Journal articles on the topic 'Ukraine – Politics and government – 21st century'
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1
Tsependa, Igor. "Ukraine and Poland: Facing the 21st Century Challenges." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 1, no. 4 (December 22, 2014): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.1.4.21-26.
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Establishing a common strategic framework is a decisive factor in the Ukrainian-Polishrelations in the current social and political context. The complexity of the partnership between thetwo states arise from their geographical location on the borderline between civilizations, the site ofhistorical cataclysms. At the same time, national sovereignty of was always a high priority for bothpeoples. The recognition of Ukraine’s independence by Poland marked a new stage ofrapprochement between Warsaw and Kyiv, the act being evidence of maturity of the Polishpolitical elite. Poland made its best to promote the interest of Ukraine in the international politicalarena. The article suggests periodization in the history of the Ukrainian-Polish partnership.Ukrainian policy can be modelled on Poland’s experience of the transformation of society.Being a member of the European Union, Poland advocates the idea of European and EuroAtlantic integration of Ukraine. Increased economic cooperation is one of the aspects of theUkrainian-Polish partnership. Cooperation at regional level, between local government bodies isalso important for the relations between the two states. Step by step, visa regulations are beingliberalized, interpersonal contacts broadened. The beginning of the 21st century witnesses a changein political consciousness of Ukrainian and Polish people, who reconsider painful events from theirpast
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla D. "Ukraine in the Integration Security System." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (October 27, 2022): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.6.
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The process of the security system formation in the integrated European space has been continuing for more than seven decades, but its final objective has not been attained yet. The relevance of this topic is the need to study the process of destruction of the established world, the collapse of the system of international relations, lack of understanding and complete disregard by the aggressor of all humanitarian levers in a situation of war and armed confrontation. Every subsequent turn in development of international relations in 20th and 21st centuries and new emerging threats seem to bring countries closer to unity and addressing the security problem, but…
In 2014 Russia, ignoring the principles of the international law, basic treaties with Ukraine, commitments to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine, started a war. On 24 February 2022, a new escalation took place when Russia attacked Ukraine without declaring the state of war. What was the reason? The answer could be found in the Ukrainian history that is not a simple one. Russian rulers want to rebuild the Russian empire returning to the borders of the 19th century. This is a threat to Ukraine that is a sovereign European state founded on the bases of European values, peace and international cooperation.
Russia has been trying to eliminate Ukrainian statehood, language, and culture starting from the Kozak times of the 16th century. Thus, this process is at least 500-year old. In the 21st century, Russia attempted to occupy Ukraine by means of the anti-Ukrainian government, but the attempt failed. As a consequence, the Russian president decided to eliminate Ukraine by military means. When the aggression started in 2014, the EU deeply dependent on Russian energy sources, did not react fully to the Russian intervention. Ukraine could not defend its territorial integrity because of the lack of military capacities in the absence of the international military support. But in 2022, the situation is radically different: at the time of Russian invasion, Ukrainian people raise to the defense of their country, and the Ukrainian army thanks to the strong international military and political support continues to defend the existence of the Ukrainian state despite the dominance of the Russian military machine.
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Faustino, Paulo. "Foreword - The iron curtain, geopolitics and the cultural exception." Journal of Creative Industries and Cultural Studies 8 (2017): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56140/jocis-v8-1.
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As I write this editorial, the war going on the air space and on the field and over communication (invasion or the special military intervention, in the words of the Russian government in Ukraine by Russia continues. A situation that would be unthinkable to happen in the 21st century where humanist values seem to follow a path of increasing strength; at least in most continents, although the democratic political system is largely a minority in the world; dictatorships or autocracies are dominating the political landscape, especially in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. We must not forget this! I believe that even analysts and experts in international relations, including the ones in the countries with sophisticated espionage systems like USA or Great Britain, would be far from predicting a conflict of this intensity and negative impact on humanity: more than three million refugees and thousands of deaths (both amongst military and civilians) in both countries.
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla, and Viacheslav Tsivatyi. "The British and American Systems of Diplomatic Training in the Face of Globalization Shifts." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 570–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-35.
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The article deals with frameworks for studying diplomacy in the leading foreign countries, namely the United States and the United Kingdom. The methods of determining educational disciplines for mastering the principles of diplomatic work are explored. At the same time, as an example, attention is attached to the experience of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in the preparation of diplomatic staff for Ukraine. The article is dedicated to institutional and human resource issues and stages of establishment of the US diplomatic service, including the current rotation model and advanced training system. The need for drastic changes in the system of foreign policy institutions and the advisability of reforming the US diplomatic service came to the forefront of American political and academic discourse in the mid-1990s. The events of September 11, 2001 served as a catalyst for rejuvenating the preparation and advanced training model as well as the personnel management model in the US foreign policy and made the topic discussed increasingly relevant. Historically, the US diplomatic service has been relatively small but the most competent, qualified and efficient part of the US foreign policy mechanism. It is the experience of the United States which is valuable and helpful for post-Soviet countries with respect to the use of the US experience, given its established traditions and prompt response to emerging threats and challenges of the globalized world of the 21st century in the context of the ongoing reform of the diplomatic service in Ukraine. The article covers the urgent issue of renovating the diplomatic training model in Ukraine based on the analysis of experience of its US counterpart. The US experience is important and useful for Ukraine in the context of government service reforms as well as for other post-Soviet countries within the framework of integration processes and globalization. Keywords: diplomatic training system, UK diplomatic service, US diplomatic service, foreign policy, diplomacy, diplomatic institutions, institutionalization, Ukraine.
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Dolianovska, I. М. "COOPERATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE IN THE FIELD OF PROTECTION OF CHILDREN'S RIGHTS AS A DIRECTION OF SOCIAL CRIME PREVENTION: MODERN ASPECTS." Legal Bulletin 64, no. 3 (May 12, 2022): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31732/2708-339x-2022-03-54-60.
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At the beginning of the 21st century, many events of an international legal nature took place in the world, which were of great importance for the recognition of human rights and freedoms, and of children in particular, as the highest social value in society. These events also concern our country, which responds to them in a timely manner with appropriate changes in legislation. However, today the world community is faced with the existence of a number of political, economic and military threats, which pose a danger to an indefinite number of people, their most important personal rights and freedoms. We are talking about such things as hybrid wars, military occupations of some countries by others, armed conflicts, and, as a result, migration phenomena and refugees. The aforementioned threats also affected Ukraine with the beginning of the annexation of Crimea and the armed conflict in the east of the country. However, later the eight-year military conflict turned into a real military confrontation, the seizure of more and more territories of our country, continuous aerial bombardment of cities and infrastructure facilities, the death of the civilian population, finally unheard of compared to 2014, the scale of displaced and evacuated Ukrainians to safe places and abroad citizens. The issue of protecting the rights of people affected by these threats is one of the key tasks facing the Government of Ukraine. A prominent place in this issue is given to the problem of protecting the rights of children, who are the guarantor of the existence of the Ukrainian nation in the future. At the same time, it is noted that being alone with the military aggressor in the face of the Russian Federation, Ukraine felt the real friendly support of the entire international community both in the provision of military aid and in the process of supporting the least protected categories of the civilian population - women and children. In this article, the author characterizes the main directions of combating the criminal violation of children's rights in the conditions of a full-fledged military invasion of the territory of Ukraine and the challenges that the subjects of prevention are called to overcome. The role of the United Nations in cooperation with the Government of our country in the joint implementation of measures to overcome them is revealed separately.
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Lee, Hongsub. "Changes in the International Energy Environment and Russia’s Energy Security." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 4 (November 30, 2022): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.117.
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In the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war, the world is suffering from inflation due to a surge in energy prices. The West is accusing Russia of using energy as a means of oppression, as a powerhouse in the world's energy market. Russia, on the other hand, claims that the West has intentionally instigated the war to block its energy markets. Which claim is closer to the truth will be revealed later, but this war once again confirmed just how great the impact of energy on the global political economy. The importance of energy has been highlighted to such an extent that if security in the 20th century depended on military power, the 21st century depended on energy resources such as oil and gas. If the Russian economy is isolated from the world economy through Western economic sanctions, the role of the government in the national economy will expand, which will lead to state capitalism, which has the effect of delaying Russia's reform. In addition, if Europe reduces or stops imports of Russian energy, the US is concerned about the fact that China will take over the lower price of Russian energy. In 2020, Russia adopted a new constitution, making it possible for Putin to remain president until 2036. With Putin in power for a long time, not only can he continue to lead Russia's energy development, but he can also push ahead with the 'New Eastern Policy' more strongly. This means that relations with China will be further strengthened soon. Among them, energy cooperation between the two countries will play a large part. Ultimately, for global energy security, Europe's energy imports from Russia should not be viewed only as a negative aspect of Europe's excessive dependence on Russia for resources. Rather, détente will be realized between Russia and the West through energy cooperation from the point of view of interdependence that Russia also depends on profits through the European market and that Europe needs Russia to secure the stability of supply.
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Nahirny, Mykola. "Political Rusynism in Croatia." Problems of slavonic studies 69 (2020): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/sls.2020.69.3497.
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Background: Historiography has long debated the identity of the terms “Ruthenian” and “Ukrainian”. It is obvious that “the Ruthenian” is the historical name of the modern name “the Ukrainian”. However, there are still theories that try to justify the separation of the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians, to recognize the Ruthenians as a separate nation – that is, they promote the ideas of political Rusynism (Ruthenianism). Ukraine's neighbors use a Ruthenian question for their own purposes, primarily to separate the Ruthenians from the Ukrainians in order to assimilate them more quickly. The Ruthenian-Ukrainian community in Croatia did not escape such a problem. The question of political Rusynism is well covered in historiography. However, there are almost no works about political Rusynism in Croatia. Purpose: Consideration of the origin and development of the ideas of political Ruthenianism among immigrants from Ukrainian lands in Croatia and the impact of these ideas on the prospects for the development and existence of both national groups - both Ruthenians and Ukrainians. Results: An immigrants from Ukrainian lands who came to Croatia in the middle of the 18th century identified themselves as the Ruthenians; those who moved here from the end of the 19th century called themselves as the Ukrainians. On the eve of the First World War, russophile tendencies prevailed among the Ruthenians. During the interwar period, contacts between Ukrainian emigrants of various migration waves strengthened. This fact contributed to the spread of the self-name “the Ukrainians”, which coexisted with the name “the Ruthenians”. Post-war attempts to unite the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians into one nationality were unsuccessful. The Yugoslav authorities deliberately separated the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians, and contributed to the formation of the Ruthenian national consciousness. The situation in Croatia was different. Here, the interests of the two ethnic groups were expressed by the Union of Ruthenians and Ukrainians of Croatia (SRiU). The position of the SRiU was that the Ruthenians were traditional, and the Ukrainians were the actual name of the same nation. But there was resistance to such a policy of the Union among the Ruthenians in Croatia. Conservative Ruthenians sought to maintain a certain distance from the Ukrainians. In particular, they held separate festivals, “summer schools” for young people, and used the wording “the Ruthenians and Ukrainians” instead of “the Ruthenians-Ukrainians”. The reason for the recent rise of Ruthenian separatism was the policy of the Croatian government. At the beginning of the 21st century, Croatia, under pressure from the West, adopted a number of pieces of legislation to strengthen the rights of national minorities. The new legislation gave great rights to national minorities (separately to the Ruthenians and separately to the Ukrainians), which leveled the long-standing common policy of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian community. The disputes within the Union resulted in its split and the formation of several separate Ruthenian and Ukrainian organizations. Ruthenian communities promote the preservation of the national identity of the Ruthenians, believing that Ukraine is not their homeland. Thanks to state support, Croatian Ruthenians publish memoirs about the life of their diaspora without mentioning the Ukrainians. Activists of political Rusynism in Croatia accuse Ukraine of assimilating of the Ruthenians, denying a kinship of the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians. Views on a Ruthenian language were also revised. It is believed that its basis is closer to the East Slovak dialect with Ukrainian features. The demarcation with the Ukrainians did not stop the assimilation of the Ruthenians in Croatia. For half a century there has been a steady decline in their numbers. At the same time, the Ruthenian minority is aging, its average age is 50 years. Therefore, the accelerated processes of assimilation among the Ruthenians and the lack of a “mother” state from which they could expect help threaten not only to the long-term dominance of Ruthenian separatism’s idea among the majority of the Ruthenians, but also their survival as a minority. If the Ruthenians of Croatia, in order to save their community, decide to reunite with the Ukrainians, then even under such conditions, the political Rusynism of Croatia also have no prospects for it’s existence. Key words: Croatia, the Ruthenians, the Ukrainians, political Rusynism, assimilation, Union of the Ruthenians of the Republic of Croatia.
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Mirgorod-Karpova, V. V. "ADMINISTRATIVE AND LEGAL PRINCIPLES OF ACTIVITIES OF THE CONTROLLING BODIES ON THE USE OF INTERNATIONAL TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE FUNDS." Legal horizons, no. 17 (2019): 124–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i17.p:124.
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Discussions have been ongoing throughout the year in the Ukrainian and European scientific environment regarding the presentation of the economic assistance package of the West for Ukraine, the so-called "Marshall Plan", presented by the Lithuanian Prime Minister Andrius Kubilius in autumn 2017. According to him, Ukraine will receive 5 billion euros in investments into the national economy annually. This amount of assistance, calculated by European experts, will boost the Ukrainian economy by 6-8% each year. [1] But, unfortunately, we, like most Ukrainian citizens, are skeptical about the possibility of such assistance coming to our country, and even more pessimistic are the forecasts about the possible positive effect of its use. There are many reasons for such skepticism. On the one hand, it is the Ukrainian and European bureaucracy, and on the other, there is no effective mechanism for receiving, distributing and controlling the use of international assistance by Ukrainian state bodies. Therefore, according to most domestic experts, until these problems in the use of international assistance in Ukraine are solved, it is unlikely to be able to implement the initiative of former Lithuanian Prime Minister Andris Kubilius. Even Kubilius himself has repeatedly stated that in order for this plan to become a reality, Kyiv must develop a clear list of priority projects prepared at a high technical level, for which financial resourceswould go. [2] The first step, according to European and Ukrainian experts, was to create a special agency in Ukraine, which would be engaged in the preparation of such projects. Considering that almost nothing has been done by the Ukrainian Government in this direction for almost a year, so the time to receive financial assistance under the Marshall Plan is delayed. However, the absence of an agency is only the tip of the iceberg, the biggest problem for Ukraine is the lack of a clear administrative and legal mechanism for attracting, distributing and, most importantly, effective control over the use of international assistance. It is the results of the study of this problem that we devoted our article to. Despite the globalization processes in the world, external financial assistance is gradually gaining in popularity and becoming an effective tool for improving the welfare of the population and the economic development of developing countries or pursuing democratic reforms, Ukraine is falling behind in a number of subjective factors. . Investigating the emergence of the Institute for External Donor Assistance, it can be noted that this process became widespread in the 1960s and at the beginning of the 21st century, after the adoption by 193 member states of the United Nations and at least 23 international organizations of the Declaration. of the UN Millennium, it received a new impetus and began to pass under the auspices of the Millennium Development Goals. They envisaged the cooperation of countries with international financial institutions for the transformation of their economy, the introduction of the latest innovative technologies, changes in economic, political and social nature and as a result of improving the life of the population and overcoming poverty. [3] In this article, we draw attention to the fact that in modern international economic relations, there are two approaches to donor assistance, which were formulated by certain historical processes taking place in the world economy. The first approach is called by scientists as “integrative”. It is based on the implementation of strict standards, which are translated into the language of specific requirements and measures, which in its turn are laid down in the plan calendar of reforms. At the present stage, this approach is applied in the countries which are candidates for EU membership. It is always successful because the assistance implemented in the enlargement countries provides a strategic framework for the transformation processes, while enlargement countries are required to adopt EU institutional standards and develop the necessary infrastructures. The second form of international assistance is more like charity and it does not contribute to the donors’ long-term responsibility for results. Assistance is provided to poor developing and emerging countries, but this assistance is never successful. Keywords: international technical assistance, international financial assistance, state control.
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Peng, Siyuan, Hanyue Wang, and Tuoyi Zhou. "Causes of Intense Sino-America Relations in the 21st century: Multi-Perspective Analysis." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 499–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4296.
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The Sino-America relations is changing constantly, but not in a specific instant. From 1949 to 1972, The United State of America start to embargo to People’s Republic of China. It is a beginning of the relationship between China and America go to deteriorate slowly. American government also imposed policies to limit visa issue [1] of the most of Chinese officials and some national company and strict control visa for Chinese visitors. This increases the ossification between America and China. In addition, during the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Ukraine shows a pro-American position and Chinese government has relatively peaceful relationship with the Russia in order to against the American hegemony. Thus, this situation aggravated the intense situation between China and America indirectly. Furthermore, people start make the emotion of disgust for opposite country, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs express agree for people. Then, Taiwan issue became a sensitive topic for China. The Chinese government has been making efforts to resolve the Taiwan Strait issue peacefully. However, American officials’ visit to Taiwan which never notify China and provide weapons for China. This action thoroughly infuriated China and Chinese Air Force went to China’s airspace around the Taiwan at the first time and issued a warning. The reason is principle of insist only one China is a precondition for build relationship. American officials’ visit to Taiwan which mean against that in public.
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LIJPHART, AREND. "Democracy in the 21st century: can we be optimistic?" European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
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Якубін, О. Л., and О. М. Казьмірова. "What politics of memory is needed in Ukraine in the 20’s of 21st century: 12 proposals." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(43) (June 24, 2019): 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2019.3(43).198125.
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Pasicznik, Władimir. "Physical education in general education schools in Ukraine (selected aspects)." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 3, no. 3 (2020): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2020.03.20.
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There were many different problems in the organisational process of physical education in schools of Ukraine in the 1990s and at the beginning of the 21st century, such as: underestimation of the importance of physical education in the didactic and educational process by managers of individual schools, insufficient consideration of students’interests in selected forms of exercise; lack of individualisation of work with a student, taking into account their real level of mobility and readiness to perform particular exercises; low level of investment in the development of sports fa-cilities by educational and local authorities, i.e. creating sports fields, swimming pools and supply-ing schools with sports equipment; lack of coordination in the cooperation of schools with students’parents or with state and local government institutions in the field of popularising physical educa-tion and a healthy lifestyle. The Ukrainian children and young people’s health situation at the be-ginning of the 21st century was unsatisfactory. The analysis of pedagogical and specialist literature regarding remedial actions in the pre-school and school education system in physical education in Ukraine shows that most often the main direction of changes is the improvement of methods and forms of conducting physical education lessons as well as activities in the field of popularising sport recreation in the free time and adapting these solutions to contemporary curriculum requirements of this subject at school.
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Irkhina, Yuliana. "Students’ leisure organization in higher educational institutions of Ukraine in the 21st century." Scientific visnyk V.O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Pedagogical Sciences 65, no. 2 (2019): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2518-7813-2019-65-2-107-111.
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One of the main objective factors affecting the sphere of leisure is the social policy of the state, the purpose of which is to create appropriate conditions for the life of the individual. In Ukraine, in the context of the implementation of social policy, there are a number of unresolved problems. This concerns, first of all, overcoming the «residual principle» attitude to solving the problems of leisure and culture in General; changing the attitude to the formation of the cultural situation to master the world’s cultural achievements; the discrepancy between the activities of cultural institutions and modern requirements, the lack of a certain standard ґarantovanih state free cultural services; lack of medium and long-term state policy on cultural development; lack of training in the sociocultural sphere in the new economic conditions; lack of a clear program of support for cultural industries; lack of a single information cultural space and a network of partnerships at the vertical and horizontal levels; the practical absence of Ukraine as a state in the European and world cultural space, in the system of European cultural projects. The main purpose of the article is to reveal the importance of the organization of meaningful leisure of students of higher educational institutions in order to meet and realize their interests and needs, disclosure of creative potential, social education and activation of social and social activities. The sphere of leisure in higher educational institutions of Ukraine will perform functions of development and formation of the personality of the young person only on condition of compliance of the organization of activity at leisure to their interests and needs. This is possible because of the cooperation of these associations with government agencies and institutions that are not only designed to solve certain problems of young people, but also to provide appropriate financial and material support. Students should become a subject of leisure activities, an active participant, not a passive consumer, and this will enable the development of new innovative forms of leisure activities, which will take into account all, both collective and individual interests and needs of students.
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Miakinchenko, Iryna. "UKRAINIAN CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS’ ACTIVITY TO COUNTERACT SPREADING SOCIALLY DANGEROUS DISEASES (THE FIRST DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY)." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 10 (June 30, 2022): 122–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112034.
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The aim of the article is to study Ukrainian church and religious organizations’ activity directed at counteracting spreading socially dangerous diseases (the first decade of the 21st century). The research methodology is based on the set of general scientific methods usage (analysis, synthesis, comparison, systematization, generalization, etc.) as well as special historical methods (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systematic). The study applies an interdisciplinary approach, manifested through the usage of the categorical procedures of other sciences. This, in its turn, made it possible to form valid statements and conclusions of the scientific research. The scientific novelty of the paper lies in the fact that Ukrainian church and religious organizations’ activity to counteract spreading socially dangerous diseases at the beginning of the 21st century is discussed on the basis of a comprehensive range of historical sources. The topic has not been the subject of a separate scientific analysis yet. As the result, the author concludes that a systematic activity of Ukrainian church and religious organizations to counteract socially dangerous diseases was founded in the first decade of the 21st century. This was due to the organizational network formation of church and religious organizations and their transformation into an important social institution of civil society. The main focus was on counteracting the spread of HIV/AIDS at the same time. The inclusion of the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations was important in strengthening its work. Both the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations and some church and religious organizations were supported by the state government of Ukraine. Thus, church and religious organizations in Ukraine opened rehabilitation centers for drug and alcohol addicts, cared for HIV-infected people; conducted thematic scientific and educational events within the framework of activity to counterpart spreading socially dangerous diseases in the first decade of the 21st century.
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Wilson, Andrew. "The Crimean Tatars: A Quarter of a Century after Their Return." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2014): 418–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02404012.
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The article looks at the position of the Crimean Tatars, seventy years after their mass Deportation from Crimea in 1944, and twenty-five years since they were able to begin to return to Crimea in 1989. It concentrates on the politics of their position since Viktor Yanukovych was elected President of Ukraine in 2010, looking at arguments within their ranks and at government attempts to play ‘divide and rule’.
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Siotor, Jakub. "Ukraina a tranzyt rosyjskiego gazu do Unii Europejskiej. Stan obecny oraz perspektywy na przyszłość." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.011.13339.
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Ukraine and Russian gas transit to the European Union. Current situation and perspectives for the future Ukraine is the most important transit state of Russian gas to the European Union. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 caused the military conflict what affects mutual business relations between those two countries until today. It was one of the reasons that made Gazprom start thinking of new gas transition installation omitting Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to show current role of the Ukraine in Russian gas transit to the European Union. The first part of the article describes current situation of the gas sector in Ukraine and historical review of relations with Russia concerning gas trade. The second part shows current ways of Russian gas distribution to the EU and the perspectives connected with new gas pipelines projects – Nord Stream 2 and Turkish Stream. The third part focuses on giving an answer to the question: weather the Ukraine still is to be the Russian gas transit state in the second decade of the 21st century? The study is based on scientific and press articles as well as on information given at official websites of the following institutions: European Union, government of Ukraine, government of Russia, NGOs from Ukraine, Russia and EU states. The article is also based on discussion that took place in Warsaw at 11th of May 2019 during International Conference Quo Vadis Ukraine held by phd research organization „Ucrainica”.
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Mahmoudi, Hamid, Keith Walker, Abdolrahim Navehebrahim, Hamidreza Arasteh, and Hossein Abbasian. "The Missing Pieces in the Puzzle of Iranian Undergraduate General Education: Quantitative Findings." Comparative and International Education 49, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cie-eci.v49i1.13431.
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The general education (GE) literature suggests that there is a mismatch of courses offered to students in Iranian higher education institutions such that the needs of 21st-century students are unmet by these curricula. This article points to the missing pieces in terms of learning and content gaps in many of the undergraduate GE programs designed under the influence of policy, values, and politics which originate from both religious and government interests. The article explores undergraduate students’ general 21st-century skill requirements and examines the extant curricula for possible gaps. The gap analysis points to the need for up-to-date general skills such as thinking skills, decision-making, research, awareness of international issues, lifelong learning, problem-solving, critical thinking, and it offers that these remedies might be a precious investment in Iran’s higher education for the future of that society.
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Rather, Aqib Yousuf. "Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 24 (June 28, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.
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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Theodore, John D. "The Process Of Globalization In Latin America." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i1.9044.
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The purpose of this article was to examine and evaluate the historical and developmental process of globalization in Latin America from the 1970s to the second decade of the 21st century and make proposals for the additional developments needed in education, society, labor, management, politics, economics, business, government, and legal areas in order for the region to attain higher developmental levels in regional integration and globalization on a continuous basis. It also examined the advantages and disadvantages of globalization as perceived by its proponents and adversaries in the region.
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Aloshyna, Oksana. "Policy of the Russian Empire Regarding the Polish Population of Right-Bank Ukraine in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Education Culture and Society 13, no. 2 (September 27, 2022): 681–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2022.2.681.690.
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Aim. The purpose of the scientific article is to reveal the specifics of the policy of the Russian Empire towards the Polish population on the territory of the Right-Bank of Ukraine. Methods. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, systematics. During the research work, both general scientific (analysis and synthesis, systematisation and generalisation) and special scientific methods were used: problem-thematic, as well as system-structural. Results. The politics of the Russian government towards the poles had an important place in the socio-political life of Right-bank Ukraine. Using legislative documents and ordinances, the Russian government introduced a number of restrictive measures that were supposed to control and weaken the influence of Poles on the socio-economic life of the region. Conclusions. The Russian authorities tried to neutralise the influence of the Polish population and the Roman Catholic Church. Determining the presence of Poles and regulating their number depended on the strict control of the Russian government. The Poles were seen as a “dangerous element” threatening the policy of tsarist autocracy. That is why the authorities decided to undermine their socio-economic position by depriving them of a significant number of privileges.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Igwe, Paul Agu. "The Paradox of Brexit and the Consequences of Taking Back Control." Societies 12, no. 2 (April 12, 2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12020069.
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Memorable events of the 21st century that will be rightly or wrongly be remembered includes the global financial crisis of 2007/08, the election of Mr Donald Trump as President of the United States of America, and Brexit (the United Kingdom (UK) voting to leave the European Union) in 2016. Others include the emergence of the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, and the war between Russia and Ukraine. Since 2016, Brexit has continued to dominate global politics. Conceptually, this article explores the Brexit dilemma, the formalization of Brexit agreements, and the post-Brexit impact on the economy and society. How did Brexit happen? What are the underlying causes of Brexit? Is Brexit connected to Euroscepticism and populism? By evaluating these contexts, important issues and debates can be reconciled to advance knowledge on Brexit, UK politics, the regional political system, and the rise of populism. This article is currently relevant since it coincides with an obvious upsurge in interest in the post-Brexit Global Britain.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Fazli, Aziz Ahmad. "The end of the Western rule in the world and the Asian century." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Configuration 2, no. 4 (October 28, 2022): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.52984/ijomrc2406.
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The 20th century was called the era of the American government, and finally, after the Cold War, Russia was isolated, and the United States remained as a new power and presented its new doctrines to the world. However, the current decade of the 21st century will be considered the title of competition for world leadership and the emergence of a new international order, When Russia will attack Georgia and thus question the world's unipolarity for the first time. Under the support of two agreements, the West filed a complaint against Syria in the United Nations, one of which was about economic sanctions against Syria and the other was related to the attack on Syria. But the events in Ukraine and Taiwan will hit the fact that the world is no longer unipolar and America is not the only superpower in the world. In addition, Russia, China, India, South Africa and Brazil have become an economic bloc known as BRICS. After the Second World War, the world enjoyed relative peace, but the ongoing developments in Russia in the military sector and China in the economic sector, as well as the ongoing crisis between Ukraine and Russia, China and Taiwan, at the regional and international level. The formation of strong economic and military alliances such as BRICS and Shanghai has threatened the existing international system and relative peace, and eventually power will be transferred to Asia, so Asian states and nations should prepare themselves for this. . It absorbs power.
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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Karklins, Rasma. "Book Review: Daunis Auers, Comparative Politics and Government of the Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 21st Century." Political Studies Review 15, no. 2 (February 2017): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916686364.
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KHYZHNYAK, Igor. "SECOND STAGE OF «STATE DEFIANCE»: COUNTER VISIONS ON THE EUROMAIDAN`S PRECEPTS* *The article is published in the author's edition." Світ Кліо 3, no. 2 (November 8, 2022): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/cw-2021.3(2).03.
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The purpose of the article. The specific features of the second stage of the phenomenon of «state against» and its consequential factor – Euromaidan, as well as their mutual influence on the course of historical events in Ukraine after the removal of the Yanukovych administration from the presidency are considered. Scientific novelty. The first sign of changes in the entire political architecture in Ukraine was the thesis that the government is fighting primarily with the legitimacy of people's trust, and not just through elections. The Euro revolution on the Maidan is a revolution of human dignity. The Maidan’s Euro revolution is a Revolution of Human Dignity. The Maidan in Kyiv is a new generation Maidan of the second decade in the XXI-st century. Euromaidan in Kyiv is the Maidan of the new generation of Ukrainians of the second decade of the XXI century and it stood for European values. He is also a factor in reforming the obsolete system, it is a conflict of society, not the opposition with the government. It began to form a sociality, based on the principles of a new type of ethics. Literally inseparable domination of the hidden system of transport corruption has been one of the brightest features of the category «state against» for almost a quarter of a century. Therefore, emerging new political elites must avoid constructions that divide society, make it a disintegrated, apathetic, ethnic community. One of the important achievements of Euromaidan can be attributed to the demand for new people in politics, but not just performers, but those who are mainly in favour of changing the rules of the game and the entire system of government.
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no. 4 (October 2019): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Moore, Sarah. "Towards a Sociology of Institutional Transparency: Openness, Deception and the Problem of Public Trust." Sociology 52, no. 2 (January 19, 2017): 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516686530.
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Transparency has become the watchword of 21st-century liberal democracies. It refers to a project of opening up the state by providing online access to public sector data. This article puts forward a sociological critique of the transparency agenda and the purported relationship between institutional openness and public trust. Drawing upon Simmel’s work, the article argues that open government initiatives routinely prize visibility over intelligibility and ignore the communicative basis of trust. The result is a non-reciprocal form of openness that obscures more than it reveals. In making this point the article suggests that transparency embodies the ethos of a now-discredited mode of what Ezrahi calls ‘instrumental politics’, reliant on the idea that the state constitutes a ‘domain of plain public facts’. The article examines how alternative mechanisms for achieving government openness might better respond to the distinctive needs of citizens living in late modern societies.
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Filinyuk, Anatoly. "Right-Bank Ukraine in the politics of Russia and Austria on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of the eighteenth century." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.181-198.
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The purpose of the study is to fi nd out the place of Right-Bank Ukraine in the policy of Russia and Austria on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the late eighteenth century. Th e methodological basis of the study is the approach of “cross” / “intertwined” history, which involves the study of long-term relationships, transfers, contacts and confl icts between states, societies, nations and cultures; the complex application of the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematics, as well the as comparative-historical, historical-chronological, analytical-synthetic and other methods helped to ensure the understanding and comprehensive disclosure of the little-studied topic. Th e scientifi c novelty of the work is that for the fi rst time through the prism of transnational, interconnected history the question of the place and role of the lands of Right-Bank Ukraine in the relations of tsarist Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of the 18th century and its foreign policy autocracy and the government of the Austrian Empire, oriented to the south-west and south of Europe, at the center of which was the Commonwealth. Th e urgency of the problem is evidenced by the fact that in both Russian and Polish historiography, the study of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remains relevant, including at the last stage of its independent existence. In this regard, the need for Russians to be more fully aware of the repressiveness of the empire, the descendants of which they position themselves in both positive and negative terms, is urgent. Conclusions. The study has shown that due to the changes in interstate relations in Europe and the transformations of the geopolitical position of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the late eighteenth century, caused by Russia’s victories in the wars against the Ottoman Empire, the focus of the foreign policy of the Russian autocracy and the imperial government of Austria were both the territory of Poland itself and the Right-Bank lands, which were part of it. Th e change in Russia’s foreign policy vector in the southwestern direction of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, and significant interest in the geopolitical opportunities of Right-Bank Ukraine led to its broad involvement in domestic and foreign policy in the context of relations between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Austria.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu, and Sanjay Misra. "The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 15, no. 3 (July 2019): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2019070105.
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While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.
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Elinoff, Eli. "Subjects of politics: Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Herța, Laura-Maria. "Hybrid Warfare – A Form of Asymmetric Conflict." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0021.
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AbstractFor a few decades now, a vivid scholarly discussion centred on new forms of conflict has been developing. Military historians and political scientists entered into debates building consistent pro and counter-arguments about whether armed conflict at the end of the 20thcentury and beginning of the 21st century features novel aspects. Several concepts have been coined in order to describe the nature and dynamic of warfare in a post-clausewitzian/post-conventional era, such as new wars, Fourth Generation Warfare, compound wars and last, but not least, hybrid warfare. This article will briefly present the core of each category and will stress hybrid warfare as most recent development of such intellectual categories. The main argument defended here is that hybrid wars are a contemporary feature of global politics, mostly associated with non-state actors (such as terrorist groups) and with Russia’s strategies in eastern Ukraine, but also that they are a form of asymmetric conflict.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. "The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada." Society & Animals 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A. "Electoral Processes and Street Protests in 21st Century Algeria: Features and Traits of Algerian Political Culture." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023902-1.
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The following article discusses issues of electoral participation and street protest activity in 21st century Algeria. The work is based on the materials on Algerian election campaigns and results of the author's field research in the country. Describing the current political situation in Algeria, the author points out that the long established alienation between the civil society and government institutions is one of the most significant challenges for the country's development. The roots of this alienation are much deeper than the 2019 events when A. Bouteflika was overthrown due to mass protests and A. Tebboun became the President. Analyzing the electoral campaigns held since 2000 to this day, the author discovers that mutual distrust between the political elites and the society has been a characteristic trait of Algerian internal politics over the whole two decades. In this context, the Hirak movement founded in 2019 may be seen a an instrument of political transformation rather than merely a way to express popular discontent. However, even though this movement was successful enough to change the political leadership in Algeria, it hasn't managed to transform the essence of the system and update the social contract. Looking into the reasons for this failure, the author concludes that they stem from the specific traits of Algerian political culture formed in the colonial and early post-colonial eras.
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Нагиев, Орхан Гадироглу. "Формирование культурно-духовных ценностей в Азербайджане как следствие политики «Мягкой силы»." Revistă de Ştiinţe Socio-Umane = Journal of Social and Human Sciences 50, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46727/jshs.2022.v50.i1.p75-86.
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The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.
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Poliarush, Svitlana. "LEGAL STATUS OF SPORTS FANS IN UKRAINE." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-38-43.
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The article attempts to characterize the legal status of sports fans in Ukraine using the experience of foreign countries. Attention is paid to the historical aspect of the formation of sports fans in the world. The author dwelled on the movement of football fans in the twentieth century. Based on modern research by Ukrainian scientists, a classification of certain categories of football fans is presented. The article argues that sports fans are a kind of challenge to government agencies, and sometimes to society as a whole, so the ability to work with such informal entities, where the composition is dominated by young people, is a key task of government agencies. Examples of fruitful cooperation between the state, local governments and volunteers in the form of fan projects with football fans in Germany and Belgium are given. It was stated that cooperation in Ukraine is still carried out at the level of the football club and fans. The introduction of the position of the Officer for work with football fans in football clubs is positively assessed. The specifics of the Ukrainian fan football movement are pointed out - it is strongly influenced by politics. It is emphasized that in Ukraine, so far, there is no law that would regulate the legal status of sports fans. A number of international agreements, acts of international sports organizations and Ukrainian legislative, by-laws and local regulations are analyzed in the context of clarifying the set of rights and obligations of sports fans (mostly football). It is established that the status of sports fans is determined only within the limits of achieving the goal of ensuring the safety of sports competitions. It is proposed to develop a special law in the future, which would establish the legal status of sports fans and the fan movement in general. Particular attention is paid to the clear wording of the rights of sports fans.
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Wilson, Geoff A., and P. Ali Memon. "Indigenous Forest Management in 21st-Century New Zealand: Towards a ‘Postproductivist’ Indigenous Forest–Farmland Interface?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 8 (August 2005): 1493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37144.
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The critique of indigenous forest management in New Zealand in this paper contextualises the discussion in light of recent Eurocentric debates on the transition towards ‘postproductivist’ and ‘multifunctional’ agricultural and forestry regimes. The research findings confirm recent criticisms of Australian writers with regard to the direct transferability of the notion of a transition towards postproductivism developed by European researchers and also lend support to Holmes's (2002) notion of productivist and postproductivist occupance. Long-standing productivist demands continue to be made on New Zealand's indigenous forests, especially from economically marginalised stakeholder groups who depend on the continuation of logging for economic survival. We argue that the tension between the recent adoption of a ‘postproductivist’ conservation policy at government level and the continuing ‘productivist’ attitudes among some stakeholder groups explains why the protection of remaining indigenous forests continues to be contested. The New Zealand findings also provide further evidence for those persons criticising the implied linearity and dualism inherent in the Eurocentric postproductivist transition model. We argue that processes at the New Zealand forest–farmland interface support Wilson's (2001) notion of a territorialisation of productivist and postproductivist territories into a ‘multifunctional’ territory. From a social constructionist perspective, the results highlight the fact that a clear separation into productivist and postproductivist occupance may not be easy to conceptualise as our view of agricultural land as ‘productivist’ territory and unlogged or sustainably managed indigenous forest as ‘postproductivist’ territory is largely based on a Euro–American ‘deep green’ view of unaltered ‘nonhuman’ nature. This supports Mather's (2001) suggestion that postproductivism should be cast as part of a shifting mode of social regulation of forestry with particular stakeholder groups constructing images of nature according to their interests, and where western ideas of nature as a (postproductivist) wilderness embody cultural politics which arguably serve to marginalise the interests of indigenous communities.
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Medushevsky, Nikolay A., Liudmila A. Pechishcheva, and Alisa R. Shishkina. "AFRICAN VECTOR IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 21ST CENTURY (POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 3 (2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-46-59.
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The research article is concerned with the mechanisms of cooperation between India and African countries in the latest historical period. The international support that India has provided to many African countries over the decades underscores the political commitment of the Indian leadership to speak on behalf of the nations of the global South. The government of Narendra Modi focuses on the common historical struggle of Indians and Africans against the colonial powers, as on the importance of developing cooperation in the politics, economy, energy, education, culture and humanitarian issues. The parties are interested in developing new approaches to environmental protection, and closely cooperate within the framework of the UN mechanism for sustainable development, actively participating in the formation and discussion of the climate agenda. Three successful Africa-India summits (in 2008, 2011 and 2015) showed a common interest in expanding the nature and areas of interaction. Moreover, India, experiencing an acute need for primary energy resources and minerals, sees in Africa not only a potential supplier of those resources, but also a capacious market for its products. In pursuit of all the interests mentioned, India, on the way of cooperation with African countries, often encounters the unpreparedness of African colleagues for direct dialogue, as well as opposition from other major players operating in the region. Among them, the UK and China play a key role. The authors come to the conclusion that at present India has a clear and comprehensive strategy for promoting its interests in Africa and considers the continent as a strategic one. At the same time, a large number of the variables associated with a specific process of interaction and regional development remain in the system of cooperation between India and African countries.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Lenok, Maria. "ARTISTIC REPORTAGES BY O. KRYSHTOPA’S UKRAINE: THE SCOPE 1:1." Fìlologìčnì traktati 12, no. 1 (2020): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/ftrk.2020.12(1)-7.
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The article is devoted to artistic reportages by O. Khrystopa a Ukrainian author of non fiction literature. The artistic reportage of the early 21st century underwent significant changes, evolving from the literary coverage of the 1920s. Contemporary authors refine their texts with different artistic techniques, genre-style techniques, which leads to the emergence of common genres. Such texts tend to be meta-genre in documentary and artistic discourse. The artistic reportages have a dual nature because they synthesize genre features of literature and journalism. There is a tendency to saturate artistic reportage with artistic techniques, expanding the possibilities of literature today. The aim of the article is to find out the place of artistic reportage in the contemporary Ukrainian literary discourse and to analyze some texts, in particular the book by O. Khrystopa’s Ukraine: the Scорe 1:1. The author represented a map of his travels and assignments to different corners of the country, covering a number of small and large cities. It is noteworthy that he reproduced urgent topics: unemployment, employment, language, politics, ecology, coal fever, Chornobyl. The artist skillfully uses linguistic and imaginative means that focus on poetic micro-images in the texts of artistic reportages in the book Ukraine: the Scорe 1:1. The sound and visual images give the texts the proof. The artist imposes the text with the metaphorical, metonymic or amplifying character, uses simple comparisons, synecdoche, often parses a narrative that helps to focus on the background of the image; expresses the artistic background with literary allusions, preserving the tradition of considering one text within another. The study of the genre specificity of the artistic reportage will be the subject of the further research.
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Keleş, Ruşen. "Sustainable development, international cooperation and local authorities." Ekistics and The New Habitat 69, no. 415-417 (December 1, 2002): 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200269415-417359.
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The author is a Professor of Local Government and Urban Studies at the Faculty of Political Science , Ankara University and Eastern Mediterranean University. He served as Director of the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies as well as Director of the Center for Environmental Studies, Ankara University for many years. His numerous publications include The Politics of Rapid Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (New York , Holmes and Meier, 1985), Housing and the Urban Poor in the Middle East: Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (Tokyo, IDE, 1986), Urban Management in Turkey (Ankara, Turkish Social Science Association, 1988), Urban Poverty in the Third World: Theoretical Approaches and Policy Options Tokyo (IDE, 1988). Dr Keleş has been a correspondent of Ekistics since 1965. He is a member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) and has also served as a member of its Executive Council. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.
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V. O., Olitskyi. "THE HONORING OF PETRO KALNYSHEVSKY MEMORY IN UKRAINE." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 54 (2019): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.54.4.
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The article analyzes the memory of the last leader of Zaporozka Sich in Ukraine Petro Kalnyshevsky, through the prism of formation the Ukrainian’s national memory. The process of leader memorialization is investigated and determined that the first attempts in Ukraine were plans to open a museum of Cossack’s glory in the village Pustovytivka, Romny district in 1990. But such plans were only realized at the beginning of the 21st century from the opening of special exhibitions dedicated to Petro Kalnyshevsky in the Romny Museum of Local Lore and Khortytsia. Analyzed creating places of memory and formation appropriate place’s names. It’s established that the first places of memory were the cemetery monuments in Romny and Pustovytivka, Romny district, were opened in 1990 and 1991.The first streets in honor of Petro Kalnyshevsky are named in Zaporozhya and Pustovytovka at the beggining of 1990s, today in Ukraine there are 30 streets have names of Petro Kalnyshevsky. Science events and festivals are analyzed separately, as the ways of immortalization. Announced events of honoring at the place of exile and the burial of the leader - in the territory of the Solovetsky monastery. Traceable the role of state and local government, public associations in honoring the memory of Petro Kalnyshevsky. It is noted that it has been increasing the state’s attention to this issue since 2000s . However, such role is enhanced when the anniversaries of this historical figure are approaching and are falling into other periods. It is stated that a new stage in honoring came after 2008, when Kalnichevsky was canonized by the Ukrainian Orthodox Church Kyiv Patriarchate. It has begun the building of temples and monasteries in his honor. It is established that Petro Kalnyshevsky holds an important place in the Ukrainian national memory being the unite power for population of different regions and the diaspora. Key words: chieftain, Zaporizhzhya Sich, national memory, places of memory, canonization.
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Довжук, І. В. "Socio-political life of the Ukrainian lands in the Russian Empire in the middle of the nineteenth century." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1193.
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The policy of Russian Empire’s government which had been realized on Ukrainian lands in the middle of ХІХ century is scrutinized. It is pointed that in that time there was an increasing of Empire’s regime on the territory of Ukraine, centralization increased, there was an ignorance of peculiarities of regions, social organizations were pursued. The policy of the tsarist government towards the Ukrainians was especially repressive com-pared to his attitude to other peoples of the Russian Empire. After the Polish uprising of 1830–1831, there is a sharp turning point in the «politics of nationalities» in the west of the Russian Empire. The traditional policy of cooperation with the national elite here has been defeated and replaced by the policy of forced integration. Ukrainians, who for many years were under Polish domination, were perceived by the Russian government as part of the Polish rebels. In the 40 years of the ХІХ century, the crisis of the imperial feudal-feudal system deepened, manifested in the mass peasant uprisings, the decline of the landed economy, the awareness of the need for the liquidation of serfdom by representatives of all sectors of the population. In our opinion, it is precisely at the origins of this crisis that one should look for the reasons for the rise of the Ukrainian national revival and its politicization in the middle of the ХІХ century. Socio-political life at that time was concentrated around the struggle for the elimination of serfdom, and national harassment was a significant component of this struggle. Without the liquidation of serfdom and the democratization of political life, Ukrainian national revival had no prospects.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Wywiał, Przemysław. "Perception of resilience in the security policy of the North Atlantic Alliance and the Republic of Poland." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 15 (December 9, 2022): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/157258.
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ObjectivesThe purpose of the article is to present the place of resilience in the security strategy of the North Atlantic Alliance and the Republic of Poland. This is particularly important in the context of the Russian Federation's military aggression against Ukraine and Moscow's attempts to destabilize other regions. In light of such a stated goal, the following research problem was established: will the concept of resilience to threats become a key concept for NATO and Polish security policy in the third decade of the 21st century?MethodsThe research methods used in the research process primarily included analysis of source materials (legal acts), scientific studies and publications of government institutions.ResultsThe results of the study confirmed the thesis that the concept of resilience now occupies a very important place in the security policy of the North Atlantic Alliance and Poland. This is their response primarily to the aggressive policies of the Russian Federation: the attack against Ukraine, threats against NATO (including Poland), the attempt to destabilize the situation in other regions of the world. NATO, including Poland, has realized the need to build efficient collective defense mechanisms and resilience to military and non-military threats.ConclusionsConclusions of the research indicate that the North Atlantic Alliance is increasing its emphasis on creating resilience to threats. Unfortunately, in Poland, the apt provisions of the National Security Strategy regarding resilience and universal defense have so far remained only in the realm of declarations.
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Biddulph, Howard L. "State Toleration of a New Faith in Post-Soviet Society: A Case Study of Latter-day Saints in Independent Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 85 (March 20, 2018): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2018.85.698.
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This study combines author's experiences as an analyst of post-Soviet politics and religious liberty with personal participation in the founding and public acceptance of a new faith in independent Ukraine during a quarter- century (1). Theattempt here is not only to describe a specific outcome, but to propose factors that offer explanation for why Ukraine is among the few Communist successor states in which new minority faiths have been relatively successful in achieving full toleration [Biddulph: 2016].
Religious liberty has been described as the “first freedom of all freedoms” [Hertzke: 2013, 4], yet it has been noticeably unachieved globally. A 2007 Pew “Global Attitudes Survey” showed that 90% of respondents world-wide said that it was important to live in a country that enabled them to practice religion freely.
Yet a more recent Pew “Forum on Global Restrictions on Religion” found that 70% of the world population reside in countries which have high or very high restrictions on religion either from government actions or from major social hostilities [Grim: 2013 , 86]. Religious liberty, therefore, is an almost universal human aspiration, but is one of the more unachieved rights in the world. The Soviet Union successor states have a similar record of lower achievement [Lunkin: 2013; Grim: 2013].
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Ratnawati, Ratnawati, and Oberlin Silalahi. "Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia." Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no. 9 (September 15, 2022): 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/eduvest.v2i9.574.
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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.