Journal articles on the topic 'U.s. diplomatic relations - history'
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1
Simić, Bojan. "Brazil u politici socijalističke Jugoslavije (1946–1952)." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.3.sim.133-156.
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Based on primary sources, relevant literature and contemporary press, the paper analyzes how the largest South American state, Brazil, was treated in foreign policy of the Yugoslav socialist regime. The moment of the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1946 and the year in which diplomatic missions were elevated to the rank of embassies, along with the expansion of trade agreement (1952), were taken as the chronological framework. The article examines how the Cold War divisions, Yugoslav emigration to Brazil, and mutual trade influenced bilateral relations.
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Tomanić, Boris. "Sudbina jugoslovenskog poslanstva u Bugarskoj 1941–1944." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 2 (August 31, 2023): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.2.tmn.167-192.
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The article examines the termination of the diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria in April 1941 and the expulsion of Yugoslav diplomatic personnel from Sofia. The first part of the article gives a brief overview of the events that ultimately resulted in two neighboring Balkan countries taking the opposite sides in the new world conflict, while the second part analyzes the causes and consequences of the closure of the Yugoslav legation in Sofia. The work is based on unpublished archival material from the archives in Serbia and Bulgaria, published sources and literature.
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Martz, John D. "U. S.-Latin American Relations." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 1 (February 1, 1987): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-67.1.194.
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Zou, Chengzhang. "THE IDEA OF FRIENDSHIP IN THE SINO-SOVIET TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP, ALLIANCE AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 9 (2023): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2023/9-11/15.
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B a c k g r o u nd . The article critically examines the concept of peace in the context of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance. This study delves into the historical, diplomatic, and philosophical dimensions of the Treaty between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China in the mid-twentieth century. M e t h o d s . The study is based on a systematic analysis of the original documents of the Sino-Soviet Treaty and other primary sources that record the context and content of the agreement. The article uses a comprehensive analysis of primary sources, diplomatic correspondence, political discourse, and philosophical narrative to illuminate various interpretations and implementations of the treaty's peace provisions. Analyzing the philosophical basis of the agreement, it is taken into account how the ideas and concepts of friendship, union and mutual assistance were interpreted in the philosophical context of both countries. The article uses methods of comparative analysis to establish common and distinctive features between the ideology of the Sino-Soviet Treaty. Re s u l t s . The study provides valuable information about the geopolitical dynamics of the 20th century, shedding light on how the two major communist powers managed their diplomatic relations. By examining the ideological underpinnings and practical implications of the Treaty's peace-oriented provisions, the article contributes to understanding the broader landscape of international relations in this dynamic period. C o n c l u s i o n s . The study provides important information about the geopolitical dynamics of the 20th century, revealing how the two leading communist states managed their diplomatic relations. The article also considers the prospects for the development of dynamics between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, examining the difficulties and problems that arose in maintaining peaceful relations between powerful states with common political ideologies based on the principles of Marxism. Analyzing the ideological foundation and practical consequences of the peacekeeping principles in the treaty, the article contributes to a better understanding of the broad context of international relations and philosophical narrative.
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Gorodnia, N., and Y. Protsenko. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 151 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.
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This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.
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Matić, Dimitrije. "Uloga Komunističke partije Španije u uspostavljanju diplomatskih odnosa Beograda i Madrida nakon Frankove smrti." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.mat.119-145.
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This article analyzes the influence of the Communist Party of Spain on the development of bilateral relations between Yugoslavia and Spain until the official establishment of diplomatic relations in January 1977, with an important emphasis on the period after the death of Francisco Franco. Besides researching the cooperation of Yugoslav and Spanish communists on these matters, the paper examines the specific international circumstances and interests of the great powers in the context of Yugoslav-Spanish rapprochement.
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Anisimov, Maksim. "Heinrich Gross of Würtemberg: A Diplomat on Elizabeth Petrovna's Service." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014979-4.
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Heinrich Gross was a diplomat of the Empress of Russia Elizabeth Petrovna, a foreigner on the Russian service who held some of the most important diplomatic posts of her reign. As the head of Russian diplomatic missions in European countries, he was an immediate participant in the rupture of both Franco-Russian and Russo-Prussian diplomatic relations and witnessed the beginning of the Seven Years' War, while in the capital of Saxony, besieged by Prussian troops. After that H. Gross was one of the members of the collective leadership of the Russian Collegium of Foreign Affairs. So far there is only one biographic essay about him written in the 19th century. The aims of this article are threefold. Using both published foreign affairs-related documentation and diplomatic documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, it attempts to systematize the materials of the biography of this important participant in international events. It also seeks to assess his professional qualities and get valuable insight into his role both in the major events of European politics and in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the mid-18th century. Moreover, the account of the diplomatic career of H. Gross presented in this essay aims to generate genuine interest among researchers in the personality and professional activities of one of the most brilliant Russian diplomats of the Enlightenment Era.
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Zorin, Artyom. "Jan Masaryk in American Diplomatic Correspondence, 1945–1948." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2023): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028073-8.
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Jan Masaryk (1886–1948) was the head of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the most difficult period in the history of Czechoslovakia, from 1940 to 1948. The peak of his professional career came in the post-war years, when CSR was at the centre of the unfolding Soviet-American confrontation. As a son of the first Czechoslovak President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and the closest associate of his successor Edvard Beneš, Jan Masaryk was trying to advocate democratic traditions in his country and preserve close relations with the West. But in practice, Prague was increasingly drawn into Moscow's sphere of influence. His life was tragically cut short in March 1948, soon after the Communists takeover. Until now his death remains the subject of various theories and discussions. The question of how the fate of this politician and his country would have unfolded had he stayed alive remains open. The purpose of the article is to consider Masaryk in a new context, namely through his perception by American diplomats. The author attempts to ascertain whether they associated their hopes for strengthening the western orientation of the Czech Socialist Republic and countering Soviet influence with Masaryk, and what they believed to be the reasons for his sudden death. The article draws on a study of American diplomatic correspondence. The author concludes that despite Masaryk's reputation as a pro-Western politician, in the United States he was not considered an important and influential figure in Czechoslovakia. His refusal to join anti-communist forces at home and his support for Moscow in the international arena caused resentment in Washington. Masaryk's death resonated in American political circles. Yet the State Department made no attempt to investigate its causes in detail or to question the official version of his suicide. Nevertheless, Masaryk became a tragic symbol of resistance to communism and the collapse of the last hopes for maintaining close relations between Czechoslovakia and the West.
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KRUSZYŃSKI, Marcin. "Nieco o sowieckiej scenie politycznej na podstawie raportów z polskiej placówki dyplomatycznej w Moskwie (1921 - 1939). Przyczynek do badań nad korpusem urzędniczym Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych II RP." Historia i Świat 1 (September 9, 2012): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2012.01.04.
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There are numerous monographs pertaining to the Second Republic`s political and military relations with Soviet Union. However, diplomatic mission in Moscow always stayed in the background. Polish diplomatic post in Moscow played an essential role in the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during interwar period. It was a result of attaching great significance to relationships between Warsaw and the Soviet Union. But the article presents only selected aspects of the Polish mission activity in Moscow in 1921–1939. Apart from presenting profiles of some diplomats and examining their competence, the author made an attempt to characterize reports on the situation in soviet political scene in Moscow.
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Shorokhov, Vladimir A. "Materials of the Russian Diplomatic Mission to Iran by Islen’ev and Griazev." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 599–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.217.
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The study investigates the materials of the Russian ambassade S. Islen’ev and M. Griazev to the court of the Qizilbash shah Safī, stored in the funds of Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. The archival file is a set of documents reflecting the process of the exchange of embassies between the Russian Tsardom and the Safavid Empire in 1635–1637. The aim of the embassy of S. I. Islen’ev and M. K. Griazev was to discuss some topical issues of bilateral relations such as duties, restitution cases, the purchase of Iranian niter etc. In addition, the documents describe the features of the court ceremonial in relation to foreign guests. The good preservation of the documents gives researchers the opportunity to study the ambassade at great length. As for the results of the embassy of Islen’ev and Griazev, they can be regarded as moderately positive. The high level of bilateral relations and their positive nature (“friendship and love”) were confirmed. In addition, the Safavid side once again confirmed the need to verify the membership of embassies and trade missions. On the other hand, the attempt of the tsar’s ambassadors to purchase niter in the shah’s possessions ended in failure. In general, the embassy of S. Islen’ev and M. Griazev was an ordinary diplomatic mission in terms of tasks and results, but this is its value for a scholar. Sustainability of the bilateral agenda and the presence of well-known “stumbling blocks” in its framework contributed to the regularity of Russian-Safavid ties.
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Alm, Martin. "American-European Relations in U. S. World History Textbooks, 1921-2001." American Studies in Scandinavia 44, no. 2 (September 1, 2012): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v44i2.4918.
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This article studies U.S. views of the historical relationship between the U.S. and Europe as conceived during the 20th century. This is examined through U.S. World history text books dating from 1921 to 2001. The textbooks view relations within a general teleological narrative of progress through democracy and technology. Generally, the textbooks stress the significan ce of the English heritage to American society. From the American Revolution onwards, however, the U.S. stands as an example to Europe. Beginning with the two world wars, it also intervenes directly in Europe in order to save democracy. In the Cold War, the U.S. finally acknowledges the lea ding role it has been assigned in the world. Through its democratic ideals, the U.S. historically has a spe cial relationship with Great Britain and, by the 20th century, Western Europe in general. An American identity is established both in conjunction with Western Europe, by emphasizing their common democratic tradition, and in opposition to it, by stressing how the Americans have developed this tradition better than the Europeans, creating a more egalitarian and libertarian society. There is a need for Europe to become more like the U.S., and a Europe that does not follow the American lead is viewed with suspicion.
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Martz, John D. "Early U S.-Hispanic Relations, 1776–1860: An Annotated Bibliography." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 4 (November 1, 1996): 754–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.4.754.
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Rosner, R. F. "Jonathan S. Addleton. Mongolia and the United States: A Diplomatic History." Asian Affairs 45, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2014.911011.
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Hassan, Por. "Iran and Serbia: Difference that through dialogue turns into cooperation and friendship." Napredak 4, no. 1 (2023): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak4-44049.
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Iran's approach in the diplomatic relations with Serbia is long-lasting and of strategic character, based on the respect for mutual specifics, but also on firm understanding and need for even stronger cooperation. The long history of friendship has been shaped in the fires of large wars and crises for more than a century, with intensive diplomatic relations lasting for 85 years. The absence of unresolved problems in mutual relations indicates the quality of mutually proper cooperation, the priority of which is its deepening and directing from the sphere of politics to the fields of economy, science, education, culture and sport. The principled position in defending the attitudes of international politics and independence has further strengthened the friendship between the two countries.
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Podolnikov, Vladimir P. "The “American Factor” in Soviet-Egyptian Relations in the First Year of A. Sadat's Presidency (According to the Memoirs of Participants in the Events)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (December 27, 2023): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-4-100-108.
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The article based on the memoirs of Soviet and Egyptian politicians and diplomats, examines the history of Soviet-Egyptian relations in the first year of Anwar Sadat's presidency and the influence of the “American factor” on them. The subjective reasons for the new foreign policy of the country arising from the ideological and political views of the Egyptian president are analyzed, its consistent and purposeful implementation aimed at moving away from friendly relations with the USSR to cooperation with the United States is shown. The argumentation and methods of implementing a new direction in Egypt's foreign policy are revealed. The details of the behind-the-scenes game of politicians, which is not reflected in the official diplomatic documentation, are highlighted. The veil is being lifted over previously unknown plots of the history of Soviet-Egyptian relations and the influence of the “American factor” on them. There is an opportunity to look into the “corridors of power”, to see the real picture of negotiations and discussions of sensitive diplomatic topics at the highest level. The memoirs reflect the political and social atmosphere of Egyptian society at a turning point in the history of this country. They most clearly show the influence of the “human factor” on the adoption of certain political decisions. The comparison of memoir sources al-lows us to get as close as possible to the authentic history of American influence on Soviet-Egyptian relations in the first year of Sadat's presidency.
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Roberts, Geoffrey. "Stalin, the Pact with Nazi Germany, and the Origins of Postwar Soviet Diplomatic Historiography." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 4 (October 2002): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970260209527.
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Recently released files from the collection (fond) of Josif Stalin's papers in the former Central Party Archive in Moscow have shed new light on the development of postwar S viet diplomatic historiography, particularly in relation to Stalin's personal role in framing the official rationale and justification for the Nazis viet pact of 1939–1941. This episode gave rise to a policy of archivebased publications in the mid 1950s and pr vided the foundation for later Soviet (and posts viet) treatments of the diplomatic history of the Second World War and other topics.
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Clymer, Kenton. "The Trial for High Treason of the “Burma Surgeon,” Gordon S. Seagrave." Pacific Historical Review 81, no. 2 (May 1, 2012): 245–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2012.81.2.245.
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This article explores the trial in Burma for high treason in 1950–1951 of a saintly American figure, Gordon Seagrave, who operated a remote mission hospital. Neither Seagrave nor the trial has received adequate scholarly attention. The trial provides a window into the revolutionary conditions then existing in newly independent Burma and into Burmese views of American missionaries who they thought supported the ethnic minorities who were in rebellion. The trial reveals much about early American Cold War attitudes at home and abroad, as well as about justice in non-white countries that had recently been colonies. Seagrave's trial also complicated U.S. diplomatic relations with Burma. Finally, an examination of the trial allows some preliminary judgments about Seagrave's own iconic reputation.
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Vlasenko, Lev. "History of Ukraine-China Bilateral Trade." Modern Economics 25, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v25(2021)-06.
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Annotation. Introduction. During the years of Ukrainian independence, China has risen from a relatively insignificant country in Asia to the biggest trade partner of Ukraine surpassing even Russia and other post-Soviet republics both in amount and the importance of bilateral trade. To fully understand the current dynamics of bilateral trade between Ukraine and China, it is necessary to explore the history of these relations from ancient times to the current stage to improve the strategy for cooperation between Ukraine and China. Purpose. To study the history of bilateral trade relations of Ukraine and China from first diplomatic contacts to contemporary relations, to identify patterns and trends that affect the dynamics of trade, to outline mistakes and shortcomings of Ukrainian diplomacy, and to provide recommendations for improvement. Result. The revealed pattern of diplomatic and trade relations between Ukraine and China may be considered as an indicator s that China has been viewing Ukraine as a political entity even before the declaration of independence in 1991. International relations between Ukraine and China have a deep and strong historical tradition with a wide range of forms and methods of cooperation in the fields of politics, economics, and culture. Conclusions. The revealed dynamics of bilateral trade prove that the negative trends in trade between Ukraine and China are not always related to the competitiveness of the Ukrainian economy or global market conditions and may have resulted from the mistakes and failures of Ukrainian diplomacy. To prevent these mistakes in the future, it is necessary to have qualified specialists trained to work with China and conduct effective negotiations at the highest level and monitor their correct coverage in the official documents and press. Keywords: international trade; bilateral trade; Ukraine-China trade; Soviet-China trade.
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Palmer, David Scott. "Talons of the Eagle: Dynamics of U. S.-Latin American Relations." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1, 1997): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.3.559.
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Okladnaya, Marina, and Viktoriya Slivnaya. "Protocol of credentials in European countries: general and special." Law and innovative society, no. 2 (15) (January 4, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-5.
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Problem setting. The purpose of establishing diplomatic relations is to maintain constant relations between the countries at the highest diplomatic level. The main stages of establishing diplomatic relations are regulated by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of April 18, 1961. At the same time, this document in many respects refers to the national law of countries. The presentation of credentials is the final action, after which diplomatic relations are considered established, and the powers of state representatives take effect. However, international law does not specify the specific form and procedure for the presentation of credentials, as it is up to the States to decide. Therefore, each state has its own practice of the presentation of credentials, which depends on its form of government, national characteristics, historical past. Therefore, it is relevant today to compare the protocols of credentials in the practice of different countries to determine the positive and negative aspects. Target research. The aim of the work is to determine the main content of credentials in the process of establishing diplomatic relations, to study the practice of ceremonies of credentials on the example of Europe and Ukraine, to analyze existing problems in this area of international relations and solutions. Analysis of recent research and publication. This topic is the basis of research in many works of recognized authors. Examples are theoretical works Sagaidak O.P. «Diplomatic protocol and etiquette», Tkacha D.I. «Diplomatic protocol in the Republic of Hungary: general, special», Tymoshenko N.L. «Features of diplomatic, business protocol and etiquette of the Netherlands», and other Ukrainian scholars. Also well-known works of foreign authors are the works of Ikanovich S. and Picarsky J. «Diplomatic Protocol and Good Manners», John Wood and Jean Serre «Diplomatic Ceremony and Protocol», Bennett Carol «Business Etiquette and Protocol». Article’s main body. The establishment of diplomatic relations is aimed at the exchange of diplomatic missions between states. This process ends with the procedure of presenting credentials. Credentials are a document that officially certifies the status of a diplomatic representative of the accrediting state in the host state. This document is important in international law because it has a long history and represents the beginning of the official activities of the ambassador to the host country. Modern elements of the procedure of awarding credentials are common to many states. But each country today has its own characteristics of the ceremony of awarding credentials, which usually depends on its form of government. For example, monarchies (Netherlands, England) still have in their practice a lavish and pathetic conduct of diplomatic events. In contrast, іn today’s democracies (Hungary) the protocol of credentials is more modern and simplified due to the absence of outdated traditions and irrelevant measures. However, each country has both positive and negative aspects of the ceremony. Ukraine has little experience in diplomatic protocol since gaining independence in 1991. Today, national law effectively regulates the procedure for awarding credentials, but many provisions do not correspond to reality. Therefore, Ukraine must develop in this area of international relations on the basis of foreign experience. Conclusions and prospect of development. Thus, the presentation of credentials plays an important role in regulating diplomatic relations between countries. The basis for this ceremony is the characteristics of the state, which includes the political regime, form of government, historical past, modern development, features of the national mentality. In our opinion, the process of universalization of the diplomatic protocol is a variant of development of this field of international relations. The appropriate direction of such development may be the unification of norms relating to the ceremony of awarding credentials, as international law is being actively improved and updated, as exemplified by European integration. As modern Ukraine continues to actively establish diplomatic relations with other countries and exchange diplomatic missions, it is necessary to streamline legislation and develop it on the example of the positive experience of European countries.
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Raikova, Vera. "“Fort Trump” and Its Significance for Contemporary Relations Between Russia and Poland." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019941-4.
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The paper is devoted to the idea of establishing a U. S. military base in Poland, which was unofficially named Fort Trump. The initiative to create a military base came from Polish president Andrzej Duda but this idea caused mixed reactions from U. S. politics, experts and public figures. The implementation of the Fort Trump would pose grave risk to security and stability in Baltic Region and had violated the provisions of the Russia — NATO Founding Act. The Trump administration offered to sign an U. S. — Poland Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement instead of building Fort Trump. In accordance with this Agreement the U.S. military presence in Baltic Region are expanding substantially and cause of the deterioration in the Polish-Russian relations.
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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "The Batum Subsystem of International Relations: Problems of Formation and Inter-Imperial Competition, June-August 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021032-3.
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The implementation of the Treaty of Batum on 4 June 1918 signalled the hegemony of the Ottoman Empire in the macro-region between the Black and Caspian Seas. From the very first days it provoked opposition from other imperial actors, including Germany, an ally of Turkey. In June–July 1918, all the contenders for control of the post-imperial spaces of the former Ottoman Empire were forced to combine coercive and diplomatic means to strengthen their positions, recruiting allies and amassing forces. Due to a number of objective reasons, none of the great powers had the necessary resources to achieve their goals, facing a shortage of both military means and the necessary technical conditions. Their interest in the transformation of the region was extremely high: Germany and Soviet Russia sought to incorporate Transcaucasia into the space of the larger Brest system, while the Entente and the Central Powers were still engaged in a decisive campaign of the Great War, and the Young Turks saw their only chance of implementing their nationalist projects. The hostages of these aspirations were the newly emerged limitrophe states, which were in various stages of formation, on both sides of the Caucasus range. The German mission to Georgia, the Ottoman assistance to Azerbaijan and the Mountainous Republic, and Armenia's hopes for assistance from Britain, Soviet Russia or Austria-Hungary all played a decisive role in their fate. The policy of the great powers was complicated by problems of coalition interaction and systemic trends towards the formation of a coherent geopolitical space following the victory of the Central Powers over the disintegrating Russian Empire and Romania. The peace conference in Constantinople failed to resolve the problem, and the Entente's efforts to re-establish the Eastern Front in parts of the former Russian Empire were growing. Interaction and competition between various actors led to the active integration of the macro-region into the logic of the Great War, so that attempts to diplomatically formalise or revise the Batum subsystem were soon replaced by military confrontation between all the imperial claimants around Baku. The article draws on the diplomatic archives of the former Central Powers to reconstruct the formation of a new subsystem of international relations.
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RATNAPALAN, L. M. "BRITAIN AND THE POLITICS OF CEYLON, 1948–1961." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (December 28, 2015): 541–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000151.
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ABSTRACTThis article traces the British relationship with Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in the decade and a half after independence. The first part of this article shows how, within the context of the arrangements made at independence, the events of the years 1956–9 under the premiership of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike marked an important turning point in Britain's political and strategic relationship with the island. Then in the second part, British diplomatic records relating to Ceylonese politics are used to analyse the British response to Ceylon's ethno-political crisis during the early 1960s. Britain's reluctance to respond to this crisis was an outcome of the changed relations with Ceylon brought on during the Bandaranaike era.
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Grbeša Zenzerović, Marijana, Božo Skoko, and Domagoj Bebić. "Strateško komuniciranje u Hrvatskoj." Politička misao 59, no. 3 (November 3, 2022): 239–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.3.08.
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Rad daje pregled doprinosa hrvatskih istraživača, prije svega znanstvenika i suradnika s Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, znanstvenom i akademskom razvoju političke komunikacije, političkog marketinga i odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj. Sve tri discipline spadaju u područje strateškog komuniciranja koje podrazumijeva svrhovito korištenje komunikacije kojom pojedinci, organizacije, institucije ili države nastoje ostvariti svoje strateške ciljeve. Rad pokazuje kako je Hrvatska, iako je kasno uskočila na vlak tržišnog komuniciranja, brzo uhvatila korak s međunarodnim istraživačkim i akademskim trendovima na tom području. Fakultet političkih znanosti u tome je imao pionirsku i predvodničku ulogu. Istraživači s Fakulteta, ali i drugi hrvatski znanstvenici, svojim istraživanjima i policy analizama na području političkog marketinga i političke komunikacije doprinijeli su konceptualizaciji i komparativnoj analizi suvremenih izbornih kampanja, zatim fenomena amerikanizacije, personalizacije, pakiranja politike, populizma, celebrity populizma, dezinformacija, e-demokracije, cyber politike i drugih. Na području odnosa s javnošću posebno se ističu doprinosi konceptualizaciji i istraživanju imidža, identiteta i brenda država, kriznom komuniciranju, strateškom komuniciranju u turizmu te evaluaciji odnosa s javnošću.
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Sawicki, Mariusz. "Warfare in Livonia at the beginning of the 18th century in relations of English ambassador Philippe Plantamour from Berlin." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-40-46.
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An important element in current historical research is the analysis of diplomatic relations focusing on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They show the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, its internal and foreign policy from a different historical perspective. In 1700, the Great Northern War broke out and changed the political power system in Central and Eastern Europe for the next decades. Diplomats from foreign courts were interested in this war, including Philippe Plantamour, secretary of the British embassy in Berlin. He sent his reports to the British Isles in which he posted information on warfare in Livonia. The aim of the article will be to analyze diplomatic reports that can help us answer the question of how the Great Northern War was seen in London. The method used is a critical analysis of the manuscript. The research will explain what information was included in Philippe Plantamours reports and whether they were true.
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Janeković Römer, Zdenka. "Dubrovnik i aragonsko Napuljsko Kraljevstvo u 15. stoljeću: uloga obitelji Kotrulj." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.23.
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During the first half of the 15th century, the Republic of Dubrovnik sought to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the powerful state of Naples. Economic exchanges and political connections expanded, as evidenced by documents from both Dubrovnik and Naples, and also in a different way also by Ragusan merchant and diplomat Benedict Kotrulj, in his famous work Del arte dela mercatura. The government of Dubrovnik was well informed about the king of Aragon, Alfonso V, and communicated with him during the reign of Queen Joanna II. Alfonso’s first charter to Ragusans, on the freedom of trade and compensation for damages inflicted on them by pirates, was issued in 1428, followed by numerous new privileges and exemptions. During the reign of Alfonso and his successor, Ferrante, the people of Dubrovnik became the most privileged merchants in the Kingdom of Naples, surpassing the Venetians. After securing the throne, Alfonso embarked on the reconstruction of the Kingdom of Naples and elevated it militarily, economically and culturally. Among the many foreign traders and companies, the Ragusans secured their place in the kingdom. Moreover, since the beginning of Alfonso’s reign, Dubrovnik became a vital diplomatic and intelligence stronghold for the king in his endeavours to fulfil to his considerable political ambitions in the eastern Adriatic seaboard and throughout the Balkan Peninsula, especially in his anti-Ottoman campaigns. The king’s diplomacy also entailed relations with Dubrovnik’s enemies, such as Duke Stjepan Vukčić Kosača, but the Dubrovnik government tolerated this, because its advantageous position in the kingdom far outweighed any drawbacks. In trade and diplomacy between Dubrovnik and the Aragonese countries, the Kotrulj family of Ragusa enjoyed the most prominent position. In the first half of the 15th century, Jacob Kotrulj, in addition to his extensive mercantile activities in the Kingdom of Naples, obtained a high number of privileges for his republic. He was also the governor of the mint in Naples. His business was continued by son Benedict just as Alfonso ascended to the throne. He was very well situated in the Aragonese court of Naples, under the protection of both Alfonso and Ferrante. As a merchant, he exploited this to his advantage, overseeing a lucrative business in southern Italy and Catalonia between Ragusan, Florentine and Catalan merchants. In addition, as his father before him, he was the governor of the mint in Naples and L’Aquila. Although he was at odds with the Republic of Dubrovnik in a lengthy commercial dispute, his immunity as an envoy of Alfonso and then Ferrante kept him safe from litigation in his home city. The reigns of Alfonso and Ferrante in the Kingdom of Naples was marked by peace and economic and cultural progress. A number of humanists and scholars of the time gathered at Alfonso’s court, including Benedict Kotrulj, a merchant, diplomat and the author of several significant works. He, his family, and the entire Republic of Dubrovnik profited from Aragonese rule in the Kingdom. Their privileged status attracted many merchants from Dubrovnik to Naples and other cities in the kingdom. In the latter half of the 15th century, privileges in the Kingdom of Naples allowed the republic to overcome the crisis caused by Ottoman conquests in the Balkan hinterland. During that period, the people of Dubrovnik reach a settlement with the Ottoman Empire, gaining great privileges there and the status of mediators between the empire and the West, in the first instance the Kingdom of Naples. The benefits were also political, as Dubrovnik was one of the important strongholds of Aragonese policy in the eastern Adriatic seaboard and in the wider hinterland. The French conquest of Naples in 1395 ended the glorious period of the Aragonese government, initiated by Alfonso’s triumph in 1442, and even the people of Dubrovnik had to alter policies and seek new alliances in southern Italy.
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Timashov, Konstantin N. "Israeli - South Korean relations: Yesterday and today." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019737-2.
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The article analyzes the relations between the State of Israel and the Republic of Korea, their history, and prerequisites for the establishment of cooperation between these states. The main stages and key events in the development of Israeli-South Korean diplomatic relations are described. The authors pay special attention to the relations between states in the last two decades in such spheres as trade, military and technological. An assessment of the effectiveness of the partnership of these countries is given on the example of joint projects and official events held at the initiative of states for the development of cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the factors hindering the deepening of cooperation, as well as promising areas of cooperation between these countries. The authors come to the conclusion that since throughout the history of the partnership between Israel and South Korea it was strongly influenced by the dynamics of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the solution of the Palestinian problem and the improvement of Israel's relations with the Gulf countries will positively affect their mutually beneficial cooperation.
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Timashov, Konstantin N. "Israeli - South Korean relations: Yesterday and today." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019737-2.
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The article analyzes the relations between the State of Israel and the Republic of Korea, their history, and prerequisites for the establishment of cooperation between these states. The main stages and key events in the development of Israeli-South Korean diplomatic relations are described. The authors pay special attention to the relations between states in the last two decades in such spheres as trade, military and technological. An assessment of the effectiveness of the partnership of these countries is given on the example of joint projects and official events held at the initiative of states for the development of cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the factors hindering the deepening of cooperation, as well as promising areas of cooperation between these countries. The authors come to the conclusion that since throughout the history of the partnership between Israel and South Korea it was strongly influenced by the dynamics of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the solution of the Palestinian problem and the improvement of Israel's relations with the Gulf countries will positively affect their mutually beneficial cooperation.
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Timashov, Konstantin N. "Israeli - South Korean relations: Yesterday and today." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019737-2.
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The article analyzes the relations between the State of Israel and the Republic of Korea, their history, and prerequisites for the establishment of cooperation between these states. The main stages and key events in the development of Israeli-South Korean diplomatic relations are described. The authors pay special attention to the relations between states in the last two decades in such spheres as trade, military and technological. An assessment of the effectiveness of the partnership of these countries is given on the example of joint projects and official events held at the initiative of states for the development of cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the factors hindering the deepening of cooperation, as well as promising areas of cooperation between these countries. The authors come to the conclusion that since throughout the history of the partnership between Israel and South Korea it was strongly influenced by the dynamics of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the solution of the Palestinian problem and the improvement of Israel's relations with the Gulf countries will positively affect their mutually beneficial cooperation.
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Bessudnova, Marina B. "The Ambassador’s Report of Zakharia Meyer on the Trip to Moscow." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 4 (2021): 1349–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.418.
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The article contains a translation and an original text of the report of Ratmann of Lübeck, Zhachariah Meyer, about his diplomatic trips to Moscow in 1586–1587. The document is stored in the Archives of the Hanseatic City of Lübeck (Archiv der Hansestadt Lübeck) and has not been published so far. On behalf of a magistrate of Lübeck Meyer visited the court of Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich in Novgorod and Pskov. In the context of the transformation of the Hanseatic League, which took place in the second half of the 16th century, in order to retain the status of its head, Lübeck needed to take a leading position in the supply of Russian export products to the Western European market. To achieve this goal, it was necessary to reject commercial and diplomatic mediation of the Hanseatic cities of Livonia, which during the Livonian War fell under foreign rule, and carry out its own program set out in the pamphlet “Kürtzer Bericht…” of 1571. Meyer’s report, which includes the German text of the letters patent from Fyodor Ioannovich to Lübeck in 1586, the translations of the tsar`s letters to the governors of Novgorod and Pskov, and Meyer`s petitions, testifies to the successful start of this program. The report, among other things, contains information about situations in the trading courtyards of Novgorod and Pskov, in particular, about their relations with the city administration. Their lack of self-government and administrative dependence on the Russian authorities distinguished the Lübeck courtyards from the Hanseatic offices in their heyday.
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Miloiu, Silviu. "The abrupt end of a promising start: the Romanian – Finnish diplomatic relations a the beginning of the 1920’s." Annales d'Université "Valahia" Târgovişte. Section d'Archéologie et d'Histoire 8, no. 1 (2006): 276–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/valah.2006.947.
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Slavković Mirić, Božica. "Pogled u noviju istoriografiju o Kosovu i Metohiji i nastanku albanskog nacionalizma." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 227–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.3.sla.227-258.
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The paper analyzes recent scholarly publications on Kosovo and Metohija and the emergence of Albanian nationalism. These are books by Jan Pelikan (Novim putevima: Kosovo 1958–1969), Natalie Clayer (O poreklu albanskog nacionalizma: rađanjevećinski muslimanske nacije u Evropi) and Milovan J. Bogavac and Dragoslav S. Ćetković (Srbi na Kosovu i Metohiji u 19 i 20. veku). The emphasis is placed on the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, important people and influential factors, on the emergence of Albanian nationalism and Serbian-Albanian relations during different periods.
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Ahmad, Eqbal. "Racism and the State: The Coming Crisis of U. S.-Japanese Relations." boundary 2 18, no. 3 (1991): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/303201.
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Kiselev, Alexander. "Diplomatic Protocol and Anglo-Russian Negotiations in 1662—1663." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022267-2.
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In the early 1660’s the Russian economy was in deep crisis. Needed in silver, the Muscovy government sent to England in 1662 a representative embassy of more than a hundred people, headed by Prince Pyotr Prozorovsky and the nobleman Ivan Zhelyabuzhsky. It is believed that the mission of Prozorovsky and Zhelyabuzhsky in London failed, because the King of England Charles II refused to give the Russian Tsar money in debt. In historiography this embassy is seen as an episodic event in the history of Anglo-Russian relations. The trip of the delegation of Muscovites to London was poorly reflected in Russian sources, whereas it was covered in detail by the English and Italian, which requires a more thorough analysis. The receipt of Prince Prozorovsky, found in the National Archives at Kew (UK), make it clear that the Muscovite delegation left London with money. However, the problem of the influence of Russian and English diplomatic protocol on the 17th century negotiation process and, in particular, on the results of Prozorovsky’s visit to England in 1662—1663 has so far escaped the attention of scholars. Using the actor approach of “new diplomatic history”, the author argues that it was a firm negotiating position that allowed diplomats of Muscovy to turn the course of Anglo-Russian negotiations on the financial issue and successfully conclude the mission to London.
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Makar, Yuriy. "Century of Ukraine's diplomatic service." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.77-94.
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On December 22, 2017 the Ukrainian Diplomatic Service marked the 100thanniversary of its establishment and development. In dedication to such a momentous event, the Department of International Relations of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University has published a book of IR Dept’s ardent activity since its establishment. It includes information both in Ukrainian and English on the backbone of the collective and their versatile activities, achievements and prospects for the future.
The author delves into retracing the course of the history of Ukrainian Diplomacy formation and development. The author highlights the roots of its formation, reconsidering a long way of its development that coincided with the formation of basic elements of Ukrainian statehood that came into existence as a result of the war of national liberation – the Ukrainian Central Rada (the Central Council of Ukraine). Later, the Ukrainian or so-called State the Hetmanate was under study. The Directorat (Directory) of Ukraine, being a provisional collegiate revolutionary state committee of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, was given a thorough study. Of particular interest for the research are diplomatic activities of the West Ukrainian People`s Republic. Noteworthy, the author emphasizes on the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic’s foreign policy, forced by the Bolshevist Russia.
A further important implication is both the challenges of the Ukrainian statehood establishing and Ukraine’s functioning as a state, first and foremost, stemmed from the immaturity and conscience-unawareness of the Ukrainian society, that, ultimately, has led to the fact, that throughout the twentieth century Ukraine as a statehood, being incorporated into the Soviet Union, could hardly be recognized as a sovereign state.
Our research suggests that since the beginning of the Ukrainian Diplomacy establishment and its further evolution, it used to be unprecedentedly fabricated and forged.
On a wider level, the research is devoted to centennial fight of Ukraine against Russian violence and aggression since the WWI, when in 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks, headed by Lenin, started real Russian war against Ukraine. Apropos, in the about-a-year-negotiation run, Ukraine, eventually, failed to become sovereign. Remarkably, Ukraine finally gained its independence just in late twentieth century. Nowadays, Russia still regards Ukraine as a part of its own strategic orbit,waging out a carrot-and-stick battle.
Keywords: The Ukrainian People’s Republic, the State of Ukraine, the Hetmanate, the Direcorat (Directory) of Ukraine, the West Ukrainian People`s Republic, the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, Ukraine, the Bolshevist Russia, the Russian Federation, Ukrainian diplomacy
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Rybachenok, Irina. "Patriarch of Russian Diplomacy Yegor Yegorovich Staal (1822–1907)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022419-8.
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One of the oldest Russian diplomats, Yegor Yegorovich Staal, spent a significant part of his career as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, the Empress of India. He made a significant contribution to the stabilization of Russian-English relations. It was a period of acute conflicts and crises in the international arena in the mid-80s – late 90s of the XIX century. No special studies on Staal have yet been published. The limited scope of the article does not allow us to present a complete picture of his activities in the diplomatic field. The author of the article saw her task in highlighting the main milestones of the diplomat's life and views, professional techniques and methods that he used during the negotiations on the Afghan border in 1884–1885 and as the head of the Russian delegation at the First Peace Conference in 1899 in the Hague. The source base of the study was the publication of diplomatic documents unpublished reports of Staal to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, materials of his personal archive preserved in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as his letters deposited in the GA of the Russian Federation. The awards received by Staal in his native fatherland and those states where he represented the interests of Russia indicate a high appreciation of his fruitful works.
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Andreev, Artem A., and Dina D. Kopaneva. "Embassy of Prince Kozlovsky and Clerk Ivan Zinoviev." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, no. 3 (2023): 572–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.301.
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On the basis of the materials of stateinyi spisok/list of files written by ambassadors Prince S. I. Kozlovsky and by clerk (diak) I. Zinoviev, the article details the history of their diplomatic trip to the Safavid state, in the context of both the realities of Russian-Iranian relations of the time and contemporary internal and foreign political processes in Iran. The source contains unique information: about the cities and towns of Iran, about the capital of the state — Isfahan, about the court of Shah ‘Abbas II, about his nearest circle, about the peculiarities of his life and his dignitaries, about the difficulties of controlling the frontier (the North Caucasus). Since the list of files itself is a kind of report, it duplicates the provisions of the tsar’s order issued to the ambassadors for their mission. A comparison of the data enables to determine the relative success of the embassy. Most of the points of the order were hypothetical in nature. Their implementation was supposed to be due to the initiative of the Iranian side, which did not happen in reality. Among the significant aspects addressed during the negotiations, which involved several rounds, were: the purchase of saltpeter for the sovereign’s treasury, the fate of Russian prisoners, and so on. The materials of the list also reveal secret agents’ activities of the ambassadors, who managed to acquire copies of the actual foreign diplomatic correspondence of Shah ‘Abbas II, previously not known in the Russian historiography.
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Matošević, Andrea. "“Čovjek je ujedno i ono što može biti”." Politička misao 57, no. 1 (May 4, 2020): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.1.03.
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U radu se analizira pojam otuđenja, odnosno alijenacije u dvostrukom smislu: s jedne strane kao značajna artikulacija filozofskih i socioloških problema u jugoslavenskoj socijalističkoj misli i šire, ali i istovremeno kao vrlo prisutna akcentuacija detektiranih stanja u industrijskim postrojenjima. Na toj dvostrukoj poziciji grade se djelomična analiza i usporedba s kontekstom današnjih uvjeta rada u sektoru koji Franco “Bifo” Berardi naziva “kognitarijatom”, ali iz kojega su detekcija i konstatacija otuđenja gotovo u potpunosti odstranjene i zamijenjene nizom supstituta poput “beznađa”, “ravnodušnosti”, “besperspektivnosti”, “samoizrabljivanja” ili pak “sagorijevanja na poslu”. U radu se interpretira nedostatnost takve zamjene, jer je otuđenje, unatoč konstantno naglašavanoj apstraktnosti njegova značenja, konotiralo kritiku, promjenu i nadilaženje trenutnog stanja, odnosno napor ka razotuđenju, što nije slučaj s nizom spomenutih termina. Iz tog je razloga rad prožet jezičnom analizom te pokušava odgovoriti na pitanje o mogućnosti govora i analize dijela današnjih, poglavito radnih, uvjeta i stanja u terminima otuđenja.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Russian Embassy in Brussels on the Policy of Leopold I During the Franco-Austrian War, 1859." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2023): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640026630-1.
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After the Crimean War of 1853–1856, the isolated Russian Empire was looking for ways to recover its lost geopolitical standing. Given these circumstances, St Petersburg saw Brussels as a convenient place to gather information about the state of affairs in Europe. In addition, the role of King Leopold I of the Belgians on the eve of the Crimean War was quite noticeable. In addition, considering the active foreign policy of the King of the Belgians, Russia had a certain interest in Leopold I and counted on his mediation in fostering relations with Great Britain and establishing ties with Napoleon III, who was seen as a potential ally by Alexander II. However, Leopold I, despite Belgium's improved relations with France during the Crimean War, feared the foreign policy ambitions and annexationist plans of the French emperor. The King of the Belgians was suspicious of the Franco-Russian rapprochement and, actively advocating the alliance with Great Britain, Austria and Prussia, supported Austria in the war of 1859, which was bound to lead to the deterioration of his relations with Russia. The analysis of the dispatches of the Russian envoys in Brussels, introduced into academic circuit, allows one to study the activities of Leopold I in the international arena and considerably enrich the political portrait of the king, as well as to open new pages in the history of both Belgian-Russian relations and diplomatic negotiations of European states during the Italian crisis of 1859.
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Selo Šabić, Senada, Emina Bužinkić, and Hrvoje Butković. "Economic security of persons with granted international protection in Croatia." Politička misao 60, no. 3 (November 29, 2023): 146–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.3.06.
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Ovaj članak analizira položaj osoba s odobrenom međunarodnom zaštitom, s posebnim osvrtom na iskustvo njihova zapošljavanja, odnosno stjecanja ekonomske sigurnosti. Ekonomska sigurnost i neovisnost pretpostavka su i temelj uspješne integracije osoba s odobrenom međunarodnom zaštitom u društvo. Ipak, unatoč mogućnostima predviđenima zakonskim rješenjima, rijetki slučajevi zapošljavanja i nedostatna ekonomska sigurnost osoba s međunarodnom zaštitom među ključnim su problemima u njihovoj integraciji. Ovaj članak donosi pregled relevantne literature u području zapošljavanja izbjeglica, studiju slučaja integracijskog programa jedne nevladine organizacije, preporuke koje se tiču unaprjeđenja politike zapošljavanja izbjeglica te daje doprinos raspravi o donošenju useljeničke politike s naglaskom na socio-ekonomska prava i prilike za kvalitetnu integraciju izbjeglica i migranata
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Iacobelli Delpiano, Pedro. "La “neutralidad” chilena en la Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1943): Un análisis historiográfico con énfasis en la literatura sobre las relaciones Chile-Japón." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 34 (September 13, 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.34.356.
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ResumenLa literatura sobre la historia internacional de Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha centrado el debate en torno al juego de presiones ejercidas por los Estados Unidos hacia los gobiernos radicales de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia y Juan Antonio Ríos Morales para conseguir que Chile se sumara a la política continental contra las fuerzas del Eje. La neutralidad chilena fue interpretada como una actitud traicionera por los estadounidenses y en un triunfo por los países del Eje durante 1941 a 1943. Este artículo introduce el debate y busca presentar las posibilidades historiográficas al incluir a Japón, tanto como actor relevante en la política chilena como receptor de la “neutralidad” chilena en el periodo.Palabras clave: Chile, Japón, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografíaThe Chilean “Neutrality” in World War II (1939-1943): A historiographical analysis focused on the literature of the diplomatic relations between Chile and JapanAbstractThe literature about Chile´s international history during World War II has heavily laid on the power dynamics between the US and the Chilean radical governments of vice-president (interim) Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia and president Juan Antonio Rios Morales. Since the Roosevelt administration sought to secure the rupture of diplomatic relations between Chile and the Axis powers, Santiago´s refusal to break relations was understood as treason by the US and as a diplomatic success by the Axis powers during 1941-1943.This paper delves into the historiographical possibilities in including Japan, either as a relevant actor in the Chilean politics and as receptor of the newsabout Chile´s neutrality.Keywords: Chile, Japan, Second World War, United States, historiographyA “neutralidade” chilena na segunda guerra mundial(1939-1943): uma análise historiográfica, com ênfase naliteratura sobre as relações Chile-JapãoResumoA literatura sobre a história internacional do Chile durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial tem-se centrado no debate em torno ao jogo de pressões exercidas pelos Estados Unidos aos governos radicais de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia e Juan Antonio Rios Morales, para conseguir que o Chile pudesse se somar a política continental contra as forças do Eixo. A neutralidade chilena foi interpretada como uma atitude traiçoeira pelos norte-americanos e uma vitória para os países do Eixo durante 1941 a 1943. Este artigo introduz o debate e procura a presentar as possibilidades historiográficas ao incluir ao Japão, tanto como um ator relevante na política chilena como o destinatário da “neutralidade” chilena no período.Palavras-chave: Chile, Japão, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografia
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Švarc, Jadranka. "Hrvatska inovacijska politika." Politička misao 60, no. 3 (November 29, 2023): 70–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.3.03.
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Koncepti inovacijskih sustava i politika nastali u sklopu industrijskog društva danas su u svojevrsnoj krizi jer su se i na teorijskoj i na praktičnoj razini pokazali nemoćnima pridonijeti rješenju suvremenih društveno-ekonomskih izazova. Hrvatska osim toga bilježi i gospodarsko nazadovanje u odnosu na nove članice Europske unije, što otvara pitanje daljnjeg smjera njezine inovacijske politike. Cilj je ovog istraživanja objasniti nove koncepte inovacijske politike – transformacijske inovacijske politike (TIP) i inovacijske politike s misijom (IPsM), usmjerene na tranziciju socio-tehničkih sustava i tehno-ekonomskih paradigmi, s osvrtom na njihovu ulogu u hrvatskom inovacijskom sustavu i zastupljenost transformacijskih inicijativa u sklopu Nacionalnoga plana oporavka i otpornosti (NPOO). Istraživanje navodi na zaključak da strategiju pametne specijalizacije koja dominira u inovacijskoj politici valja dopuniti metodama TIP-a i IPsM-a, posebno stoga što je transformacijski potencijal NPOO-a slab: identificirane su svega tri investicije, od ukupno 146, s potencijalom transformacije socio-tehničkih sustava.
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Papović, Dragutin. "The Establishment of Trade Relations between the Socialist Republic of Montenegro and the Federal States of the Federal Republic of Germany." Journal of contemporary history 55, no. 1 (October 17, 2023): 113–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/csp.v55i1.23502.
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U radu je analizirana ekonomska suradnja Socijalističke Republike Crne Gore i Savezne Republike Njemačke, odnosno njezinih saveznih pokrajina. Savezna Republika Njemačka bila je među najvažnijim ekonomskim partnerima Jugoslavije, odnosno jugoslavenskih republika krajem 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Tada je po vrijednosti trgovinske razmjene bila drugi vanjskotrgovinski partner Crne Gore. Cilj Crne Gore bio je povećanjem izvoza smanjiti trgovinski deficit, zatim privući njemačke investitore i proširiti suradnju na druge oblasti. Taj je cilj zahtijevao uspostavu izravnih političkih i ekonomskih odnosa. Sredinom 70-ih jugoslavenske republike uspostavile su neposredne odnose s njemačkim saveznim pokrajinama. Krajem 70-ih i početkom 80-ih uspostavljeni su odnosi Izvršnoga vijeća (vlade) Crne Gore s vladama pokrajina Hamburg, Baden-Württemberg i Bremen.
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Mujkić, Asim. "Ideologija, klasa i pitanje političke subjektivizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini." Politička misao 56, no. 2 (October 14, 2019): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.2.02.
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Autor propituje ulogu ideologije, mita i klase u razumijevanju kompleksnih procesa savremene političke subjektivizacije u BiH. Polazeći od revolucionarnog konteksta s početka devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća koji razumijeva kao paralelni proces nacionalne i kapitalističke reaproprijacije, autor na pitanje pod kojim uslovima, diskurzivnim i institucionalnim, određene etničke razlike postaju politički relevantnima, postaju izvorom političke moći i mobilizacije, razvija odgovor u vidu antireprezentacionalističke hipoteze po kojoj su to s jedne strane diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi “nacionalne države” shvaćene kao države homogenog etnonacionalnog domaćina i zanemarive etnonacionalne manjine, a s druge strane njima komplementarni diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi kapitalističkog poretka iz kojega se nacionalni poredak historijski izdiže, a koji podrazumijeva klasnu strukturiranost. Subjekt proizvodnje nacionalno-kapitalističkog poretka je vladajuća klasa, u slučaju BiH klasa etnopolitičkih poduzetnika koja je u posjedu sredstava za proizvodnju društvenog života uopće: i materijalnog i onog simboličkog.
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Luša, Đana, and Ružica Jakešević. "Razvoj discipline međunarodnih odnosa i sigurnosnih studija na Fakultetu političkih znanosti." Politička misao 59, no. 3 (November 3, 2022): 137–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.3.05.
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Autorice u radu analiziraju institucionalizaciju discipline međunarodnih odnosa i sigurnosnih studija na Fakultetu političkih znanosti vodeći se kriterijima stabilnosti, identiteta i autonomije, koji se testiraju na osnovi specifičnih pokazatelja njihove manifestacije. Pritom je naglasak na razvoju u posljednjih tridesetak godina, s kraćim osvrtom na ranija razdoblja kada se ponajprije međunarodni odnosi ugrađuju kao jedna od konstitutivnih disciplina na tada novoj sveučilišnoj instituciji, koja je emancipirala politologiju u odnosu na ostala, starija znanstvena polja iz kojih vuče korijene. Pored toga, kako bi se stekao uvid u paralelni razvoj međunarodnih odnosa i sigurnosnih studija od sredine dvadesetog stoljeća, u radu se propituje moguća emancipacija sigurnosnih studija kao zasebne znanstvene discipline i pokušava se odgovoriti na pitanje je li moguće ili pak korisno razdvajati ih s obzirom na međusobnu isprepletenost i preklapanje pojmovno-kategorijalnog aparata, teorija i fenomena koje istražuju. Posebno se komparira razvoj discipline međunarodnih odnosa i sigurnosnih studija u Hrvatskoj s državama u okruženju (Srbija i Slovenija) te se izvode zaključci o međuodnosu sigurnosnih studija i međunarodnih odnosa. U radu se polazi od tvrdnje da je disciplina međunarodnih odnosa i sigurnosnih studija, koja se od druge polovice 1990-ih intenzivnije razvija u pogledu znanstvene produkcije i nastavnih planova i programa, snažno institucionalizirana.
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Kuljanac, Žaklina, and Matej Mikašinović-Komšo. "Postoji li u Hrvatskoj duboka država?" Politička misao 59, no. 1 (April 21, 2022): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.1.03.
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U radu se analiziraju oblici percepcije postojanja duboke države u Hrvatskoj kod političara kao skupine. Prikazom relevantne literature te provedenih istraživanja o rasprostranjenosti teorija zavjera u Hrvatskoj (posebice onih u vezi s postojanjem duboke države), postavljaju se temelji na kojima se razrađuje eksplorativna analiza polustrukturiranih intervjua s hrvatskim političarima. Glavni nalazi analize intervjua ukazuju na prisutnost percepcije postojanja duboke države među političarima svih političkih skupina te na raznovrsnost načina kojima je ona percipirana i opisana. Iako se percepcije oblika duboke države među ispitanicima razlikuju, svi koji smatraju da ona postoji dijele pesimistično viđenje sadašnjosti i uvjerenje da u kontroverznim događajima bitnu ulogu imaju skrivene interesne skupine.
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Guotuan, Wang, Xu Wei, Jin Haoran, and Yang Jun. "History of sports exchanges and cooperation since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Russia." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2021): 256–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi05.
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The article is devoted to a historical retrospective review of the evolution of sports exchanges and cooperation since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Russia. Special attention in the process of research is paid to the active study of the Soviet model of sports of Chinese leaders, who, with the beginning of the creation of the People’s Republic, sought to create their own system of physical culture and sports competitions. In the course of the study, the results of the exchange of delegations, the peculiarities of adaptation and implementation of the Soviet ideology “Ready for Labor and Defense”, which transformed the Chinese concept of “Labor and Defense”, were considered. Particular emphasis is placed on the participation of the PRC, with the support of the USSR, in major sports events outside the Olympic Games, and then China’s decision to join the IOC and participate in the competition. Also, the article analyzes in detail the construction of a system for the education of physical culture and sports in Chinese schools, the process of developing textbooks and manuals based on Soviet publications, the peculiarities of creating one’s own pedagogical base and upbringing with the subsequent transfer of this model to the working class. In addition, the reasons for the weakening of Soviet influence are indicated. to the sports field in the late 1950s.
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Petak, Zdravko, and Krešimir Petković. "Izlazak iz jednine?" Politička misao 59, no. 3 (November 3, 2022): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.3.02.
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Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati i analizirati istraživanje javnih politika u kontekstu razvoja hrvatske politologije te odnos istraživanja javnih politika unutar političke znanosti s njihovim zahvaćanjem kroz druge znanosti i međudisciplinarna područja u Hrvatskoj. Nakon uvoda se u prvome dijelu rada određuju javne politike te se prikazuje razvoj teorijskog diskursa koji se formirao oko javnih politika kao racionalnog sklopa državne intervencije u društvo koji teži dobrom upravljanju. U drugome se dijelu analizira i tumači kontekstualno specifičan razvoj istraživanja javnih politika u okvirima hrvatske politologije. U trećem dijelu taj se razvoj dovodi u vezu s primjerima istraživanja i poučavanja javnih politika u drugim institucionalnim žarištima i disciplinarnim diskursima koji akademski zahvaćaju javne politike. U zaključku se ocjenjuje stanje istraživanja javnih politika te se skiciraju mogući budući pravci razvoja istraživanja i akademskog utjecanja na stvaranje javnih politika unutar i preko granica politologije. Naša je teza – ili, točnije, vrijednosno vođena projekcija – da javnim politikama kao teorijski i metodologijski konstituiranom predmetu istraživanja i politološkoj poddisciplini predstoji, kao praktičan izazov, snažnija međudisciplinarna suradnja izvan okvira političke znanosti u združenom rješavanju relevantnih javnih problema političke zajednice.
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Paić, Žarko. "Što je to postimperijalna suverenost? Uz Nomos zemlje – Carl Schmitt i kritičko čitanje Hanne Arendt." Politička misao 58, no. 3 (September 24, 2021): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.58.3.03.
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Autor u članku analizira Schmittov spis Nomos zemlje postavljajući pitanje na koji se način nakon epohe nacije-države i kraha europskoga imperijalizma, što je bila i ishodišna postavka Hanne Arendt u njezinim Izvorima totalitarizma, uspostavljaju uvjeti mogućnosti političkoga djelovanja, budući da to djelovanje više nema za svoj egzistencijalni prostor ideju ukorijenjenosti u naciju kao državu s mehanizmima zaštite suverenosti s pomoću zakonodavne, izvršne i sudske vlasti zapisane u ustavu. Moć nije pritom tek državno-društvena logika upravljanja fiksnim prostorom i ograničenim teritorijem nacije-države, kako je to bilo uobičajeno od 18. stoljeća u Europi do kraja I. svjetskoga rata. Sam je Schmitt u drugome razdoblju njegova filozofijsko-pravnoga mišljenja, formalno i sadržajno nakon kraja II. svjetskoga rata, političko i politiku sagledao kao univerzalnu geopolitiku “velikoga prostora” (Großraum). Egzistencijalno- decizionistički obrat pokazuje se odlučujućim razlogom zbog čega se Schmittov pojam političkoga ne može proglasiti opravdanjem bilo kakve diktature ili totalitarizma. Odluka počiva na praznom središtu slobode, a ne moći. Nomos zemlje u postnacionalnoj konstelaciji za Schmitta na taj način postaje pitanje poretka i uprostorenja u osvajanju i prisvajanju zemlje u stalnim ratovima i sukobima s Drugim, jer je čovjek sve drugo negoli po prirodi dobar. Kritika ove pozicije u marginalijama Hanne Arendt uz Schmittovu knjigu Nomos zemlje otvara mogućnost rasprave o granicama neoimperijalizma i nove pravno-političke konstitucije svijeta nakon II. svjetskoga rata. Autor smatra da je rezultat ove aporetične i paradoksalne situacije u 21. stoljeću upravo u tzv. postimperijalnoj suverenosti kao nastavku Schmittove postavke o izvanrednom stanju na globalno-planetarnoj razini. Političko otuda prethodi politici kao što novi nomos zemlje zahtijeva obrat u razumijevanju odnosa slobode i moći.
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Mironova, Elena Mihaylovna. "Representation of the Council of ambassadors of the Russian diaspora in Bulgaria (1919–1940)." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 33, no. 1 (2023): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2023.110.
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The article is based on materials previously not used in the scientific circulation and highlights the dramatic history of the creation, activities, and closure of the Russian non-bolshevik representation in Bulgaria. The Russian Foreign Diplomatic Corps was the only remnant of the old state apparatus that survived the October Revolution in Russia (1917). The embassy in Sofia became a part of it at the end of 1919, after Bulgaria’s withdrawal from World War I. The article clarifies the circumstances and personal composition of the Representation. The embassy played an important role in the formation of the Russian refugee colony and was closed at the very beginning of 1923. The article identifies the causes of the crisis in relations between the Bulgarian authorities and the embassy, its development, assesses its collapse and shows the hard work that was aimed at preserving the informal non-bolshevik representation. The new representative of the Council of Russian Ambassadors in Bulgaria was B. S. Serafimov. Over two decades he defended the interests of the Russian colony there.