the popular, evangelical style of Protestantism which had been making steady progress in Ireland from the late eighteenth century. The dramatic visible and well-publicised nature of religious activity in 1859 serves to highlight the more controversial aspects of that faith, and indicates the degree of adjustment made by churchmen and laity to a movement wich largely ignored conventional ecclesiastical and social boundanes. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the impact of the events of 1859 on Ulster society and to consider its significance in the light of modern sociological approaches to the study of revivalism.

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3

Tuite, Patrick. "The Biomechanics of Aggression Psychophysiological Conditioning in Ulster's Loyalist Parades." TDR/The Drama Review 44, no. 4 (December 2000): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/10542040051058447.

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Annually, Ulster's Protestant loyalists parade through the streets of Ulster. These in-your-face demonstrations of power by the Orangemen have ignited violence each year, from 1995 to 2000. What physiological and psychological mechanisms preserve the loyalist parades, and incite the violence associated with them?

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4

Hill, J. Michael. "The Origins of the Scottish Plantations in Ulster to 1625: A Reinterpretation." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 1 (January 1993): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386019.

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There is no question that the plantation of Ulster during the reign of James I had a profound effect on the course of British history. However, the nature of that plantation has been either misrepresented or misunderstood. In order to overcome this problem, we must address two provocative questions: (1) Were the Scots-Irish, the largest group of settlers, predominantly Celtic or non-Celtic ethnically and culturally? and (2) If they were mainly Celtic, why were they better able than non-Celts to establish viable settlements in Ulster, a predominantly Celtic area? A reexamination of the origins of the pre-1625 Scottish settlers and their methods of settlement indeed casts the problem of the Ulster Plantation in a new light.For the last two decades, historians have begun to question the portrayal of the Scots-Irish, or Ulster Scots, as frugal, hardworking, anglicized Presbyterian Lowlanders who brought the light of civilization to a benighted Celtic backwater. For example, Nicholas Canny correctly dismisses the “myth” of Ulster's material transformation by pointing out that the province, unlike Leinster and Munster, was settled by British planters from less economically advanced areas of the archipelago. But, again, he does not adequately examine the cultural and ethnic background of the dominant Scots-Irish. Traditionally, they have been classed as “Lowland,” non-Celts rather than as “Highland,” Celtic Scots. These designations are misleading because they oversimplify Scotland's historical and cultural divisions that had been in place as early as the Norman invasion.

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5

Forkan, Kevin. "The Ulster Scots and the Engagement, 1647–8." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 140 (November 2007): 455–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005113.

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This article examines the actions of the various groups that made up the Ulster Protestant interest from shortly after the end of the First Civil War in England in late 1646 to the defeat of the Engagement in 1648. At the beginning of this period the English parliament took a renewed interest in Ulster, sending men and commanders, which accelerated a process of polarising the hitherto united Ulster British forces along ethnic lines. This culminated in almost unanimous support for the Engagement by the Ulster Scottish élite, while their Ulster English counterparts generally remained loyal to the parliamentary commanders in the province. Within Ulster Scottish society a further division occurred, between the royalist-inclined élite and much of the populace, who followed their Presbyterian ministers in opposing the Engagement. The article attempts to explain why the Ulster Scottish elite made this choice, and seeks to place this series of events within a British/Irish context, exhibiting the interrelated nature of events in each of the three kingdoms from the unique perspective of Protestant Ulster.

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6

Edwards, David, Hiram Morgan, and S. J. Brian Mac Cuarta. "Ulster Rebellions." Irish Review (1986-), no. 16 (1994): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735766.

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7

Greacen, Robert, Alf McCreary, and Maurice Hayes. "Ulster Lives." Books Ireland, no. 200 (1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20631648.

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8

MORRISSEY, CONOR. "‘ROTTEN PROTESTANTS’: PROTESTANT HOME RULERS AND THE ULSTER LIBERAL ASSOCIATION, 1906–1918." Historical Journal 61, no. 3 (July 24, 2017): 743–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700005x.

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AbstractThis article assesses ‘Rotten Protestants’, or Protestant home rulers in Ulster, by means of an analysis of the Ulster Liberal Association, from its founding in 1906 until its virtual disappearance by 1918. It argues that Ulster Liberalism has been neglected or dismissed in Irish historiography, and that this predominantly Protestant, pro-home rule organization, with its origins in nineteenth-century radicalism, complicates our understanding of the era. It has previously been argued that this tradition did not really exist: this article uses prosopography to demonstrate the existence of a significant group of Protestant Liberal activists in Ulster, as well as to uncover their social, denominational, and geographic profile. Ulster Liberals endured attacks and boycotting; this article highlights the impact of this inter-communal violence on this group. Although Ulster Liberalism had a substantial grassroots organization, it went into sharp decline after 1912. This article describes how the third home rule crisis, the outbreak of the Great War, and the Easter Rising of 1916 prompted a hardening of attitudes which proved detrimental to the survival of a politically dissenting tradition within Ulster Protestantism.

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9

Shaw, David, and Anna Walsh. "Ulster Weeks: “England’s Prosperity Must Be Ulster’s Opportunity”1." Études irlandaises, no. 44-2 (December 31, 2019): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.8077.

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10

Gardner, Peter Robert. "Ethnicizing Ulster’s Protestants?: Ulster-Scots education in Northern Ireland." Identities 25, no. 4 (October 22, 2016): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2016.1244512.

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11

Bottigheimer, Karl S., Raymond Gillespie, and Philip S. Robinson. "Colonial Ulster: The Settlement of East Ulster, 1600-1641." William and Mary Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 1986): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1922488.

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12

Perceval-Maxwell, Michael, and Raymond Gillespie. "Colonial Ulster: The Settlement of East Ulster, 1600-1641." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 932. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873393.

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13

Clarkson, L. A., and Raymond Gillespie. "Colonial Ulster: The Settlement of East Ulster, 1600-1641." Economic History Review 39, no. 4 (November 1986): 660. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596496.

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14

Walker, Graham. "The Ulster Covenant and the pulse of Protestant Ulster." National Identities 18, no. 3 (June 23, 2015): 313–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2015.1040384.

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15

Gardner, Peter R. "Ethnicity monopoly: Ulster-Scots ethnicity-building and institutional hegemony in Northern Ireland." Irish Journal of Sociology 26, no. 2 (June 3, 2018): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603518780821.

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Ulster-Scots is a contemporary case of ethnicity-building, materialising in Northern Ireland at the end of the 20th century. As the ‘Troubles’ began to be reinterpreted as being about cultural identity in the 1980s, avenues were sought through which to find a ‘Protestant-ness’ comparative to the considerably more developed discourse of Irishness. It was at this point that Ulster-Scots emerged. While its initial decades were marked by derision, hostility, and resistance, it has gained considerable ground in recent years. This article outlines the development of Ulster-Scots from its beginnings in the late 1980s to the present. Utilising in-depth interviews with a variety of current and historical actors, I contend that this development entailed three phases. First, grass-roots educationalists operated independently while unionist elites lobbied for official recognition. In a second phase, the official recognition and institutionalisation of Ulster-Scots in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement initiated a process wherein the Ulster-Scots Agency came to be established as the key player in the field. A third phase began in the early 2010s with the Agency establishing a monopoly over the processes of Ulster-Scots peoplehood-making.

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16

Catto, Mike. "The Ulster Museum." Circa, no. 59 (1991): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25557664.

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17

Greacen, Robert, and Patricia Craig. "Ulster Will Write." Books Ireland, no. 162 (1992): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20626630.

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18

Flood, Raymond. "The Ulster connection." Journal of Physics: Conference Series 158 (April 1, 2009): 012001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-6596/158/1/012001.

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19

McQuaid, Carmel. "The Ulster Scene." Education + Training 29, no. 4 (April 1987): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb017354.

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20

Kim, Joong-lak. "The Ulster Plantation and the migration of the Scots." DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 130 (February 28, 2018): 383–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.130.383.

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21

Montgomery, Michael. "The morphology and syntax of Ulster Scots." English World-Wide 27, no. 3 (October 12, 2006): 295–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.27.3.05mon.

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Ulster differs from the other three historical provinces of Ireland in the presence of Ulster Scots, an off-shoot of Lowland Scots brought principally from the Western and Central Lowlands of Scotland in the 17th century through a plantation established by King James I and through periodic migrations, especially in times of economic duress in Scotland. Since that time Ulster Scots has been spoken in rural parts of Counties Antrim, Donegal, Down, and Londonderry/Derry, where it was mapped by Robert Gregg in the 1960s mainly on the basis of phonological features. The present article, based on eight years of fieldwork with native speakers in Antrim, analyzes a range of pronominal, verbal, and syntactic features, seeking to identify general patterns as well as variation within Ulster Scots. When possible, comparisons are made to Lowland Scots and Irish English in order to situate structural features of Ulster Scots within the larger linguistic landscape of the British Isles.

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22

Michael de Nie. "Ulster Will Fight?: The British Press and Ulster, 1885–1886." New Hibernia Review 12, no. 3 (2008): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.0.0024.

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23

Butler, William. "The formation of the Ulster Home Guard." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 158 (November 2016): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.26.

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AbstractThis article explores the problems encountered in the formation of the Ulster Home Guard, supposedly a direct equivalent to its well-known British counterpart, as part of the paramilitary Ulster Special Constabulary in Northern Ireland, during the Second World War. Predictably, the Ulster Home Guard became an almost exclusively Protestant organisation which led to many accusations of sectarianism from a variety of different national and international voices. This became a real concern for the British government, as well as the army, which understandably wished to avoid any such controversy. Though assumptions had previously been made about the numbers of Catholics in the force, this article explores just how few joined the organisation throughout the war. Additionally, the article investigates the rather awkward constitutional position in which the Ulster Home Guard was placed. Under the Government of Ireland Act, the Stormont administration had no authority on matters of home defence. It did, however, have the power to raise a police force as a way to maintain law and order. Still, the Ulster Home Guard, although formed as part of the Ulster Special Constabulary, was entrusted solely with home defence and this had wider implications for British policy towards Northern Ireland throughout the Second World War.

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24

MOLKOV, V. "CLOSING KNOWLEDGE GAPS AND TECHNOLOGICAL BOTTLENECKS IN HYDROGEN SAFETY: A SNAPSHOT OF RECENT ACTIVITIES AT ULSTER UNIVERSITY." Gorenie i vzryv (Moskva) — Combustion and Explosion 13, no. 2 (May 31, 2020): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.30826/ce20130201.

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The paper presents the progress in hydrogen safety research at HySAFER Centre of Ulster University. It includes results of two research studies performed in 2019. The first study is on the leak-no-burst (LNB) safety technology for explosion free in a fire composite tanks for high-pressure gaseous hydrogen storage. The second study is on the validation of Ulster's models and safety engineering tools against large-scale experiment on hydrogen jet flame from high-pressure hydrogen pipeline.

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25

Philip O'Connor, John. "“For a colleen's complexion”: soap and the politicization of a brand personality, 1888-1916." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 6, no. 1 (February 11, 2014): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-06-2013-0034.

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Purpose – The aim of this paper is to examine how the “colleen” archetype was used in the creation of a successful brand personality for a range of soap manufactured in Ireland during the early twentieth century. It reveals the commercial and political agendas behind this move and the colleen's later application to Ulster unionist graphic propaganda against Home Rule between 1914 and 1916. Design/methodology/approach – This case study is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources; the former encompassing both graphic advertising material and ephemera. Findings – This paper demonstrates how contemporary pictorial advertising for colleen soap was suffused with text and imagery propounding Ulster's preservation within the UK. It also suggests that the popularity of this brand personality may have been a factor in the colleen's appropriation for propaganda purposes by certain strands within Ulster unionism. Originality/value – This paper is based on original research that expands the historical corpus of Irish visual representation, while also adding notably to discourses within the History of Marketing and Women's History.

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26

Ritchie, Daniel. "The 1859 revival and its enemies: opposition to religious revivalism within Ulster Presbyterianism." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.1.

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AbstractThe evangelical revival of 1859 remains a pivotal event in the religious culture of Ulster Protestants owing to its legacy of widespread conversion, church renewal, and its role in shaping the pan-Protestantism of Ulster society that later opposed Irish home rule. Being part of a wider transatlantic movement of religious awakening, the 1859 revival was seen as the culmination of thirty years of evangelical renewal within Irish Presbyterianism. What has often been overlooked, however, is the fact that many aspects of the revival were deeply troubling to orthodox Presbyterians. Although most Ulster Presbyterians were largely supportive of the movement, an intellectually significant minority dissented from what they saw as its spectacular, doctrinal, liturgical, ecclesiological, and moral aberrations. Given 1859’s mythological status among Ulster evangelicals, it is normally assumed that all who opposed the revival were either religious formalists or those of heterodox doctrinal opinions. It will be argued that such an assumption is deeply misguided, and that the Presbyterian opponents of 1859 were motivated by zeal for confessional Reformed theology and Presbyterian church-order. By focusing on theologically conservative opposition to an ostensible evangelical and Calvinistic awakening, this article represents a significant contribution to the existing historiography of not only the Ulster revival but of religious revivalism more generally. It also helps us to understand the long-term evolution of Ulster Presbyterian belief and practice in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

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27

Dhaibhéid, Séamus Mac. "Ulster Local Studies. Journal of the Federation for Ulster Local Studies." Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 14, no. 2 (1991): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29742523.

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28

Muirí, Réamonn Ó. "Ulster Local Studies. Journal of the Federation for Ulster Local Studies." Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 12, no. 1 (1986): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29745249.

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29

Dunagin, Amy. "A Nova Scotia Scheme and the Imperial Politics of Ulster Emigration." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 3 (July 2019): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.5.

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AbstractEarly in 1761, a land promoter of Ulster origin named Alexander McNutt brought before the British Board of Trade a proposal to settle several thousand Ulster Scots in Nova Scotia. The board enthusiastically approved, but when McNutt returned the following year with promising news, the board forbade him from continuing the scheme, citing fears of losing Protestants in Ireland. This episode has generally been explained as evidence of the British government's ambivalence about Ulster emigration. However, rather than expressing merely a tension between two equally desirable but conflicting goals—peopling the American colonies with Irish Protestants and protecting the Ascendancy by preventing their emigration—the board's change of mind reflected the changing political environment. The board that approved McNutt's scheme strongly favored settling Nova Scotia quickly; the board that shut it down a year later included new members who viewed settling Nova Scotia as a waste of precious funds. The case of Alexander McNutt demonstrates the profound ramifications of party politics for Ulster migration during the imperial crisis of the 1760s and 1770s. It further affirms that studies of Ulster migration must be imperial in scope.

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30

Grant, James. "The Great Famine and the poor law in Ulster: the rate-in-aid issue of 1849." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010294.

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In February 1849, the Whig prime minister Lord John Russell gave the first hint of what was to be the last of his special relief measures for famine-stricken Ireland. This was a national rate to be imposed on every poor-law union in the country in aid of twenty-three bankrupt unions, all of them, with the exception of Glenties (County Donegal), in the provinces of Connacht and Munster. The opposition of Ulster interests to the rate was so vehement that the matter came to be regarded in parliament as ‘the Ulster question’. Ulster opposition was stimulated by the widespread conviction among local boards of guardians that they had managed the famine crisis well, while boards in the west and south had mismanaged it badly. These local perceptions were shared — and publicly acknowledged — by the senior poor-law administrators in Ireland. The poor-law boundary commissioners of 1848–9 were similarly complimentary. Ulster members of parliament had no doubts about the superiority of their local guardians. Led by Viscount Castlereagh and William Sharman Crawford and helped by some Dublin Tories, they spread an Ulster propaganda within parliament whereby they conveyed the misleading impression that the rate would bear more heavily on Ulster than on any other province. The parliamentary campaign was supported by a vigorous programme of public meetings at home, although there is evidence to suggest that this programme was not as successful as had been hoped, because the ‘heads of society’ in the province failed to provide sufficiently vigorous leadership.

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31

Bowman, Timothy. "The Ulster Volunteer Force and the formation of the 36th (Ulster) Division." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 128 (November 2001): 498–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015236.

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Traditional accounts of the establishment of the 36th (Ulster) Division in October 1914 suggest that this unit was formed purely from the pre-war U.V.F. Writing in 1922, Cyril Falls (himself an officer in both the U.V.F. and the 36th Division) declared: The Ulster Division was not created in a day. The roots from which it sprang went back into the troubled period before the war. Its life was a continuance of the life of an earlier legion, a legion of civilians banded together to protect themselves from the consequences of legislation which they believed would affect adversely their rights and privileges as citizens of the United Kingdom.Modern historians have echoed this view. Tom Johnstone, for example, has noted that ‘the battalions of the (36th) Division, based on the Ulster Volunteer Force (U.V.F.) order of battle, had been in existence since before the war’. Meanwhile Philip Orr has even suggested that the 36th Division was a ‘covenanting army’, all its members supposedly having signed the Ulster Covenant opposing home rule. In this article the validity of these claims will be considered, particularly with regard to the continuity in personnel and equipment between the U.V.F. and the 36th Division and the military efficiency that the formation had achieved by the time it arrived on the Western Front.

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32

Wilson, Robin. "Review: Scotland And Ulster." Scottish Affairs 10 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 1995): 132–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1995.0013.

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33

Wood, Ian S. "Review: Ulster and Scotland." Scottish Affairs 54 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 2006): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2006.0010.

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34

Johnston, Roy, Estyn Evans, Dervla Murphy, and Desmond M. Clarke. "Ulster Is Not English." Books Ireland, no. 92 (1985): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20625540.

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35

Smyth, Damian, and Michael Hall. "Ulster Poets and Sailors." Books Ireland, no. 182 (1994): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20626962.

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36

Moxon-Browne, E. "Ulster: conflict and consent." International Affairs 67, no. 1 (January 1991): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621270.

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37

Cauvet, Philippe. "L’ordre d’Orange en Ulster." Études irlandaises, no. 34.2 (September 30, 2009): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.1712.

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38

Hackett, Mark. "Au revoir, Ulster Museum." Architectural Research Quarterly 13, no. 2 (June 2009): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135509990297.

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The Ulster Museum is destined to remain a building that stands somewhat outside time and remote from its society. The building is in two parts that are merged into one: the first Classical, designed by James Wyness and built only in part by 1929, and the second, a transformative concrete extension designed by Francis Pym for a 1963 competition judged by Leslie Martin and opened in 1972 to the most violent year of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The extension is, as Paul Clarke, of the University of Ulster has written, ‘an icon to a period when architecture addressed at the very centre of its responsibility, the optimism of modern life, culture and public space’. Now, after decades of inept alterations and unimaginative curation, its doors are closed for a refurbishment that will disassemble its central ideas together with all the optimism that Clarke alludes to – and this at a time when Northern Ireland has the chance to build the open civil society that it never had and that the museum competition project symbolised in that brief period of opportunity for change forty-six years ago.

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39

Dymond, Richard. "Cheap energy for Ulster?" Electronics and Power 33, no. 10 (1987): 653. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/ep.1987.0387.

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40

Bruce, Steve. "Ulster Loyalism and Religiosity." Political Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1987): 643–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00210.x.

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41

Doak, Naomi. "Ulster Protestant Women Authors." Irish Studies Review 15, no. 1 (February 2007): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670880601117513.

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42

Logan, Liam. "The Irish Ulster Scot." Études irlandaises, no. 38-2 (December 20, 2013): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.3640.

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43

Hughes, A. J., J. P. Mallory, and T. McNeill. "The Archaeology of Ulster." Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 15, no. 1 (1992): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29742575.

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44

Flewelling, Lindsey. "The Ulster Crisis in Transnational Perspective: Ulster Unionism and America, 1912–14." Éire-Ireland 51, no. 1--2 (2016): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.2016.0006.

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45

Spence, Laura. "Broadcasting Ulster-Scots: Ulster-Scots media provision in the modern revival period." Études irlandaises, no. 38-2 (December 20, 2013): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.3546.

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46

Wallis, Roy, Steve Bruce, and David Taylor. "Ethnicity and Evangelicalism: Ian Paisley and Protestant Politics in Ulster." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 2 (April 1987): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014511.

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The question of the conditions that must prevail before fundamentalist religion can play a significant part in politics has loomed large in recent years with the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East. Protestant fundamentalism has drawn somewhat less attention, except for the case of the new Christian right in America. Nowhere in the contemporary world are the politics of conservative Protestantism more clearly visible than in Northern Ireland. Therefore, in this essay we seek to explain why Protestant fundamentalism has achieved such prominence and success in Ulster in recent years. First, we present a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in the English-speaking world. Second, we offer an historically informed analysis of the rise of Ulster's most successful fundamentalist politician, the Reverend Ian Paisley.

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Griffin, Patrick. "Defining the Limits of Britishness: The “New” British History and the Meaning of the Revolution Settlement in Ireland for Ulster's Presbyterians." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 3 (July 2000): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386220.

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Irish historian A. T. Q. Stewart has aptly described the world inhabited by eighteenth-century Ulster Scots as one of “hidden” significance. Compared to the rise of the Ascendancy and the repression of Catholics under the penal code, the story of Ulster's Presbyterians figures as interesting, albeit less significant, marginalia. While a few studies detail the handicaps the group suffered in the years after the Williamite Settlement, their eighteenth-century experience has mainly attracted church historians interested in theological disputes, social historians charting the rise of the linen industry, and students of the '98 Rebellion exploring the ways in which a latent Presbyterian radicalism contributed to the formation of the United Irish movement. Explaining who the Ulster Scots were or how they defined themselves has not attracted much scholarly attention, an unsurprising failure given that historians have designated the eighteenth century in Ireland as the period of “penal era and golden age.”This article argues that a new, more fully integrated approach to the study of Ireland and Britain offers possibilities for recovering the history of the Ulster Scots. Nearly twenty-five years after J. G. A. Pocock issued his “plea” for a “new British history” that would incorporate the experiences of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland within a single narrative by exploring the ways in which each “interacted so as to modify the condition of one another's existence,” scholars have finally responded. The new British history, with its focus on the development of a British state system, seeks to explore, according to a chief proponent, John Morrill, the ways in which “the political and constitutional relationship between the communities of the two islands were transformed” and the processes through which they gained “a new sense of their own identities as national communities.”

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LEVIN, FELIKS. "Representation of the tales of the Ulster cycle in Foras Feasa ar Éirinn: organisation of discourse and contexts." Studia Hibernica: Volume 46, Issue 1 46, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sh.2020.1.

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This article examines the patterns of history-writing in Geoffrey Keating’s retellings of the tales from the Ulster cycle in Foras Feasa ar Éirinn. The study illustrates how Keating’s familiarity with Irish medieval sources, his clerical education, which placed considerable emphasis on rhetoric, and his awareness of the English and continental traditions of history-writing, influenced the composition of the fragment of Foras Feasa ar Éirinn dedicated to the tales from the Ulster cycle. The author shows that in this fragment Keating tended to apply native narrative strategies more. As regards authorial intentions, Keating used the selected tales from the Ulster cycle as exempla of sin and its drastic consequences, which may explain his particular interest in the death tales.

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HOLMES, ANDREW R. "PRESBYTERIAN RELIGION, HISTORIOGRAPHY, AND ULSTER SCOTS IDENTITY, c. 1800 TO 1914." Historical Journal 52, no. 3 (August 4, 2009): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990057.

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ABSTRACTThe links between Presbyterians in Scotland and the north of Ireland are obvious but have been largely ignored by historians of the nineteenth century. This article addresses this gap by showing how Ulster Presbyterians considered their relationship with their Scottish co-religionists and how they used the interplay of religious and ethnic considerations this entailed to articulate an Ulster Scots identity. For Presbyterians in Ireland, their Scottish origins and identity represented a collection of ideas that could be deployed at certain times for specific reasons – theological orthodoxy, civil and religious liberty, and certain character traits such as hard work, courage, and soberness. Ideas about the Scottish identity of Presbyterianism were reawakened for a more general audience in the first half of the nineteenth century, during the campaign for religious reform and revival within the Irish church, and were expressed through a distinctive denominational historiography inaugurated by James Seaton Reid. The formulation of a coherent narrative of Presbyterian religion and the improvement of Ulster laid the religious foundations of a distinct Ulster Scots identity and its utilization by unionist opponents of Home Rule between 1885 and 1914.

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Reid, Colin W. "DEMOCRACY, SOVEREIGNTY AND UNIONIST POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN IRELAND, c. 1912–1922." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011700010x.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines ideas about democratic legitimacy and sovereignty within Ulster unionist political thought during the revolutionary period in Ireland (c. 1912–22). Confronted by Irish nationalists who claimed that Home Rule (and later, independence) enjoyed the support of the majority of people in Ireland, Ulster unionists deployed their own democratic idioms to rebuff such arguments. In asserting unionism's majority status, first, across the United Kingdom and, second, within the province of Ulster, unionists mined the language of democracy to legitimise their militant stand against Home Rule. The paper also probes the unionist conception of sovereignty by examining the establishment of the Provisional Government of Ulster in 1913, which was styled as a ‘trustee’ for the British constitution in Ireland after the coming of Home Rule. The imperial, economic and religious arguments articulated by unionists against Home Rule are well known, but the space given to constitutional rights and democratic legitimacy in the political language of unionism remain obscure. While the antagonisms at the heart of the revolutionary period in Ireland assumed the form of identity politics and sectarianism, the deployment of normative democratic language by unionists reveals that clashing ideals of representative government underpinned the conflict.

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