Journal articles: 'Two-party systems – United States'

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Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, and Martin P. Wattenberg. "Decaying Versus Developing Party Systems: A Comparison of Party Images in the United States and West Germany." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (April 1992): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006311.

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This article examines citizens' attitudes towards the two major parties in the United States since 1952 and in West Germany since 1969 employing open-ended data from each country's National Election Study time series. Despite similar declining trends in party identification in the two countries, it is found that the patterns of change in party images are markedly different. In the United States it is shown that voters have become increasingly neutral towards the two parties as the focus has turned more and more towards the candidates. In contrast, in West Germany voters have come to have a more balanced view of the parties, seeing both positive and negative features of both. Thus in both cases there has been a decline in polarized strong partisanship (‘my party right or wrong’), but for different reasons. In the United States this decline can be seen as a sign of the decay of an ageing and outdated party system; in West Germany it can be seen as the development of realistic and balanced views of a party system which is just reaching full maturity. The implications for analysing party system development in Eastern Europe are discussed.

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Lee, Daniel J., and Michael Brady. "Coordination and Party Change in the United States." American Politics Research 48, no. 6 (June 11, 2020): 807–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20921370.

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The ability of American political parties to change issue positions is potentially hindered by problems of coordination. Research on parties since the 1990s has shown what tools party leadership can use to enforce discipline and cohesion among its ranks. We, however, question whether those theories of party control, which explain party stability, can straightforwardly explain party change. Oftentimes we think of parties strategically altering issue positions, but what is “the party?” Rather than a monolithic group, American parties are relatively decentralized, weak, and individualistic compared with other party systems. We present an evolutionary game theoretic example to illustrate the problem of coordination in party change. This theoretical framework suggests an empirical focus on individual-level behaviors to better understand the dynamics of party change. We analyze roll call voting of members of Congress on the environment and abortion to illustrate micro-level behaviors suggested by our theoretical discussion.

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Schofield, Norman, Christopher Claassen, Ugur Ozdemir, and Alexei Zakharov. "Estimating the effects of activists in two-party and multi-party systems: comparing the United States and Israel." Social Choice and Welfare 36, no. 3-4 (November 4, 2010): 483–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-010-0507-0.

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Desai, Radhika. "The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (December 2005): 1076–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905289977.

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The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States, Pradeep K. Chhibber and Ken Kollman, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004, pp. xvi, 276.Mining electoral data to arrive at theories about the relationship between political party performance and party system determination and electoral and governmental institutions forms the main stream of political science. And one of its most enduring puzzles is the explanation of the patterns and diversities of party systems. With the famous “Duverger's Law” about single-member plurality systems and two-party political systems forming its point of departure, political scientists have attempted to substantiate their discipline's status as a “science” by producing theories about relationships between measurable political variables.

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Campbell, J. E. "Party Systems and Realignments in the United States, 1868-2004." Social Science History 30, no. 3 (September 1, 2006): 359–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-2006-002.

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Campbell, James E. "Party Systems and Realignments in the United States, 1868-2004." Social Science History 30, no. 3 (2006): 359–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001350x.

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According to David Mayhew (2002: 58-59, 35), “Neither statistics nor stories bear out the canonical realignments calendar of 1860, 1896, and 1932,” and “no certifiable electoral realignment has occurred since 1932.” This study examines the national division of the U.S. presidential vote and House of Representatives seats from 1868 to 2004 to determine whether realignments occurred in 1896, 1932, and 1968 and whether other elections might be better designated as realignments. The analysis demonstrates the onset of realignments in the 1894-96 and 1930-32 elections and a staggered realignment in recent decades. Republicans registered significant durable gains in presidential voting starting in 1968 and in congressional elections in 1994. The analysis also finds evidence of a realignment favoring the Democrats in 1874-76.

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Borges, André, and Mathieu Turgeon. "Presidential coattails in coalitional presidentialism." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (April 6, 2017): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817702283.

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Research on presidential coattails in elections has focused nearly exclusively on two-party systems like the United States. Much less is known, however, about presidential coattails in multiparty systems where electoral and governing coalitions are common currency. Under coalitional presidentialism, we argue that presidential coattails are diffused, benefiting the president’s party but also her coalition party members, especially those most strongly associated with the coalition itself. Using electoral data from Chile and Brazil, two widely studied but distinct cases of coalitional presidentialism, we find strong evidence supporting this claim. The results carry important implications for students of coalitional presidentialism, presidential coattails, and party systems, more generally.

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Struthers, Cory L., Christopher Hare, and Ryan Bakker. "Bridging the pond: measuring policy positions in the United States and Europe." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 4 (May 10, 2019): 677–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.22.

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AbstractRecent work has pioneered the use of expert surveys to estimate cross-national party positions in a common ideological space. In this paper, we report findings from an original dataset designed to evaluate bridging strategies between European and American party placements. Specifically, we compare the use of “anchoring vignettes” (fictional party platforms) with an alternative approach that asks comparativist scholars who live in the US (whom we call transatlantic or TA experts) to place parties and parties in their country of expertise on a series of issues scales. The results provide an optimistic assessment of the ability of TA experts to serve as valid bridges across the Atlantic. The resulting cross-comparable estimates of party positions show instances of both convergence and divergence between American and European party systems, including parallels between systems on the cross-cutting issue of international economic integration.

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Rae, Douglas W. "Using District Magnitude to Regulate Political Party Competition." Journal of Economic Perspectives 9, no. 1 (February 1, 1995): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.9.1.65.

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This is an essay about the use of districting systems to regulate electoral outcomes and the evolution of party systems. By changing the number of seats from each district, a balance can be struck between the often conflicting goals of minority representation and defractionalization. Defractionalization is the process of forming broad-based governing majorities. Special attention is given to the electoral systems of Italy, Spain, and the United States. In the case of the United States, the author recommends a proportional representation system that mixes high-magnitude districts that encourage minority representation and low-magnitude districts that promote defractionalization.

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Yeargain, Tyler. "Same-Party Legislative Appointments and the Problem of Party-Switching." Texas A&M Law Review 8, no. 1 (May 2020): 163–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v8.i1.5.

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For half of the states and almost every territory in the United States, legislative vacancies are filled by some system of temporary appointments rather than by special elections. Most of these systems utilize “same-party” appointments to ensure continuity of representation. But few states have anticipated the problem of state legislators switching parties. Though party-switching is rare, it happens frequently enough that several state supreme courts have already interpreted same-party appointment statutes as applied to party-switchers. This Article argues for a uniform approach to the problem of party-switchers in same-party appointment systems. First, this Article reviews the current legislative appointment schemes as they operate today and analyzes each statute or constitutional provision to determine how each of them might treat a vacancy caused by a party-switching state legislator, as well as the four state supreme court decisions addressing this question of statutory interpretation. It then argues that the principles underlying same-party appointment systems support statutory amendments to clarify how party-switching state legislators are replaced.

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Arndt, Christoph. "An Empirical Model of Issue Evolution and Partisan Realignment in a Multiparty System." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (August 4, 2017): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917722234.

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Since Carmines and Stimson’s seminal work, the concept of issue evolution has become a common theoretical toolkit to examine and explain polarization around cultural issues and partisan realignment in the United States. However, very few studies outside the United States have applied the concept of issue evolution to explain electoral change and realignment around new issues at national elections over time. Analyzing whether and how Carmines and Stimson’s concept travels to electoral change in a multiparty system would provide more theoretical leverage and create empirical knowledge on the logic of issue evolution outside the United States and also whether the logic of electoral change differs from U.S.-style two-party systems. This article applies the issue evolution concept to a multidimensional multiparty system using micro-level data from 1971 to 2011 in combination with data on elite-level polarization to demonstrate that partisan realignment in Denmark follows an issue evolution process with niche parties as main drivers. Moreover, niche party polarization on the new dimension of conflict has a stronger effect on vote choice than mainstream party polarization.

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Alemán, Eduardo, Aldo F. Ponce, and Iñaki Sagarzazu. "Legislative Parties in Volatile, Nonprogrammatic Party Systems: The Peruvian Case in Comparative Perspective." Latin American Politics and Society 53, no. 3 (2011): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00125.x.

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AbstractThis article extends the analysis of political parties in electorally volatile and organizationally weak party systems by evaluating two implications centered on legislative voting behavior. First, it examines whether disunity prevails where weakness of programmatic and electoral commonalities abound. Second, it analyzes whether inchoate party systems weaken the ability of government parties to control the congressional agenda. The empirical analysis centers on Peru, a classic example of a weakly institutionalized party system, and how its legislative parties compare to those of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and the United States. The results lend support to the view that lower unity characterizes weakly institutionalized settings. The agenda-setting power of government parties, however, appears to be influenced more by the majority status of the government than by the level of party system institutionalization.

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Bass, Harold F. "Review Essay: Whither Realignment?" American Review of Politics 11 (January 1, 1991): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1990.11.0.137-150.

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The “realignment era” in American political science began thirtyfive years ago, when Key (1955) proposed “A Theory of Critical Elections.” In his wake, realignment scholarship has proliferated far and wide (Bass 1991). The concept of realignment pervades contemporary scholarship on American political parties. The “textbook” treatment of the history of party competition in the United States posits periodic realigning elections that substantially alter group bases of party coalitions and establish enduring party systems. The initial analytical focus of the party in the electorate now extends to the party in government, linking elections with public policy. Since political parties constitute central integrating institutions in the political process, realignment has become a key conceptual lens for viewing and interpreting the whole of American political life. Indeed, it has escaped the bounds of scholarship and entered into popular discourse. Further, as subjects of realignment studies, the United States and its component political units now compete with numerous non-American systems.

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Bohlander, George W. "Public Sector Independent Grievance Systems: Methods and Procedures." Public Personnel Management 18, no. 3 (September 1989): 339–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102608901800307.

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This research examined public sector independent grievance procedures in twenty-two agencies in the Southwest United States. Non-union grievance systems are championed as a way to equitably adjudicate employee problems while additionally fostering agency objectives and lessening the possibility of employee legal suits. Content analysis was used to determine the purpose of grievance programs, grievable issues, employee representation, neutral third-party resolution of cases, and different grievance systems and their methodologies. Based upon study findings, suggestions are offered to implement or improve a current grievance program.

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Anderson, Leslie E. "The Problem of Single-Party Predominance in an Unconsolidated Democracy: The Example of Argentina." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 4 (December 2009): 767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991794.

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Parties can be a crucial to democratic function but not all parties or party systems are democratic. Some parties are fully competitive within a pluralist system while others, notably hegemonic parties, are antithetical to democracy. Between competitive, pluralist party systems and hegemonic party systems lie predominant party systems. These are compatible with democracy where democracy is fully consolidated but inhibit democratic consolidation in settings with an authoritarian history or where the rule of law is incomplete. The effect of predominant parties in unconsolidated democracies has not been fully studied in comparative context. I scrutinize this problem in Argentina, which has followed an electoral calendar for two decades, but lacks a fully pluralist system of power-sharing among two nationally-competitive parties. The authoritarian background of Peronism, of Argentina itself and the limited competitive potential of the Radical Party have curtailed democratic development. The article underscores the seriousness of Argentina's dilemma by contrasting its situation with Democratic Party predominance in the United States Deep South in the 1940s. The comparison of democratic development in an older democracy with that of a newer democracy illustrates that some of the processes of consolidation are similar and that the experience of older democracies may indicate possible solutions for newer democracies.

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Mattila, Mikko. "Economic Changes and Government Popularity in Scandinavian Countries." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 4 (October 1996): 583–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007614.

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The study of government popularity functions has been popular among political scientists since the pioneering work of the early 1970s. Most of the studies have concentrated on data from the United States or from Great Britain. The reason for this has probably been the availability of data over long periods of time in these countries, and the fact that in two-party systems the effects of economic changes on government popularity seem to be stronger than in countries with multi-party government coalitions. However, some studies have also shown that in countries with multi-party governments the effects of economic conditions are similar, although possibly slightly less strong.

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SCHICKLER, ERIC, and DONALD PHILIP GREEN. "The Stability of Party Identification in Western Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 30, no. 4 (August 1997): 450–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414097030004003.

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The concept of party identification is widely thought to be of limited utility outside the United States, where partisan attachments are regarded as unstable. The authors argue that estimating the stability of party identification outside the United States requires attention to problems of dimensionality and measurement error. The authors develop a model for estimating the stability of partisanship that addresses these problems, and they apply the model to eight panel surveys drawn from Great Britain, Canada, and Germany. The results suggest that partisanship has been extremely stable in each country, with the exception of recent developments in Canada. The model and findings presented here suggest the need for refinement in the way partisanship is measured, and partisan stability assessed, in multiparty systems.

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Chhibber, Pradeep, and Ken Kollman. "Party Aggregation and the Number of Parties in India and the United States." American Political Science Review 92, no. 2 (June 1998): 329–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585667.

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We rely on data from India and the United States to show that political and economic centralization can influence the number of national parties in single-member simple-plurality electoral systems. Historically, in both countries the number of parties in local electoral districts has been near two, but the number of national parties has fluctuated. Periods of a small number of national parties in both countries correspond to periods of centralization. We argue that, as national governments centralize power and make policies that affect local areas, candidates have greater incentives to associate with national organizations, and voters have greater incentives to abandon locally competitive but nationally noncompetitive parties.

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Thomas, J. C., and Sergio López Ayllón. "NAFTA Dispute Settlement and Mexico: Interpreting Treaties and Reconciling Common and Civil Law Systems in a Free Trade Area." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 33 (1996): 75–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800006044.

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SummaryThe first NAFTA Chapter 19 binational panel review of a Mexican antidumping determination raises important questions about the interpretation of treaties. In confronting the different way in which Mexico, a civil law country, had implemented NAFTA, the panel had to deal with a process of implementation different from that in the common law jurisdictions of Canada and the United States. The authors argue that in interpreting NAFTA, the panel relied on the negotiating history of one party, the United States, to reach a conclusion that did not represent the intentions of the three parties, and led to the exercise of a jurisdiction by a Chapter 19 panel in respect of Mexico that ü different from that exercised by Chapter 19 panels reviewing determinations from the other two NAFTA parties.

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MARTIN, CATHIE JO, and DUANE SWANK. "The Political Origins of Coordinated Capitalism: Business Organizations, Party Systems, and State Structure in the Age of Innocence." American Political Science Review 102, no. 2 (May 2008): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080155.

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This paper investigates the political determinants of corporatist and pluralist employers' associations and reflects on the origins of the varieties of capitalism in the early decades of the 20th century. We hypothesize that proportional, multiparty systems tend to enable employers' associations to develop into social corporatist organizations, whereas nonproportional, two-party systems are conducive to the formation of pluralist associations. Moreover, we suggest that federalism tends to reinforce incentives for pluralist organization. We assess our hypotheses through quantitative analysis of data from 1900 to the 1930s from 16 nations and case studies of the origins of peak employers' associations in Denmark and the United States. Our statistical analysis suggests that proportional, multiparty systems foster, and federalism works against, social corporatist business organization; employers' organization is also greater where the mobilization of labor, traditions of coordination, and economic development are higher. These factors also largely explain pre-World War II patterns of national coordination of capitalism. Case histories of the origins of employers' associations in Denmark and the United States further confirm the causal importance of political factors. Although Danish and American employers had similar interests in creating cooperative national industrial policies, trajectories of associational development were constrained by the structure of party competition, as well as by preindustrial traditions for coordination.

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Ley, Aaron J., and Cornell W. Clayton. "Constitutional Choices: Political Parties, Groups, and Prohibition Politics in the United States." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 609–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000234.

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Abstract:Traditional accounts of the Eighteenth and Twenty-first Amendments to the U.S. Constitution largely ignore the role of the major political parties. We argue that partisan politics was an integral part of the constitutional politics of this period. The need to manage divisions within both parties’ electoral coalitions during the transition from the third to the fourth-party systems led to the enactment of the Eighteenth Amendment without support from either national party. While most accounts trace prohibition’s demise to widespread noncompliance and the graft it generated, we argue that elite congressional support for prohibition gave way when civil service reforms removed federal prohibition agents as patronage resources. We also argue that by giving states control of designing state conventions, and thereby risking state malapportionment of conventions, Democrats succeeded in overcoming the traditional fissures that divided their southern and northern wings.

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Linzer, Drew A. "The Relationship between Seats and Votes in Multiparty Systems." Political Analysis 20, no. 3 (2012): 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps017.

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The relationship between a party's popular vote share and legislative seat share—its seats—votes swing ratio—is a key characteristic of democratic representation. This article introduces a general approach to estimating party-specific swing ratios in multiparty legislative elections, given results from only a single election. I estimate the joint density of party vote shares across districts using a finite mixture model for compositional data and then computationally evaluate this distribution to produce parties' expected change in legislative seats for plausible changes in their vote share. The method easily extends to systems with any number of parties, employing both majoritarian and proportional electoral rules. Applications to legislative elections in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Botswana demonstrate how parties' swing ratios vary both within countries and over time, indicating that parties under majoritarian electoral rules are subject to unique and possibly divergent geographic—political constraints.

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Hahm, S. D. "The Political Economy of Deficit Spending: A Cross Comparison of Industrialized Democracies, 1955–90." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 14, no. 2 (June 1996): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c140227.

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The postwar deficit experiences of nine industrialized democracies are analyzed. The relative importance of three of the primary influences on a country's deficit which have been suggested in the literature: (1) the state of the country's economy, (2) the ‘left – right’ ideology of the party in power, and (3) the strength of the party in power (as advanced by Roubini and Sachs) are examined. The author also introduces and tests the importance of an additional potential influence based on institutional structure in which presidential, ‘stable’ parliamentary, and ‘unstable’ parliamentary systems are seen to provide different incentives regarding the deficit for key political actors. The arguments are tested on a pooled time-series cross-sectional data set involving two presidential systems (France and the United States), four relatively stable parliamentary systems (Canada, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom), and three relatively unstable parliamentary systems (Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands). The findings include: (a) strong effects of the state of a nation's economy on its deficit; (b) little systematic relationship between the ideology of the party in power and its deficit; and (c) the observation that increased control of the government leads to lower deficits in unstable parliamentary systems but larger deficits in presidential systems, with stable parliamentary systems serving as an intermediate case. The findings are compared both with the author's theoretical refinement and with recent theoretical and empirical work by Roubini and Sachs.

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Ismail, Rahmah, Wan Amir Azlan Wan Haniff, Suzanna Mohamed Isa, Rozlinda Mohamed Fadzil, Syed Sagoff AlSagoff, and Kartini Aboo Talib Khalid. "The Approach to Safety of Children’s Toys in United States and European Union: A Comparative Study." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0011.

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Following the ‘Year of Recall’ in 2007 which saw greatest number of children’s toys product recalls from United States of America (US) and European Union (EU) markets, both regions instituted new legislations governing children’s products: the US Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act of 2008 (CPSIA 2008) and EU 2009 Toy Safety Directive. This article analyses the approaches to safety of toys adopted in US and EU in light of the potential for cross-jurisdictional use of the framework. This qualitative research utilizes secondary data gained from scientific database analysis and library research, including documents and precedents on toys safety. These data were analyzed by using legal interpretation and comparative assessment. The study finds key features of each jurisdiction as well as notable similarities and differences in terms of regulations, safety standards used such as International Organization for Standardization (ISO 8124); The American Society for Testing and Materials (ASTM F963); and European Standards (EN 71). Further, two competing systems, each with its own reigning global governor namely, Third-Party Assessor (3PA) supported by the US and Supplier’s Declaration of Conformity System (SDOC) adopted by the EU, were assessed. When both systems were put into an evaluation, the extra third-party inspection for issuing certificate on the product based on 3PA enable to provide important protection to consumers over the SDOC system.

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Goldman, Ralph M. "The Nominating Process: Factionalism as a Force for Democratization." American Review of Politics 12 (November 1, 1991): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.42-64.

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In what ways may a one-party system advance democratic development? Democratic development requires an understanding of the process of institutionalization and the ways in which institutionalization may be promotive of nonviolent elite competition, even within one-party systems. This directs our attention to the hierarchy of institutionalized organizations and conflict systems that constitute a party system, namely, government, parties, and factions. Although neglected in research on party politics, factions are capable of creating conditions favorable to democratic development, including nonviolent competition among elites, party pluralism, and popular participation in electoral and other institutions of national politics. The centerpiece of factionalism is the party’s nominating process, another relatively neglected subject of inquiry. Several principles of institutionalization are suggested by the experience with factionalism in the United States and other nations.

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Miller, Warren E. "Party identification and political belief systems: Changes in partisanship in the United States, 1980–84." Electoral Studies 5, no. 2 (August 1986): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(86)90001-6.

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Steinmo, Sven. "Political Institutions and Tax Policy in the United States, Sweden, and Britain." World Politics 41, no. 4 (July 1989): 500–535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010528.

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This essay addresses the question, “Why do different democracies pursue different public policies?” through an examination of taxation policy in the United States, Sweden, and Britain. The essay demonstrates how the different decision-making structures found in these three democracies (characterized as pluralist, corporatist, and party government systems, respectively) bias each polity toward different types of policy outcomes. The key argument is that institutional structures are the context in which political actors must necessarily define their policy preferences and determine their strategic objectives. Institutional structures thus provide a central link between individual choice behavior and macro policy outcomes.

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Thorlakson, Lori. "Book Review: The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India and the United States." Party Politics 12, no. 4 (July 2006): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806064734.

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Boatright, Robert G. "Interest Group Adaptations to Campaign Finance Reform in Canada and the United States." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090027.

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Abstract.The United States and Canada enacted similar campaign finance reforms in the early 2000s. This article draws upon interviews with leaders of the major Canadian interest groups to explore similarities and differences in the responses of Canadian and American interest groups to reform. While groups in both countries shared an increased emphasis on mobilization and communication with members, the Canadian reforms were more effective at removing many groups from political campaigns entirely. This difference is primarily a result of differences in the two nations' party systems and the historical development of interest groups in the two countries.Résumé.Au début des années 2000, les États-Unis et le Canada ont promulgué des lois similaires visant la réforme du financement des campagnes électorales. Cet article est basé sur des entretiens avec les chefs des principaux groupes d'intérêt canadiens. Il étudie les ressemblances et les différences entre leurs réponses à ces réformes et celles des groupes d'intérêt américains. Même si les groupes des deux pays ont tous insisté sur la communication et la mobilisation de leurs membres, les réformes canadiennes ont mieux réussi à éliminer entièrement plusieurs groupes des campagnes électorales. Cette différence s'explique surtout par la structure différente des deux systèmes de partis politiques et par l'évolution historique des groupes d'intérêt dans ces deux pays.

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Moser, Robert G., and Mikhail Rybalko. "Representation of Women and Ethnic Minorities in the Russian State Duma 1993-2021." Russian Politics 7, no. 2 (July 11, 2022): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604022.

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Abstract Elections to the Russian State Duma provide a unique context to study the representation of women and ethnic minorities in a national legislature. Russian elections have witnessed dramatic institutional variation, including a shift from semi-democratic contestation to competitive authoritarianism and the use of different electoral systems. Moreover, ethnic federalism has produced political and demographic conditions that promote the representation of titular ethnic groups in ethnic republics. Finally, the transition from a fragmented party system to one controlled by a single dominant party potentially has important potential ramifications for women and minority representation. We use a unique dataset that codes the ethnicity and sex of individual legislators for each election from 1993 to 2021 to examine how regime type, electoral rules, demographic conditions, and party affiliation have affected descriptive representation in Russia. Using similar data on selected states from Eastern Europe, we compare Russia’s experience with that of other postcommunist states as well as the United States.

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Perlmuter, Lawrence C. "Effects of Choice on Performance in Two Cultures." Perceptual and Motor Skills 100, no. 2 (April 2005): 373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.100.2.373-374.

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Research in Japan and the United States has demonstrated that learning and memory may be improved when individuals are permitted to choose materials to be learned. In Japanese studies, the effects appear to be limited to the specific materials actually chosen, whereas in the United States, choice enhances recall of chosen as well as other materials that are later assigned. In the United States, personal choice has been hypothesized to affect both the learner's relationship to the chosen materials as well as motivation; in Japan personal choice affects the relationship between the learner and the chosen materials. Apparently the consequences of choice may vary in these cultures.

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Alvarez, R. Michael, and Jonathan Nagler. "Party System Compactness: Measurement and Consequences." Political Analysis 12, no. 1 (2004): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mph003.

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An important property of any party system is the set of choices it presents to the electorate. In this paper we analyze the distribution of parties relative to voters in the multidimensional issue space and introduce two measures of the dispersion of the parties in the issue space relative to the voters, which we call measures of the compactness of the parties in the issue space. We show how compactness is easily computed using standard survey items found on national election surveys. Because we study the spacing of the parties relative to the distribution of the voters, we produce metric-free measures of compactness of the party system. The measures can be used to compare party systems across issues, over time within countries, and across countries. Comparing the compactness of party systems across countries allows us to determine the relative amount of issue choice afforded voters in different polities. We examine the compactness of the issue space and test the impact it has on voter choice in four countries: the United States, the Netherlands, Canada, and Great Britain. We demonstrate that the more compact the distribution of the parties in the issue space on any given issue, the less voters weight that issue in their vote decision. Thus we provide evidence supporting theories suggesting that the greater the choice offered by the parties in an election, the more likely it is that issue voting will play a major role in that election.

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Dorato, P., and A. Feliachi. "Control Systems Curricula in the United States: Results of Two Recent Surveys." IFAC Proceedings Volumes 25, no. 12 (June 1991): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1474-6670(17)50081-6.

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Biddle, Elyce A., and Suzanne M. Marsh. "Comparison of two fatal occupational injury surveillance systems in the United States." Journal of Safety Research 33, no. 3 (October 2002): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0022-4375(02)00030-0.

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Simonov, Konstantin V., and Stanislav P. Mitrakhovich. "Bipartisanship as Possible Alternative of Russian Political System Evolution." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 256–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-256-265.

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The article examines the possibility of transfer to bipartisan system in Russia. The authors assess the benefits of the two-party system that include first of all the ensuring of actual political competition and authority alternativeness with simultaneous separation of minute non-system forces that may contribute to the country destabilization. The authors analyze the accompanying risks and show that the concept of the two-party system as the catalyst of elite schism is mostly exaggerated. The authors pay separate attention to the experience of bipartisan system implementation in other countries, including the United States. They offer detailed analysis of the generated concept of the bipartisanship crisis and show that this point of view doesn’t quite agree with the current political practice. The authors also examine the foreign experience of the single-party system. They show that the success of the said system is mostly insubstantial, besides many of such systems have altered into more complex structures, while commentators very often use not the actual information but the established myths about this or that country. The authors also offer practical advice regarding the potential technologies of transition to the bipartisan system in Russia.

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Pérez de la Fuente, Oscar. "REASONABLE ACCOMMODATION BASED ON RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OR PRACTICES. A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE BETWEEN THE AMERICAN, CANADIAN AND EUROPEAN APPROACHES." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 10 (June 18, 2018): 85–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.n10.5.

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In certain situations, religious minority members ask for an exception to general rules because they could be discriminatory for this collective. These exceptions are called reasonable accomodations and have been recognised in different legal systems, but always conditioned not to the presence of certain circumstances (costs, safety, third-party rights, etc.). In this article, the regulations and case law on reasonable accommodation in Canada, United States and Europe are analysed.

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Tibus, Cheryl A., and Linda L. Brennan. "RFID and Labor Management Systems Selection in the Logistics Industry." Journal of Cases on Information Technology 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jcit.2010010103.

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Faced with increasing competitive pressures, a logistics company in the United States sought to reduce its cost structure by implementing two information systems. The Labor Management System (LMS) was specifically designed to improve warehouse worker efficiency and the Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) system tracked the movement of products, pallets, and shipment. This case presents an overview of the logistics industry, background on the business need to consider new systems, and the requirements of the company in its system selection. Details of the technologies considered are included. The reader is then faced with the challenge of analyzing the options, and making a recommendation for systems selection. After analyzing this case study, the reader should be able to: • Define logistics functions, supply chain management, and third party logistics (3PL) services • Describe LMS and RFID systems • Identify the expected costs and benefits of the proposed technologies • Develop a multi-factor evaluation for vendor selection • Make a recommendation based on the evaluation, financial data, and other considerations.

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Jones, Will, and Alexander Teytelboym. "Matching Systems for Refugees." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 3 (September 2017): 667–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500306.

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Executive Summary1 Design of matching systems between refugees and states or local areas is emerging as one of the most promising solutions to problems in refugee resettlement. We describe the basics of two-sided matching theory used in a number of allocation problems, such as school choice, where both sides need to agree to the match. We then explain how these insights can be applied to international refugee matching in the context of the European Union and examine how refugee matching might work within the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States.

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Rivard, Cary L., Olha Sydorovych, Suzanne O'Connell, Mary M. Peet, and Frank J. Louws. "An Economic Analysis of Two Grafted Tomato Transplant Production Systems in the United States." HortTechnology 20, no. 4 (August 2010): 794–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.20.4.794.

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The grafting of herbaceous vegetables is an emerging development in the United States. This report provides an estimate of the variable costs of grafting within U.S. tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) transplant production systems. Grafted and nongrafted plants were propagated at two commercial farming operations in Ivanhoe, NC (NC) and Strasburg, PA (PA) and the farm in NC produced certified organic transplants. Detailed economic production sequences were generated for each site, and grafted and nongrafted transplant production costs were $0.59 and $0.13 in NC, and $1.25 and $0.51 in PA, respectively. Direct costs associated with grafting (e.g., grafting labor, clips, chamber, etc.) accounted for 37% to 38% of the added cost of grafting, and grafting labor was 11.1% to 14.4% of the cost of grafted transplant production. Seed costs represented 52% and 33% of the added cost of grafting at the two sites, and indirect costs (e.g., soil, trays, and heating) accounted for 10% and 30% of the added cost of grafting. Our findings suggest that under current seed prices and with similar production practices, the feasibility of grafting in the United States is not disproportionately affected by domestic labor costs. Additionally, the economic models presented in this report identify the cost of production at various transplant stages, and provide a valuable tool for growers interested in grafted tomato transplant production and utilization.

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Åsard, Erik, and W. Lance Bennett. "Regulating the Marketplace of Ideas: Political Rhetoric in Swedish and American National Elections." Political Studies 43, no. 4 (December 1995): 645–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01724.x.

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The question addressed in this analysis is one with broad theoretical and comparative implications: how do key political and social institutions, which we call regulatory mechanisms, affect the marketplace of ideas in different polities? First, election and party systems, interest groups, political financing, and the mass media are identified as the most obvious market mechanisms operating to regulate the flow of ideas in democratic societies. Second, this framework is then applied to case studies of party and candidate rhetoric in recent Swedish and American national elections. Although more developed in the United States than in Sweden, both cases reveal a drift toward negative equilibrium in the marketplace, characterized by the decline of party loyalties and voting participation, along with a widespread loss of faith in politicians and political language.

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Campbell, Andrea Louise, and Kimberly J. Morgan. "Federalism and the Politics of Old-Age Care in Germany and the United States." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 8 (October 2005): 887–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005277575.

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Until the early 1990s, Germany and the United States had similar systems of long-term care. At that time, Germany created a new social insurance program, whereas American reform efforts stalled. As conventional explanations of social policies—rooted in objective conditions, policy legacies, interest group mobilization, and party politics—fail to explain the diverging trajectories, the authors show how differing federal structures shaped reform efforts. German federalism gives states a strong voice and encourages collective responses to fiscal problems, enabling comprehensive restructuring of long-term care financing. In the United States, states lack a political mechanism to compel federal policy makers to tackle this subject. This analysis suggests reform of social welfare issues with weakly mobilized publics is unlikely without proxy actors that have institutional or political means to forcibly gain the attention of policy makers. In addition, scholars should pay more attention to “varieties of federalism” in analyses of the welfare state.

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Baumel Joseph, Norma. "Civil Jurisdiction and Religious Accord: Bruker v. Marcovitz in the Supreme Court of Canada." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 40, no. 3 (June 27, 2011): 318–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429811408213.

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In 2007 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled on the case of Bruker v. Marcovitz with the majority position being delivered by Justice Abella. Although on one hand the case might appear simply as one of contract law in Quebec, this particular ruling had many ramifications in terms of freedom of religion and state—church interaction. The article addresses the particularities of Jewish divorce laws and the complexities entered into within a civil society. Questions of the separation of church and state and the interaction of two legal systems continue to cause conflict and debate in both Canada and the United States of America. The couple involved had many years of litigation, and had already been both civilly divorced and Jewishly divorced. The issue at hand was whether one party could sue the other party for breach of contract if the said contract involved a religious obligation. The debate intrigues scholars and community participants alike.

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Schilling, Erik B., Angela L. Larsen-Gray, and Darren A. Miller. "Forestry Best Management Practices and Conservation of Aquatic Systems in the Southeastern United States." Water 13, no. 19 (September 22, 2021): 2611. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13192611.

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State-approved forestry best-management practices (BMPs) are a practice or combination of practices that, when properly implemented, effectively prevent or reduce the amount of nonpoint source (NPS) pollution entering waterbodies, such as sediment. Although BMPs are voluntary in most states in the southeastern United States (U.S.), forest landowners operating under the auspices of a forest certification system are required to use BMPs, and forest-certified wood procurement organizations also require loggers who supply them with fiber to use BMPs. Current implementation rates are, on average, 93.6% throughout the southeastern U.S. We conducted a literature review to better understand potential effectiveness of BMPs to conserve aquatic resources and species in the southeastern U.S. Our review focuses on how BMPs reduce NPS pollutants, particularly sediment, fertilizers, and herbicides; how BMPs are monitored throughout the southeastern U.S.; and current implementation rates. Additionally, we discuss how state BMP monitoring programs, coupled with participation in forest certification programs that require routine third-party audits, provide assurance to federal and state agencies that BMPs protect aquatic resources and species. The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service has recognized that working forests where management activities implement BMPs represent a clear, actionable, and scientifically sound approach for conserving at-risk aquatic species. However, there is a data gap in directly linking BMPs to the conservation of aquatic resources. Given the high diversity of aquatic species in the southeastern U.S., it is important to better understand this potential linkage.

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Wuisang, Ari, and Yunani Abiyoso. "PERBANDINGAN SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN PRESIDENSIAL AMERIKA SERIKAT DAN INDONESIA : SEBUAH PENCARIAN PRESIDENSIALISME YANG EFEKTIF." PALAR | PAKUAN LAW REVIEW 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2022): 294–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.33751/palar.v8i1.4812.

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AbstrakPasca perubahan UUD Tahun 1945, Indonesia telah memilih untuk konsisten menerapkan Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial. Sistem ini memiliki kompleksitasnya sendiri, oleh karena itu tidak sedikit sistem presidensial yang gagal melewati ujian stabilitas demokrasi di negara-negara yang menerapkannya. Dapat dikatakan hanya Amerika Serikat (AS) yang menjadi best practice dari penerapan Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial yang sukses. Oleh karena itu, apabila ingin membangun bentuk presidensialisme yang efektif untuk Indonesia, maka tidak bisa tidak harus melihat praktik di AS. Diantaranya, Sistem kepartaian Indonesia perlu dipertimbangkan untuk mengikuti model AS yang membagi partai menjadi recognized political party dan limited political party. Recognized political party ditentukan hanya dua partai yang diperkenankan menjadi peserta pemilu, dan sisanya menjadi limited political party yang tidak mengikuti pemilu. Dampaknya, kabinet yang terbentuk pun tidak akan menjadi kabinet koalisi “pelangi”, sehingga stabilitas pemerintahan dapat lebih terjamin. Begitu juga dengan elemen di Parlemen, lebih terfokus pada dua partai tanpa ada pembentukan aneka macam koalisi. Kata kunci : presidensial, kabinet, partai politik, Amerika Serikat. AbstractAfter the amendment of 1945 Constitution, Indonesia has chosen to consistently implement the Presidential Government System. This sistem has its own complexity, therefore many presidential systems that fail to pass the test of democratic stability in the countries that apply it. It can be said that only the United State (US) is the best practice of implementing a successfull Presidential System. Therefore if we want to build an effective form of Presidentialism for Indonesia, we have to look at practices in the US. For instance, the Indonesian party system need to be considered to follow the US model which divides parties into “recognized political parties” and “limited political parties”. Recognized political parties determined that only two partoes were allowe to participate in general election, and rest became limited political parties that did not participate in the general election. As a result, the cabinet formed will not become a “rainbow” coalition cabinet, so that stability of government is guaranteed. Likewise with element in Parliament, more focused on two parties without the formation of various kinds of coalitions. Keywords : presidential, cabinet, political party, United States.

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Adams, James, Catherine E. De Vries, and Debra Leiter. "Subconstituency Reactions to Elite Depolarization in the Netherlands: An Analysis of the Dutch Public's Policy Beliefs and Partisan Loyalties, 1986–98." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (June 24, 2011): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000214.

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During the 1980s and the 1990s, the elites of the two largest Dutch parties converged dramatically in debates on income redistribution, nuclear power and the overall Left–Right dimension, paving the way for the Dutch party system's polarization on immigration and cultural issues. Did the Dutch mass public depolarize along with party elites, and, if so, was this mass-level depolarization confined to affluent, educated, politically engaged citizens? Analysis of Dutch Parliamentary Election Study respondents’ policy beliefs and partisan loyalties in 1986–98 shows that the mass public depolarized during this period, and that this extended equally throughout the electorate. These conclusions mirror previous findings on Britain, but differ from those on the United States, and have important implications for political representation and for parties’ election strategies.

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Raunio, Tapio, and Wolfgang Wagner. "The Party Politics of Foreign and Security Policy." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 4 (September 26, 2020): 515–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa018.

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Abstract The positions of political parties in various foreign policy questions and how such ideological stances matter in foreign and security policy decision-making remain largely unexplored beyond the specific case of the United States. Reviewing the “state of the art” in foreign policy analysis and comparative politics, this introductory article discusses the changing nature of both international politics and party systems and cleavages in Europe and beyond. It puts forward reasons why we should see different patterns of coalitions and party behavior in security policy, on the one hand, and in international trade and foreign aid, on the other hand. The articles in this Special Issue have been deliberately chosen to capture different elements of “partyness,” from analyzing party positions to actual behavior by legislatures and governments to transnational party networks. Our main argument is that there are genuine ideological differences between political parties and that the impact of these competing ideologies is also discernible in foreign policy decision-making.

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Wells, Otho S. "Rowcover and High Tunnel Growing Systems in the United States." HortTechnology 6, no. 3 (July 1996): 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.6.3.172.

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Rowcovers and high tunnels are two intensive production systems used by commercial growers to extend the season and to improve yields of vegetables and strawberries. There are many types of rowcovers. These materials are summarized with descriptive information, primary use, and cost. The basics of high tunnel construction are presented to facilitate setting up a high-tunnel system.

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Congdon, Nathan G., and Tin Aung. "A Tale of Two Systems: Health Reform in China and the United States." Ophthalmology 117, no. 3 (March 2010): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ophtha.2010.01.025.

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Thorlakson, Lori. "Patterns of Party Integration, Influence and Autonomy in Seven Federations." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099979.

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In this article, I develop three measures of party organization in multi-level systems: vertical integration, influence and autonomy. I assess these in 27 parties in Canada, Australia, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, the United States and Spain and investigate how parties respond to the incentives and opportunities created by their institutional environment. Clear patterns emerge between the form of federal state design and the predominant form of party organization: in decentralized federations with low coordination requirements between federal and state-level governments, a tendency can be found towards highly autonomous state parties. Where resources are centralized and intergovernmental coordination requirements are high, integrated parties with low autonomy can be found. However, neither aspect of institutional design has a significant relationship with `upward' influence of state-level parties in the governance structure of federal parties.

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Finkin, Matthew W. "Union Dispossession of Labour Protection: A Paradox, in Two Legal Systems." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 36, Issue 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2020001.

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Though the protections of employment law are usually not subject to waiver by the employee, some countries allow unions to negotiate to modify or abrogate then. This article looks at two: the United States and Germany. It points to a critical distinction between the legal capacity to make collective bargaining agreements having that effect in Germany as compared to the United States. Notwithstanding those differences, it argues that what their experience teaches in common is that such an opt-out can benefit employers by giving needed and mutually understood flexibility, and can benefit unions as institutions by making it advantageous for employers to bargain with them, but that considerable care must be taken when such license is legislated lest discrete or insular groups be dispossessed of a valuable right in a process that advantages employee coalitions that exclude them, or the union as an institution, at their expense. Public Goods, Dispossessive Law, Tarifdispositives Arbeitsrecht, Trading Material, ‘Sweetheart’ Agreements

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Journal articles on the topic 'Two-party systems – United States'

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