Journal articles: 'Twelfth-century monasticism'

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Newman, Martha G. "Reformed Monasticism and the Narrative of Cistercian Beginnings." Church History 90, no. 3 (September 2021): 537–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002171.

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AbstractThis essay explores the ongoing debates about the character of early Cistercian monasticism, the dating of early Cistercian documents, and assumptions about the Cistercians’ place in eleventh- and twelfth-century monastic “reform.” It analyzes the Cistercians’ narratives of their foundation in relation to particular moments in the twelfth-century history of the order, drawing on and elaborating recent theories about the dating of these documents. Although the Cistercians often seem the quintessential example of “reformed monasticism,” this essay argues that the earliest Cistercians did not present themselves as reformers but only gradually developed a rhetoric of reform over the course of the twelfth century. Finally, it suggests that reform is less a specific set of changes than it is a rhetorical use of the past that authenticates current practices and affirms that these interpretations of the past must be right and true.

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Krausmüller, Dirk, and Olga Grinchenko. "The Tenth-Century Stoudios-Typikon and its Impact on Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Byzantine Monasticism." Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 63 (2015): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb63s153.

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Pohl, Benjamin. "(Re-)Framing Bede‘s Historia ecclesiastica in Twelfth-Century Germany: John Rylands Library, MS Latin 182." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 93, no. 1 (March 2017): 67–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.93.1.4.

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This article offers the first comprehensive study of Manchester, John Rylands Library, MS Latin 182, a twelfth-century codex formerly belonging to (and possibly produced at) the Benedictine Abbey of (Mönchen-)Gladbach in Germany. I begin with a full codicological and palaeographical analysis of the entire manuscript, before moving on to a discussion of its contents. These include the Venerable Bede‘s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum and the Continuatio Bedae, as well as two hagiographical works copied at the end of the manuscript. I then propose a new possible context of reception for Bede‘s Historia ecclesiastica during the twelfth century, one that interlinked with the prevalent discourses on secular ecclesiastical lordship and monastic reform at Gladbach, as well as, perhaps, in Germany more widely. In doing so, I essentially argue for the possibility that the Gladbach scribes and their audiences may have used and understood the Historia ecclesiastica not only in the conventional context of history and historiography, but also (and perhaps equally important) as an example of the golden age of monasticism which during the later twelfth century was re-framed and re-contextualised as both a spiritual guide and a source of miracle stories.

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Loud, G. A. "Varieties of Monastic Discipline in Southern Italy During the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003168.

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The conquest of southern Italy by the Normans during the eleventh century incorporated what had hitherto been a peripheral region more fully within the mainstream of Western Europe. However, notwithstanding this, in a number of respects the development of the Church in Norman Italy followed its own idiosyncratic pattern, rather different from the trends that prevailed in other parts of contemporary Latin Christendom. This distinctive evolution can be clearly observed in south Italian monasticism during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

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Jotischky, Andrew. "St Sabas and the Palestinian Monastic Network under Crusader Rule." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003811.

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The monastery founded in the fifth century by St Sabas, in the Kidron Valley a few kilometres south-east of Bethlehem, has been described as ‘the crucible of Byzantine Orthodoxy’. The original cave cell occupied by Sabas himself grew into a monastic community of the laura type, in which monks lived during the week in individual cells practising private prayer and craft work, but met for communal liturgy on Saturdays, Sundays and feast days. The laura, which differed from the coenobium in the greater emphasis placed on individual meditation, prayer and work, was the most distinctive contribution of the Palestinian tradition to early Christian monasticism. The first laura had been founded in the Judean desert in the fourth century by Chariton, and cenobitic monasteries had been in existence in Palestine both in the desert and on the coastal strip since the same period. Nevertheless, partly as a result of an extensive network of contacts with other foundations, both laurae and cenobitic monasteries, partly through Sabas s own fame as an ascetic, and partly through a burgeoning reputation for theological orthodoxy, St Sabas became the representative institution of Palestinian monasticism in the period between the fifth century and the Persian invasion of 614. The monastery’s capacity to withstand the Persian and Arab invasions of the seventh century, and to adapt to the cultural changes brought by Arabicization, ensured not only its survival but also its continued importance as a disseminator of monastic practice throughout the early Middle Ages. In 1099, when the first crusaders conquered the Holy Land, it was almost the sole survivor of the ‘golden age’ of Palestinian desert monasticism of the early Byzantine period. The monastery continued to prosper under crusader rule. It was an important landowner and its abbot was in the twelfth century a confrater of the Knights Hospitaller. Moreover, it is clear both from varied genres of external documentary sources – for example, pilgrimage accounts and hagiographies – and from the surviving manuscripts produced in the monastery between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, that the monastery’s spiritual life also flourished in this period. The role of St Sabas and Palestinian monasticism within the broader scope of Byzantine monastic reform of the eleventh and twelfth centuries suggests that the continuing function of the monastery at the centre of a wider network of practices and ideals across the Orthodox world engendered a revival of early monastic practices in a period more often associated with decline and the struggle to preserve the integrity of monastic life.

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Howes, Hetta. "James L Smith, Water in Medieval Intellectual Culture, Case Studies from Twelfth-Century Monasticism." Journal of Medieval Monastic Studies 8 (January 2019): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jmms.5.117977.

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Guijt, Flora. "Water in Medieval Intellectual Culture. Case Studies from Twelfth-Century Monasticism by James L. Smith." Parergon 36, no. 1 (2019): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2019.0033.

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Youssef, Youhanna Nessim. "Coptic liturgical texts relating to Agathon the Stylite." Cuestiones Teológicas 48, no. 109 (2021): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v48n109.a10.

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While Egypt was the cradle of monasticism since Antony, the stylite type of monasticism is rarely represented in the Coptic corpus of monastic literature. Hence every text will contribute to our knowledge. In this article, we will highlight the importance of the city of Sakha, in the book of history of the Patriarchs, the book of the Churches and Monasteries (twelfth century). The liturgical texts relating to this saint are exceedingly rare, hence the importance publishing all texts. We will edit, translate all the liturgical texts relating to one of this group, we were able to find a doxology Batos not attested in most of the manuscripts as well as the texts of the Antiphonarion (Difnar). It is important to mention that this saint lived in Lower-Egypt around the sixth-seventh century which means that it was around the time of important events such as the usurper of Phocas, the Persian invasion, the Byzantine reconquest, and the Arabic conquest. He was influenced by the biography of the great Simon the Stylite. Nowadays, no traces of his cult survive in Sakha which explains the rarity of manuscripts containing anything relating to this saint, however Sakha is nowadays known as a step of the journey of the Holy Family.

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Kennedy, Amelia. "“Do Not Relinquish Your Offspring”." Radical History Review 2021, no. 139 (January 1, 2021): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8822639.

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Abstract This article explores issues of labor, community, and authority in medieval Europe through an examination of older Cistercian abbots and the practice of abbatial “retirement.” While historians typically associate the Cistercians with greater acceptance of abbatial resignation, this article focuses on the fervent twelfth-century opposition to the practice. Many Cistercians asserted that abbatial retirement harmed the reputation of the monastic community and constituted a form of self-indulgence on the part of the abbot, whose soul would consequently be jeopardized as he prepared for death. This article argues that these attitudes reflected the importance of service and labor in later life, as well as the abbot’s continued importance within the community. Medieval monasticism thus offers a concept of “active aging” focused on community and care of others. The thirteenth-century trend in favor of retirement stemmed from increasing institutionalization and new understandings of what constituted the “common good” for a monastic community.

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Krausmüller, Dirk. "Take no care for the morrow! The rejection of landed property in eleventh- and twelfth-century Byzantine monasticism." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 42, no. 1 (March 13, 2018): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2017.35.

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In the eleventh and twelfth centuries Byzantium saw the rise of an influential monastic reform movement, which found its expression in rules and saints' lives. In these texts the question of worldly possessions was repeatedly broached. The authors challenged the hitherto common practice of allowing monks some private property and insisted that in their monasteries nobody should own money or other goods. Yet when it came to communal property the situation was starkly different. Most reformers accepted the traditional view that monasteries should be endowed with land in order to meet the material needs of the communities, and if anything were even more acquisitive than their forebears. There was, however, a small group of monastic founders, which challenged this consensus. They insisted that their monasteries should not accept donations of land because such behaviour went against Christ's demand not to take thought for the morrow and displayed a lack of trust in divine providence. This article presents the surviving evidence and seeks to explain how communities without landed property ensured their survival.

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CIARDI, ANNA MINARA. "“PER CLERUM ET POPULUM”? LEGAL TERMINOLOGY AND EPISCOPAL APPOINTMENTS IN DENMARK 1059–1225." Traditio 71 (2016): 143–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2016.11.

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The phrase per clerum et populum (“by clergy and people”) was traditionally used to describe how the election of a bishop had been or should be undertaken. Over the course of the twelfth century this changed. Ecclesiastical legislation was step by step revised and codified. The aim of the reformers was to safeguard the autonomy of the Church and to reduce lay influence. The purposes of this article are, first, to examine legal terminology in the context of episcopal appointments from 1059 to 1215, with special reference to the formula per clerum et populum and the role of cathedral chapters as electoral bodies; second, to examine how episcopal appointments were actually undertaken and what terminology was used in the kingdom of Denmark until circa 1225; and, third, to share some ideas about the development of canon law in the context of “cathedral culture.” My conclusions are, first, that the mode of election per clerum et populum was gradually replaced and eventually became invalid, parallel to a legal development where cathedral chapters became the “proper” electoral body; second, that the monastic ideals of ecclesiastical freedom prompted by the reformers are evident in normative texts from cathedral chapters in Denmark already in the first quarter of the twelfth century; and, finally, that the legal developments strongly contributed to the formation of capitular institutions and a specific cathedral culture, which was rooted in monasticism but also differed from it, not least with regard to its legal functions.

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Ruys, Juanita Feros. "James L.Smith: Water in Medieval Intellectual Culture: Case Studies from Twelfth‐Century Monasticism . Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2017; pp. xiii + 209." Journal of Religious History 44, no. 4 (November 24, 2020): 532–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12702.

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Classen, Albrecht. "James L. Smith, Water in Medieval Intellectual Culture: Case-Studies from Twelfth-Century Monasticism. Cursor Mundi, 30. Turnhout: Brepols, 2017, xiii, 209 pp., 8 b/w fig." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 415–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_415.

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As recent scholarship has amply demonstrated, medieval writers were thoroughly engaged with nature and reflected upon its many features and properties. We have learned to understand the great significance of mountains and of the forest, of animals and birds, for example, and James L. Smith now brings to our attention the great role of rivers especially for twelfth-century Cistercian authors. The fairly slim volume, based on his 2017 Ph.D. thesis (University of Western Australia, Perth), explores how the imagery of rivers and their extensions into side arms and estuaries apparently profoundly appealed to theological writers because a river lent itself exceedingly well to explain the concept of the growth and flow of ideas and understanding. Considering the great emphasis placed on water in <?page nr="416"?>Cistercian monasteries, it does not come as a surprise that Cistercian authors drew so much on the natural phenomenon of rivers. In Smith’s own words: “water as a metaphor for intellection, and its role in creating spaces for thought mapped oout through aqueous imagery” (11). This makes very good sense both in medieval and modern terms, which allows Smith and others to pursue this ecocritical approach further in a very productive fashion.

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Sommerfeldt, John R. "The Last of the Fathers: The Cistercian Fathers of the Twelfth Century: A Collection of Essays. By Basil Pennington, OCSO. Studies in Monasticism 1. Still River, Massachusetts: St. Bede's Publications, 1983. x + 297 pp." Church History 57, no. 3 (September 1988): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166582.

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Livingstone, Amy. "The Congregation of Tiron: Monastic Contributions to Trade and Communication in Twelfth-Century France and Britain. By Ruth Harwood Cline. Spirituality and Monasticism, East and West. Leeds: Arc Humanities Press, 2019. xiii + 210 pp. $105.00 cloth." Church History 89, no. 3 (September 2020): 673–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964072000150x.

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Clanchy, Michael. "Images of Ladies with Prayer Books: What do they Signify?" Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001576x.

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Monastic illumination of manuscripts gave to writings a force and prestige which was unprecedented. Throughout the millennium of western monasticism (500-1500 A.D.), the rich founded monasteries so that monks might pray and worship on their behalf. The monks displayed the fruit of their labours to their patrons in their churches and other works of art, particularly in their books. When with growing prosperity from about 1250 onwards the demand for individual prayer reached down to the middle class of knights and burgesses, they began to want wonderworking books of their own. They could not afford to buy a chantry chapel or a jewelled reliquary, but a small illuminated manuscript came within their means as the first step towards the purchase of paradise. Ladies in particular took to reciting the Latin Psalter and treasuring illuminated Books of Hours. In fifteenth-century depictions of the Annunciation, Mary is often shown seated in a sunlit bower with an open Book of Hours on her lap or displayed on a lectern. Likewise she is sometimes depicted with the Child Jesus on her knee, showing him a Book of Hours. The habit of possessing books might never have reached the laity if writing had not been so luxurious and so covetable. Illumination introduced the laity to script through images which could not fail to attract the eye. The children of the prosperous were introduced to the Psalter by their mothers or a priest for the purpose both of learning to read and of beginning formal prayer. To own a Psalter was therefore an act of familial as well as public piety.These words were written twenty years ago, for a conference at the Library of Congress in 1980 on ‘Literacy in historical perspective’. Since then, these themes have been addressed in several lectures and research papers at conferences, and I would stand by the main ideas expressed in that passage. Monks had indeed given extraordinary prestige to books and in particular to the illuminated liturgical book, which is a medieval invention. By the thirteenth century such books were being adapted for lay use and ownership, typically in Books of Hours. However, it is mistaken to say that lay use ‘began’ then, as the aristocracy – particularly in Germany – had been familiar with prayer books for centuries. In the twelfth century, Hildegard of Bingen was said to have learned only the Psalter ‘as is the custom of noble girls’. A Psalter for lay use dating from c.1150, which belonged to Clementia von Zähringen, has been preserved. It contains a full-page portrait of a lady – presumably Clementia herself – at folio 6v between the end of the Calendar and the Beatus page beginning the Psalms. This book has 126 folios in its present state (possibly one folio is missing at the end) and it measures 11 cm X 7 cm, no larger than a woman’s hand. The biography of Marianus Scotus, the eleventh-century Irish hermit who settled at Regensburg, describes how he wrote for poor widows and clerics ‘many little books and many Psalter manuals’ (‘multos libellos multaque manualia psalteria’). The diminutive form ‘libellos’ and the adjective ‘manualia’ emphasise that these manuscripts were small enough to hold in the hand, like Clementia von Zähringen’s book.

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Bonde, Sheila, and Clark Maines. "Ruth Harwood Cline, The Congregation of Tiron: Monastic Contributions to Trade and Communication in Twelfth-Century France and Britain. (Spirituality and Monasticism, East and West.) Leeds: Arc Humanities Press, 2019. Pp. xiv, 211; black-and-white figures. £79. ISBN: 978-1-6418-9358-9." Speculum 97, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/717598.

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Andrews, Frances. "‘Principium et origo ordinis’: the Humiliati and their origins." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013231.

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The origins of the Humiliati have long been a subject of discussion amongst historians. In the twentieth century the first person to grapple with the problems was Antonino de Stefano, who was quickly followed by Luigi Zanoni, later by Herbert Grundmann and Ilarino da Milano, and more recently by Michele Maccarrone, Brenda Bolton, and Maria Pia Alberzoni. The modern writers have accepted de Stefano’s view that the Humiliati first emerged in northern Italy in the late twelfth century. The earliest references, dating from the 1170s, describe both a small group of lay men and women devoted to the religious life (humiliati per deum), and an association of clerics living in community at the church of San Pietro Viboldone. Although they initially sought papal approval, those who ‘falsely called themselves Humiliati’ were condemned in 1184 by Lucius III, not because they were guilty of doctrinal error but because they refused to stop preaching without authority or holding private meetings, probably also because of their rejection of oath-taking. In spite of this setback the Humiliati flourished, and by the end of the twelfth century three distinct elements were recognizable: married or single lay men and women living a religious life while remaining in their own homes, male and female monastics living in common under a rule, and clerics living in some sort of canonical communities. In June 1201 these groups were brought back into the Church under the auspices of Innocent III. He gave approval to the three groups or ‘orders’ which recent research has revealed were already distinct before curial intervention, but which were now organized into one framework along Cistercian lines. It was a fortunate decision. Although groups described as ‘Humiliati’ were expelled from Cerea in 1203 and Faenza in 1206, the Order of the Humiliati went on to enjoy spectacular success, becoming a major presence in the religious, economic, and administrative life of northern Italy in the thirteenth century.

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Batoff, Melanie. "Elucidating the Nexus between the Gospels, Exegesis, and the Visitatio sepulchri in the German-Speaking Lands." Romard 59 (2022): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/ngbc5876.

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In the German-speaking lands, the Easter Sunday liturgy and the Gospels of the Resurrection inspired two distinct traditions of the Visitatio sepulchri (The Visit of the Sepulcher). In this fully sung rite, commonly referred to as a liturgical drama, clerics or monastics reenacted the Marys’ visit to Christ’s abandoned tomb at Easter Sunday Matins. This article demonstrates how the differences among the four evangelists’ Resurrection accounts posed hermeneutic challenges for medieval Christians and affected the development of the Visitatio sepulchri in the German-speaking lands. I argue that the creators of type-one German Visitationes skillfully compiled preexisting liturgical chants with texts that quoted Matthew’s and Mark’s accounts to create Resurrection narratives that complemented the Resurrection account read at Easter Sunday Matins. By contrast, type-two Visitationes employed mostly newly composed chants with texts that drew together details, wording, and events from the four Resurrection accounts into one unified narrative. Type-two Visitationes began circulating in the twelfth century, the period when Hugh of St. Victor was imploring exegetes and students to scrutinize the historical details of scripture. This renewed interest in the literal, rather than the allegorical meaning of scripture, made the differences among the Gospels all the more apparent. I propose that the creator of the type-two Visitatio sepulchri adopted techniques from Gospel Harmonies, pedagogical works that drew together the four Gospels into one narrative, to prove that the four accounts agreed.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Twelfth-century monasticism'

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