Academic literature on the topic 'Ukrainophilia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ukrainophilia"
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MILLER, ALEXEI. "Ukrainophilia." Russian Studies in History 44, no. 2 (November 2005): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611983.2005.11061029.
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Rachev, E. R. "Reception of the Ukrainophilic Ideas by Russian Periodicals during the First Half of the 1860s: Democratic and Protective Approaches." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 163, no. 6 (2021): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2021.6.48-60.
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The article discusses how Russian periodicals responded to the Ukrainophilic views that were widely supported by Russian society during the early 1860s. The writers from the bilingual magazine “Osnova” (‘Basis’), particularly N.I. Kostomarov and P.A. Kulish, actively contributed to the achievements of the first generation of Ukrainophiles. The latter elaborated and presented their program aimed to preserve the Little Russia culture. The results of the analysis of the periodical sources show that the printed media of the period under study had polarized views on the national identity of Little Russia and divided into two factions: the democratic and protective ones. The democratic approach was led by the magazines “Sovremennik” (‘The Contemporary’) and “Otechestvennye Zapiski” (‘Annals of the Fatherland’) that considered the new provincial movement as the beginning of Narodism. The key supporters of the protective approach were the newspaper “Den’” (‘The Day’) and the magazine “Russkii Vestnik” (‘The Russian Bulletin’) that criticized the Ukrainian legacy adherents for separating the Russian nationalities. The stages of the evolution of the Russian periodicals’ attitude to Ukrainophiles were singled out. The main factors that influenced it were revealed. The consequences of the short-term prevalence of the Ukrainian “selfhood” ideology among publicists of the Russian Empire and its influence on the subsequent development of the Ukrainophilia movement were summarized.
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Borisenok, Elena. "The Ukrainophilism of P.E. Shelest in the Interpretation of Modern Ukrainian Historiography." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018553-6.
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The author of this article explores the discussion in contemporary Ukrainian historiography of the “Ukrainophilia” of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Pyotr Efimovich Shelest (1963‒1972). Ukrainian historians are trying to determine the extent to which the Soviet leader proved to be a consistent follower of the political line of the Union centre, the areas in which he defended the interests of the republic, and whether he should be considered a representative of National Communism. The purpose of the article is to analyse the key provisions of and evidence for the conception of Shelest's “Ukrainophilism” and “localism” developed by Ukrainian scholars. Particular attention is given to the conclusions of Yu.I. Shapoval on the inconsistencies in Shelest and his actions, his peculiar dual loyalty (all-union and republican), and his constant manoeuvring between two political discourses (centralist and anti-centralist). According to the historian, Shelest's views were formed during the Stalinist era. This point of view has been widely accepted in contemporary Ukrainian literature. The article specifies that Shelest as a politician was a product of Soviet Ukrainianisation of the 1920s. It was at this time that the seeds of the paradox that contemporary Ukrainian scholars have been writing about were sown.
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Balandina, N. "МЕДІАОБРАЗ ТОМАША ПАДУРИ ЯК СИМВОЛ УКРАЇНСЬКО-ПОЛЬСЬКОГО ЄДНАННЯ." State and Regions. Series: Social Communications, no. 2(42) (March 18, 2020): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/cpu2219-8741/2020.2(42).3.
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<div><p><em>The article shows the specific nature of the formation of the media image of Tomasz Padura, a Polish-Ukrainian poet and composer, a representative of the Polish romantic Ukrainophile movement of the early 19<sup>th</sup> century. This paper also studies transformation of this image into a symbol of the Polish-Ukrainian unity. Being an apologist of the idea of rapprochement of the Polish and Ukrainian nations, Tomasz Padura blends harmoniously with the modern political and cultural contexts. His Ukrainophile image is сultivated in different social institutions and acquires new meanings which created the necessity for this research paper. The empirical basis for the analysis comprises 24 publications in the Ukrainian Internet editions during the period from 2016 to 2019. The main method of interpreting Padura’s image was the content analysis of publications directly or circumstantially related to the poet. This allowed ascertaining content focuses and tonality of the provided information. The comparative method contributed to the explication of the main tendencies of the conversion of the image to the symbol. As a result, the headlines and the content of the materials have been proven to show a consistent strategy of stressing the positive aspect of the history of the Polish-Ukrainian relations, in particular the Ukrainophile tendencies among the Polish nobility, achievements of the Ukrainian school in the Polish literature, and Tomasz Padura’s relations with this school. The focus of the Ukrainian Internet editions is on the most substantial and striking facts of life and creative work of the poet. Those facts belong to the following informational aspects: narrow biographical, selfless ideological, creative, memorial, and futuristic. Each of those aspects has its content aimed at the melioration of Tomasz Padura’s image as a Polish Ukrainophile. The process of symbolization of this image performs several social functions: the historical-typological one allowing to trace the main stages of the image transformation; the methodological one which stresses its significance for the contemporaries; the communicative one which ensures the continuous attention to the poet, and the marketing function promoting Tomasz Padura’s name as a brand from the point of view of the commercial success.</em></p></div><strong><em>Key words</em>:</strong> <em>Tomasz Padura, Polish-Ukrainian poet, media image, symbol, Ukrainophilia, mass media.</em>
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MONOLATII, IVAN. "YAKIV ORENSTEIN: AN EXPATRIATED UKRAINOPHIL FROM GALICIA." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 6, no. 2 (June 20, 2019): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.6.2.28-36.
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Ukrainian-Jewish relations in Galicia between the two World Wars were the reflection of the difference in the status of the two nations. The sides failed to come to mutual understanding, the basis for which was provided by the policy of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic / the Western Oblast of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Taking into account the involvement of the third party, the Polish state, the situation can be described as an interethnic scalene triangle. One of the active figures in this complicated interaction was Yakiv Orenstein (1875–1942), Jewish publisher from Kolomyia, symbolic ‘Ukrainian’, follower of the faith of Moses. His life and work in Galicia in the interwar years is a personalized example of publicly declared pro-Polishness and actual Ukrainophilia.
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Pikhmanets, R. V. "MYKHAILO DRAHOMANOV’S ATTITUDE TO ÉMIGRÉ FORMS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY-LIBERATING ACT AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 1870S." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Word, no. 2(54) (January 22, 2019): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7402-2019-2(54)-95-112.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of Mykhailo Drahomanov’s social-political tactics at the beginning of the 1870s, in particular his attitude to the émigré way of a revolutionary struggle. Then Drahomanov in his words denied appropriate forms, means and methods determinedly and peremptorily, though secretly he had already begun to think over the plan of a publishing center abroad. Such an ambiguous behavioral matrix was defined by the vision of perspectives of a national-liberating movement and by his “double” position in Ukrainophilia: the leader of its “left” wing, who above all placed the rescue of the Russian Empire via its reformation.
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Kazak, O. G. "ACTIVITIES OF UKRAINOPHILE EMIGRANTS FROM SUBCARPATHIAN RUS IN THE PROTECTORATE OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/11.
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The article discusses the main activities of Ukrainophiles from Subcarpathian Rus, which after an unsuccessful attempt to proclaim an independent Ukrainian state and occupation of the region by Hungarian troops (March 1939) ended up in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The author draws on the documents of the Archive of the President’s Office (letters and memoranda of former members of A. Voloshin’s autonomous cabinet to the Protectorate President E. Hacha with requests for financial support), the Hungarian National Archives (report of the police department of Uzhhorod to the Eighth Department Hungarian Ministry of Internal Affairs about the correspondence of A. Voloshin with Ukrainophile figures in Subcarpathian Rus). Having analysed various sources, the author concludes about the failure of the most initiatives of Ukrainian emigrants (creation of a developed network of pro-Ukrainian emigrant organizations in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, attempts to obtain financial support from the Protectorate authorities for former officials of the Carpathian Ukraine, interference in public life in Subcarpathian Rus occupied by Hungary, contacts with official Berlin). The authorities of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia rightly suspected Ukrainophile emigrants of anti-state positions (from the point of view of the Czechs); the elite of Nazi Germany did not consider A. Voloshin and his supporters as equal strategic partners. The attempts of Ukrainophiles living in the Protectorate to create a network of their sympathizers in Subcarpathian Rus were suppressed by the Hungarian police.
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Kharchuk, Roxana. "Shevchenko in perception of ‘little russian’ environment of the 19th century." Слово і Час, no. 5 (October 2, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2020.05.61-74.
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The paper deals with the perception of Shevchenko’s works in the ‘Little Russian’ environment of the 19th century. The interpretations within this social group may be defined as profane because its representatives treated Shevchenko exclusively in the limits of ethnography and as a poet of the common people, while his artistic, national, and political significance was obscured. The author refers to private, public, and secret documents. These are P. Seletskyi’s memoirs; P. Galagan’s journal; the correspondence of K. Kersten with her cousin, member of Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood O. Markovych; M. Rigelman’s polemical paper on Ukrainophilism; T. Florynskyi’s work on Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literary separatism; the notes on the Ukrainophile movement by M. Yuzefovych. The following spectrum of ‘Little Russian’ discourse regarding Shevchenko has been defined: ambivalent attitude (P. Seletskyi); an attempt to combine respect for Shevchenko with loyalty to the Russian emperor and empire (H. Galagan); strictly negative and arrogant attitude (K. Kersten); attempts to separate Shevchenko from Ukrainophilism, Ukrainian language and literature (M. Rigelman and T. Florynskyi), understanding of Shevchenko as a creator of Ukrainophilism (M. Yuzefovych). The presence of the poet’s name in reports to the 3rd Department indicates that apprehending Ukrainian separatism, the Russian imperial structures traditionally treated Shevchenko at the political level, just like issues of the Ukrainian language, culture or education. In the context of prohibitions concerning Ukrainian language and culture, the ‘Little Russian’ discourse of interpreting Shevchenko was inevitably politicized and became identified with the imperial one.
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Koznarsky, Taras. "“Neither Dead Nor Alive:” Ukrainian Language on the Brink of Romanticism." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t28s61.
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At the end of the eighteenth century through the first decades of nineteenth century, as the last vestiges of Ukrainian autonomy were abolished, Ukrainian elites and intelligentsia embarked on a diverse range of projects (addressing geography, history, ethnography, travel writing, journalism, and literature) aimed at privileging and promoting their cultural capital within the Russian imperial field of cultural production. The Ukrainian language and its origins, nature, and status came to the fore in these projects as Ukrainian literati carefully gauged their messages for both Ukrainian and metropolitan audiences in order to engage playfully and polemically with imperial perceptions of Ukraine and to further the cause of the Ukrainian language as a distinctive linguistic system, cultural legacy, and literary medium. These often cautious and purposefully ambiguous characterizations, classifications, and applications prepared the ground for the romantic generation of writers who dramatically expanded the stylistic and generic range of Ukrainian in their literary works and translations, and forcefully argued for the language’s autonomy, dignity, and expressive potential. While early romantic Ukrainian writings were seen as colourful linguistic and ethnographic regional variants useful for the development of Russian imperial and national culture, the growth of Ukrainian literature alarmed both Russian critics and administrators, who began to see in these developments not only unproductive and anachronistic vexations, but also a culturally and ideologically subversive agenda that had to be discouraged. By surveying and examining diverse classifications and discussions of the Ukrainian language by Ukrainian and Russian literati, the article questions the limits of so-called “Ukrainophilia” in Russian imperial culture of the early nineteenth century.
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Kovalov, Yevhen. "Mental Map of Hryhoriy Galagan: Territorial and Ethnonational Structuring in Ukrainian Nobleman’s World View (mid-1830s — mid-1860s)." Kyiv Historical Studies 13, no. 2 (December 21, 2021): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.213.
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The article examines the spatial structures and related images of ethno-national communities in the world view of Hryhoriy Pavlovych Galagan (1819–1888), a representative of the Ukrainian local nobility and a prominent public figure. The research methodology includes the achievements of modern humanitarian geography, first of all the method of mental mapping, which allows to study the spatial structures in the world view of the individual, taking into account his socio-cultural environment. The research is based on ego-documents — diaries and correspondence from the Galagan family archive. Special attention is paid to toponymes and ethnonymes in these texts. It is shown that the spatial representations of Hryhoriy Galagan were a complex system that developed under the influence of the socio-cultural sphere in which he lived. Thus, humanitarian geography is represented as a discursive practice due to social and political interests. The article deals, in particular, with such spatial constructs as “Little Russia”, “Ukraine”, “Russia”, “Rus”, “Europe”, as well as related communities — “Little Russia people”, “Russian people”, “Europeans”. Galagan’s spatial and ethno-national ideas are shown as a very dynamic system that was constantly changing under the influence of socio-political and ideological movements, such as the Polish uprisings of 1830–1831 and 1863–1864, the rise of Slavophilia and Ukrainophilia. Attention is paid to the importance of travel for the development of the system of spatial and ethno-national structures. In addition, the conditionality of this system with ideas about history is proved. The issues raised in this article will contribute to further in-depth research in cultural anthropology, as well as be useful to historians working in the biographical genre.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ukrainophilia"
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Северин, Надія Василівна. "Українофільство в російській культурі." Thesis, Харківський національний університет ім. В. Н. Каразіна, 2009. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/26663.
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Дисертація на здобуття наукового ступеня кандидата філософських наук за спеціальністю 09.00.12 – українознавство (філософські науки). – Харківський національний університет ім. В. Н. Каразіна, Харків, 2009.
У дисертації проведено філософсько-культурологічне дослідження феномену "українофільство" в російській культурі у різних контекстах: історико-літературному, культурному, філософському. Обґрунтовано його значущість у становленні української та російської ідентичності, що дозволило запропонувати новий погляд на Україну як не тільки власну культурну скарбницю, але й ресурс для розвитку інших культур. Осмислено феномен "українофільство" та представлено його концептуалізацію в контексті постколоніальних студій. Виділено та описано основні періоди розвитку українофільства в російській культурі, видокремлено чинники, які сприяли появі цього культурного феномену. Доведено, що одним із чинників, які спонукали Росію до запозичень з української культури, був "російський орієнталізм" та потреба в усвідомленні власної ідентифікації. Досліджений феномен М.В. Гоголя як транслятора українофільства у просторі російської культури та мистецтва XIX ст. Проведено порівняльне дослідження творчості українських і російських мислителів, що дало змогу розширити погляд на філософію Сковороди та її вплив на російську релігійно-філософську думку доби XIXXX століть. Показано, що російська культура збагатилася завдяки впливу видатних особистостей з України, української прогресивної інтелігенції, залученню лідерів та фахівців з України до роботи в Росії, які ідентифікувалися там як "свої", розширюючи російський світогляд і межі російської культурної ідентичності.Thesis for a Candidate degree in Philosophy, specialty 09.00.12 – Ukrainian studies (philosophical sciences). – V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Kharkiv, 2009. The thesis deals with philosophical and culturologic research of Ukrainophilia phenomenon in Russian culture in various contexts: historical and literature, cultural, philosophical. Its significance in formation of Russian and Ukrainian identity is grounded, thus allowing new look at Ukraine that not only has its own cultural treasury but can also be a resource for development of neighboring cultures. Ukrainophilia phenomenon has been defined and conceptualized within the context of post-colonial researches. Reasons that caused this cultural phenomenon have been researched and basic periods of Ukrainophilia in Russian culture have been pointed out. Creative works of Ukrainian and Russian thinkers have been compared. This allowed to widen the look on G. Skovoroda’s philosophy and its influence on Russian philosophic thought in 19th-20th centuries. Significance of Gogol’s works for Russian literature has been established, as he became sort of a translator for Ukrainian national images, motives and themes to Russian culture. It is shown that Russian literature has been significantly enriched thanks to the influence of outstanding personalities from Ukraine, Ukrainian progressive intelligentsia, attracting leaders and specialists from Ukraine to work for Russia’s benefit and who were identified as "our" thus widening Russian outlook and borders of Russian cultural identity.
Book chapters on the topic "Ukrainophilia"
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"“THE GÖTTERDÄMMERUNG OF UKRAINOPHILISM”." In Ukrainian Nationalism in the Age of Extremes, 99–158. Harvard University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2d8qwsn.8.
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Way, Lucan Ahmad. "Dealing with Territorial Cleavages." In Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions, 292–311. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0016.
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This chapter examines how territorially concentrated populations and interests in Ukraine negotiated the constitutional process after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, with particular emphasis on the so-called Faustian bargain between Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk and western Ukrainian nationalists. It first considers the historical background on the ethnic divisions in the Ukraine, especially between “Ukrainophiles” and “Russophiles,” before discussing the period of constitutional engagement from 1991 to 1996, which saw efforts to create a constitutional system that accommodates the country’s stark regional differences. It then analyzes the outcome of the Faustian pact, focusing on the violent conflict that erupted in 2014 following its breakdown and the collapse of Viktor Yanukovych’s regime. It also reflects on the lessons that can be drawn from the Ukrainian experience, with reference to how the nature of politics at the center affects politically salient demands for local autonomy.
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Dronov, Mikhail Yu. "“Russian Trace” in the Social and Cultural Life of the Bachkan-Sremian Rusyns. Notes on Contacts and Identity." In Inter-Slavic cultural ties. Results and perspectives of research, 213–38. Institute of Slavic Studies RAS, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0452-7.14.
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Discussions about the number of East Slavic peoples do not stop in the 21st century. In this context, historical and cultural contacts between remote segments of Eastern Slavs, as well as the impact of these relationships on identity, are extremely interesting. The article reviews the contacts between the Rusyns of Bachka and Srem (in Serbia and Croatia) and the Russians in the 18th-21st centuries. The perception of Rusyns of Russians has changed during this period. For a long time, the Rusyns apparently associated themselves with the population of distant Russia. Direct meetings of Rusyns with Russians in the first half of the 20th century shook the “all-Russian” ideas, causing a controversy about the Rusyn identity. After the Second World War, an independent Rusyn national orientation gained strength. Today, among the Rusyns of Bachka and Srem, there are Rusynophiles and Ukrainophiles. Ethno-national Russophilism, as identification with Russians, is practically absent. However, like the Serbs, some Rusyns have pro-Russian political sympathies and an interest in Russian culture.
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"99. Chapter 2. “The Götterdämmerung of UkraInophilism”: Dmytro Dontsov and the Entangled Eastern Front, 1914–1918." In Ukrainian Nationalism in the Age of Extremes, 99–158. Harvard University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674250963-006.
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Leskinen, Maria V. "The Little-Russian Language in Primary Schools in the Russian Empire in the Context of Polemics on the Native (Local) Vernacular in the Pedagogical and Political Literature (from the 1860s to the 1880s)." In The “native word”: The Belarusian and Ukrainian languages at School (Essays on the history of mass education from the mid-nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth), 29–60. Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-2043-3.02.
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The question of native language ("local dialect", “mother tongue”) use in the primary school education of the South-Western part of the Russian Empire in the post-reform period is directly related to the problem of the status of the Little Russian language (dialect), as well as with the struggle against “Ukrainophiles” in the 1860s and 1870s. The article discusses the arguments of two parties: supporters of the use of Little Russian in primary schools (Ushinsky, Korf, Vodovozov, Drahomanov, and Efimenko) and their opponents (Katkov, Ivanov, Bogatinov, etc.) in the context of educational theories, problems with school affairs, and learning to read. It was the teachers who advocated the use of the mother tongue in the elementary schools of the Empire, proving that both inorodtsy and Great Russians had difficulties learning the common Russian literary language. Thus, it is important to take into account the problem of teaching the Great Russian peasant “to be Russian” - such a task (of course, formulated differently) was acutely relevant during the period of nation-building, and its implementation was directly related to education. However, polemicizing with supporters of national movements, the authorities refused to recognize it, being convinced of the “primordial” unity of the Russians as East Slavic people and their a priori “Russianness”.
Conference papers on the topic "Ukrainophilia"
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Жердева, Ю. А. "“WE ADMIRE THE VIEWS LIKE A FAIRY TALE OR A PHANTASMAGORIA”: GALICIA AND BUKOVINA IN POLITICAL PROPAGANDA AND IN THE COMBATANT’S PERCEPTION DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.75.42.019.
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В статье рассматривается отношение к пространству фронта как к объекту туристского ин-тереса со стороны участников военных событий. Основными источниками исследования стали ав-тодокументальные тексты участников военных действий на территории Галиции и Буковины в го-ды Первой мировой войны, путеводители по Галиции, издававшиеся в России накануне и в годы войны, а также официальные документы Штаба Юго-Западного фронта. Являясь частью империи Габсбургов, занятая российской армией по праву войны Восточная Галиция существенно отлича-лась от российской территории и отношение к ней как к «иной» задавало туристский взгляд на неё. Статья показывает политику армейского руководства по отношению к местному населению, а также восприятие Галиции комбатантами. Автор приходит к выводу, что преобладающие в офи-циальных документах политический (полонофильский, украинофильский, русофильский) и на-циональный (отношение к российской армии со стороны русинов, поляков и евреев) аспекты до-полняются туристским взглядом комбатантов на природу и исторические памятники Галиции. The article considers the attitude to the space of the front as an object of tourist interest on the part of combatants. The main sources of the study were the auto-documentary texts of participants in military operations on the territory of Galicia and Bukovina during the First World War, travel guides to Galicia published in Russia on the eve and during the war, as well as official documents of the Headquarters of the South-Western Front. Being part of the Habsburg Empire, Eastern Galicia occupied by the Russian army by the right of war was significantly different from the Russian territory and the attitude to it as the “other” created a tourist view. The article shows the policy of the military forces in relation to the local population, as well as the perception of Galicia by the combatants. The author concludes that the prevailing political (Polonophile, Ukrainophile, Russophile) and national (attitude to the Russian army on the part of Rusyns, Poles and Jews) aspects in official documents are complemented by the tourist view of the combatants on the nature and historical monuments of Galicia.