Academic literature on the topic 'Tutsi (african people) – crimes against'
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Journal articles on the topic "Tutsi (african people) – crimes against"
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Pulla, Venkat Rao, and Charles Kalinganire. "The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i3.1065.
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This study, written collaboratively with a native Rwandan author, briefly recalls the historical reality from a Rwandan perspective and addresses the consequences of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Furthermore, the way the Western world was a passive spectator to the economic, political and social pillage and Genocide that occurred in the last part of the 20th Century, that was, in 1994, is discussed.
How is reconciliation fostered in the communities across Rwanda? In particular, the sites and communities where massacres were held? Strong community ties and community being central to social work practice is observed in most East African countries, with no exception to Rwanda. While social work pedagogy is something new and possibly introduced by Western idiom, the tradition of welfare and mutual caring (would have been/ has been part) of the Kinyarwanda culture, language, and manner of living. What factors have worked for reconciliation, reconstruction of the society? How were people made to understand violence, and what did they replace it with? How is the post-genocide moral narrative shaped? The traditional indigenous processes that have been utilised, including the Gacaca, unique court process, are briefly discussed. How do people implant hate into people? By the same token, how do people put peace and love into people? These are a few questions that were central to this study throughout.
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Opade, Ochenia Faith. "Prophetic Message Of Amos And Its Relevance To The African Society." Edumania-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 01, no. 02 (July 10, 2023): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/edumania/8971.
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This paper examines Amos’s prophetic witness and its relevant for today’s church in African countries for promoting social justice. There are three basic concerns that motivate this paper: First, there is growing corruption in African societies; second, there are glaring weaknesses of the church’s prophetic witness in African societies today; and third, there is a great need for the church in Africa to speak out against social injustices. Thus, the writer seeks an appropriate biblical response that could serves as viable response for the church in curtailing social injustices in African society. To achieve this, the writer investigated scholarly opinions on the prophetic roles of the church in promoting social justice while considering the argument for and against. Furthermore, the prophetic witness of Amos was examined and its relevance to the African church. It is therefore recommended based on the prophetic message of Amos, that the church should: (a) support those believers who speak out against the evils in our time: crimes and injustices within the socio-economic and political climate of our time; (b) address issues, such as substance abuse, eating disorders, sexual misconduct and AIDS from a Biblical stance; (c) make people aware of the needs of our time; (d) motivate people to get involved in the sustainable development of their environment, and in addressing issues such as unemployment and poor education; and (e) support those people who are still oppressed, maltreated, abused and belittled.
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Kangira, Jairos. "Editorial note." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2020/v1n3a0.
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The themes of colonisation and decolonisation dominate in this issue of JoALLS. The colonisation of African communities by European forces was so inhuman and brutal that it left skeletons of African people littered in affected areas on the continent. The trails of murder, massacre, plunder and displacement of defenceless and innocent Africans by marauding, bloodthirsty colonialists are unsavory, heart-rending and disgusting. The crucial role literature plays in documenting the trials and tribulations of Africans cannot be overemphasized. The historical novel and (auto) biography have always become handy in this regard, although caution should be taken on which perspective they are framed. As you read this issue, you will realise that the words 'Germans' and 'genocide' are what linguists call 'collocates'; in other words, you cannot talk of one of these two words without the other as the Germans' heinous crimes were meant to decimate the Herero and Nama populations of Germany South West Africa, now Namibia. The violence against the indigenous African people was not only frightening but also sickening.
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Kendall, Sara, and Sarah M. H. Nouwen. "Speaking of Legacy: Toward an Ethos of Modesty at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 2 (April 2016): 212–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.2.0212.
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Pour qu’un héritage soit réellement grand, il faut que la main du défunt ne se voie pas.In 2014, a year of memorial ceremonies commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) marked its own twentieth year with the launch of a “legacy website.” With the closing of the Tribunal scheduled for December 2015, the question of its legacy had become increasingly pressing. The website premiered a video that “celebrates the accomplishments of the ICTR” in a “visually compelling” style. Blurring the distinction between documentary account and film trailer, the video begins with iconic images of the African continent: a boy rolling a hoop down a dirt road; laborers ferrying wares; women in colorful dresses tending children. These scenes of daily life are interrupted by images of men wielding machetes and corpses, interspersed with the figure of the radio, reminding the viewer that the 1994 genocide was encouraged through broadcasts inciting Hutus to take up arms against their Tutsi neighbors. The video lists the Tribunal’s contributions to international criminal law, but also describes a much broader impact: “a record of legal reform in Rwanda, and outreach, education, legal training, and healing.” Young boys leap into a body of water to punctuate the final term, suggesting the hope of a new Rwanda. The narrator proclaims, “today in Rwanda, it’s safe to listen to the radio again: the sound is of a nation rebuilding.” The film’s final words reach beyond the Rwandan context, affirming that ours is “a world pushing forward despite great imperfection, each day closer to a time when international law offers justice to all people, everywhere.”
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Kurbak, Maria. "Madness of the Society and Madness of the Writer: Wopko Jensma and the Politics of Apartheid." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020554-8.
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This article focuses on the biography and works of South-African poet, writer and artist Wopko Jensma. He was often referred to as “the first South-African”, implying that he, like no other, was able to merge his own culture — that of Afrikaaners — with mythology, music and languages of black and coloured population of the SAR. His works had been exhibited in the USA and Europe and had been forbidden in his homeland as the consequence of his criticism of Apartheid. Jensma, like no other South-African poet, exploited the theme of loneliness, alienation and restlessness. He was not able to close his eyes on the crimes committed by his nation and unable to demonstrate ignorance towards the suppressed groups of people. This feeling of frustration had been growing and, combined with anxiety and helplessness, at the end brought him to schizophrenia. This article concentrates on the analysis of the challenging creative track pursued by Jensma against the background of historical events of Apartheid period. It demonstrates the way how aggressive politics of the State leads to the development of “sick” society, increasing aggression, disintegration, emergence of “double-thinking”, a maddening feeling of being involved in crime. It clearly gives birth to the trauma, which is extremely difficult to overcome, even for the entire generation — and sometimes even impossible to overcome.
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Omijie, Chukwuyem Othniel, and Cynthia Chinenye Nwokolo. "Corruption and Environmental Pollution: A Critique of Gabriel Okara’s the Voice." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (2023): 048–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.84.8.
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Many African authors have consistently embraced topics related to land concerns and the environment that are crucial to local, cultural, and societal development. This essay analyzes Gabriel Okara's The Voice for the depiction of environmental deterioration brought on by corrupt leadership, and the blatant display of power to silent those who speak against injustice. While corruption is a recurrent issue in Nigeria Delta literature, the theme of environmental degradation shows the disastrous effects of oil exploration and exploitation on the Niger Delta area. The paper examines the degree of corruption and pollution in the text under investigation and their repercussions on the ecology of the host communities, which are mostly farmers and fishermen, using Eco-Criticism and Post-Colonial Literary Theories as its theoretical framework. The article makes a connection between these crimes and the West's insensitivity to the misery of the people as a result of its drive for possession. This causes nature to stagnate and the environment to deteriorate. To assess Okara's depiction of power struggles and excessive desire in the midst of abundance through his characters and the community's setting, the paper chooses quotes from the book. It develops the connection between the author and his community as the voice of Africa's oppressed people.
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Bellamy, Alex J. "Whither the Responsibility to Protect? Humanitarian Intervention and the 2005 World Summit." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 2 (June 2006): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00012.x.
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At the 2005 World Summit, the world‘s leaders committed themselves to the “responsibility to protect”, recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world’s most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world‘s states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN’s High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.
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Agbor, Avitus A., and Esther E. Njieassam. "Beyond the Contours of Normally Acceptable Political Violence: Is Cameroon a Conflict/Transitional Society in the Offing?" Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (May 21, 2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a4961.
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Legal scholars and other social scientists agree that political violence comprising assaults on civil and political liberties may occur in the context of contentious politics. Unfortunately, there have been instances in history where such politics is marked by intermittent attacks against people's rights and freedoms. Such attacks occur when politics has gone sour, and there are times when the violence exceeds the bounds of what is acceptable. From the documented atrocities of Nazi Germany, the horrendous crimes of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic in the former Yugoslavia, the outrageous crimes perpetrated during the genocide in Rwanda, the shameful and despicable inhumanities inflicted on the people of Darfur in the Sudan, and the violence in post-electoral Kenya, to the bloodshed in areas like Mali, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, etc, violent conflict has punctuated world history. Added to this list of countries is Cameroon, which in the last quarter of 2016 degenerated into a hotspot of political violence in the English-speaking regions. The perpetration of political violence in Cameroon has raised serious questions that may be relevant not only to the resolution of the political problem that gave rise to the violence but also to laying the foundations of a post-conflict Cameroon that is united and honours the principles of truth, justice and reconciliation.
This paper describes some of the salient occurrences of political violence in Cameroon and argues that the presence of specific elements elevates this violence to the level of a serious crime in international law. It is argued herein that crimes against humanity may have been committed during the state action against the Anglophones in Cameroon. It is also argued that the political character of the violence, added to the scale of the victimisation and its systematic and protracted nature, qualify Cameroon as a transitional society engaged in conflict that is in need of transitional justice.
Reflecting on the extent of the suffering of the victims of such political violence, this paper discusses the function of the justice system in establishing the truth and holding the perpetrators accountable. Past instances of political violence in Cameroon have been glossed over, but in our opinion, healing a fragmented and disunited Cameroon with its history of grave violations of human rights requires that the perpetrators be held accountable, and that truth and justice should prevail. Such considerations should be factored into the legal and political architecture of a post-conflict, transitional Cameroon.
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Pathak, Bishnu. "Critiques on the Tribunals and The Hague Court." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 7 (July 26, 2020): 445–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.77.8636.
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This critique is a review of heinous crimes. It assesses to connect with perpetrators, victims, people and institutions and change professed through the works of the Tribunals and The Hague Court and share the feeling with the concerned ones. The objectives of the paper are three-fold: (1) to study the situations of the investigation, prosecution and punishment on accountability; (2) to analyze the preference for justice: victors’ justice or victims’ justice; and (3) to access the critiques on violations of human rights and humanitarian law beyond the borders. Experiences on Transitional Justice, Human Security, and Human Rights among others feel touched, inspired and motivated to the author for this pioneer paper. This state-of-the-art paper is examined based on archival research, exchanging and sharing way forward with over 100 international publications and lessons-learned centric theoretical approach comprising snow-ball techniques. The study theorizes: (1) Retributive Justice Theory: Punishment is justified as perpetrator deserves for penalty, equivalent vengeance; (2) Utilitarian Justice Theory: Punishment is justified to mid-and-junior level perpetrators scooting-free to the top-most policymakers including Emperor Hirohito. Allied powers believed that Hirohito can only fight against the communism; (3) Denunciation Justice Theory: Punishment is justified by pressure of society that sends a clear message: offence is a heinous crime and sentencing a perpetrator is logically just; (4) Restorative Justice Theory: Punishment is justified as crimes of perpetrators hurt everyone and justice repairs the damage satisfying through accountability, reparation, rehabilitation and reconciliation; and (5) Transnational Justice Theory: Punishment is justified to operate outside a nation territory that penalizes the perpetrators as a crime of international concern. The Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals had virtually been victor’s justice with self-righteous fraud and lynching bodies. The Tokyo Tribunal never talks about bombings at Chinese cities. The U.S. and its axis powers discourage future aggressions accepting victor’s justice. The UN failed to restore peace and security. Cronyism was/is widespread. All Tribunals seemed pseudo justice bodies. People criticize these for being one-sided, inefficient, ineffectiveness, politicized, lengthy, very costly and unfair bodies. The U.S. and its satellite nations control both Tribunals and The Hague Court providing funds, instruments and staff. The Hague Court is a highly debated body with many flaws, targeting mostly poor and opponent African countries. Most grave crimes committed go unpunished. Thus, justice delivery appears as a sword in a judge's toupee. If The Hague Court is continuously influenced by powerful non-signatories of Statute, the relevance of its functions are hopeless. Justice becomes elusive for the innocent, weak and poor ones.
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Maurice E, Nwakobi. "Alcohol drinking and driving habit particularly in Nigeria and the role forensic science could play." Journal of Forensic Science and Research 6, no. 1 (October 28, 2022): 068–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29328/journal.jfsr.1001038.
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Alcohol drinking habit is a serious epidemic that afflicts people worldwide regardless of socioeconomic class and the country’s development or civilization. The purpose of this systematic review was to summarize research findings on drinking and driving, its implications for Nigerian society, and the role forensic science can play in drunk driving. Nigeria, in particular has seen a lot of fatal accidents attributed to alcohol but due to a lack of forensic sobriety and toxicology drug tests at the crash scene that is not yet in place in the country, the offenders are not punished for this crime. The only two African countries that have legislation on Blood Alcohol Concentration (BAC) are South Africa and Zimbabwe. Nigeria has no such legislation and does not conduct such tests in injury and fatal accident cases. The prevalence of drinking habits among Nigerians and in particular the drivers cannot be ignored. This study examined global drinking habits including its prevalence in Nigeria and more importantly understudied the need for forensic science interplay in a criminal investigation against drunk driving in the country. Drunk driving in Nigeria is a serious problem. Establishing and enforcing drunken driving laws as a criminal offense would assist the country in the reduction of road accidents, injuries, and fatalities relating to road accidents. Forensic science is a unique field that is equipped with skills and knowledge that could be useful for criminal investigation in the country including accident cases. Forensic scientists have outstanding technical skills to identify, detect, and even assist the country’s prosecutors in the administration of justice in crime investigations. Nigeria as a country will be well served if forensic scientists work in partnership with the government. Drinking and driving in addition to other crimes has become a matter of concern. The country’s police force and courts still rely mostly on eyewitness circumstantial evidence, testimonies, and suspects’ confessions. Based on this, I personally believe that the advent of Forensic science in the country’s system will assist a great deal in solving crimes and reducing fatal accidents due to drunk driving.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Tutsi (african people) – crimes against"
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Binenwa, Jean Bosco N. "Manipulation of ethnic identity during the colonial reform of administration (1926-1931) and conflict in Rwanda." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3181.
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This study aimed to highlight factors used by the Belgian authorities to divide Rwandans during the Colonial Reform Process between 1926 and 1931. More specially, it is aimed at identifying how they mobilised Hutu, Tutsi and Twa social classes and transformed the ethnic identities. To achieve this goal, unstructured interviews and a questionnaire were used. In addition, several data analyses were also used to measure and decipher the attitudes of both the
interview and survey's respondents. The results indicated the conflict started when the Belgian colonisers implemented indirect rules that highlighted a selected elite from the Tutsi Tribe. This group benefited from social
and economic advantages which totally excluded the Hutu and Twa tribes. With the reform, the previous traditional structure was destroyed, and with the new administration only Tutsi chiefs remained whereas Hutu and Twa chiefs were rendered obsolete. Tutsi were seen as born chiefs. On the contrary, they judged the Hutu good for manual work and exploited them as a labour force.
For a deep acceptance of this new order, colonisers reinforced ethnic policies with ideological assumptions which defined Tutsi as the superior race. In this regard, several ethnologists and anthropologists attempted to prove the Hamitic origin of the Tutsi, allowing Belgians to use the "Hamitic Myth", which assumed that the Tutsi was the only group able to understand development and to command at the request of the colonial state. In addition, Belgians decided to issue identity cards which clearly stated the bearer's tribal origin. This undoubtedly influenced people to develop ethnic feelings and disposed the most fiercely rival groups (Hutu and Tutsi) to ethnic competition that led to outbreaks of violence in 1959 when Belgians shifted their allegiance from Tutsi to Hutu as the fomer was asking for independence. The scarcity of environmental resources increased the desire to monopolise control of the
country as this was continually perceived as only means of access to resources. This led Rwandan politicians to use ethnicity as a way to secure power. Consequently, a culture of ethnic violence became entrenched. This culminated in genocide from April to July 1994.Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.
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Mugabe, Aggee M. Shyaka. "The Rwandan process of unity and reconciliation : its potential for building sustainable peace." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4992.
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This study is an evaluation of the Rwandan unity and reconciliation process and was undertaken to assess whether it possesses the potential for building sustainable peace in the country. The study used an analytical method to measure the key activities of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, the national body that oversees the efforts aimed at promoting unity and reconciliation among Rwandans. Before properly analysing the process, the study outlined a number of conditions that are necessary for true reconciliation and sustainable peace to be achieved. The analysis allowed a comparison of these conditions to the context in which the unity and reconciliation process is being conducted in Rwanda. This required the exploration of the entire situation at political, economic and social levels. Particular attention has been paid to the situation after the 1994 genocide to examine developments from then until to the present. It became evident during the study that decisive structural changes have been undertaken to prepare a supportive environment for unity, reconciliation and peace. Appropriate structures' reform occurs in the domains of good governance, economic planning and justice. It also became evident, however, that some important obstacles to unity and peace persist, specifically poverty, reluctance to cooperate with 'Gacaca' traditional courts, corruption and opportunistic political leaders. Appropriate measures have to be taken in addressing these issues for sustainable peace to be a new way of life for all Rwandans. Generally, the study showed that the process of unity and reconciliation in Rwanda has the potential to succeed since high governing leaders are engaged to restore unity and reconciliation in the country. Political will, the study revea led, is an essential ingredient for sustainable peace. The study also listed a number of encouraging results of the process and proposed some measures to strengthen unity, reconciliation and peace.Thesis (M. Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.
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Sikakane, Nomvula. "Factors underlying intimate partner violence by young Zulu men in Oakford, Verulam and building their capacity to be nonviolent intimate partners." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/2647.
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Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Technology in Public Administration- Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, 2017.South Africa has many issues around domestic violence resulting from culture, patriarchy and historical prejudices. It has been suggested that intimate partner violence is mainly perpetrated by men against women, and is an effort by men in a patriarchal society to dominate women. The purpose of this research is to build the capacity of young Zulu men to be non-violent intimate partners. The study utilised the Social Learning Theory and Feminist Theory. The study adopts an Action Research design, the goal of which is to solve concrete community problems by engaging community participants in the inquiry process. A mixed research methodology will be adopted for the study and will involve the use of both qualitative and quantitative data. 50 questionnaires will be administered to 50 Zulu young men between the ages of 18-35 in the Oakford Verulam area, while qualitative data will be obtained through focus group discussions, divided into three groups consisting of nonviolent, previously violent and currently violent men. The findings of this research suggest that there are several factors attributed to cause violence in an intimate relationship and these factors are deeply rooted in the background and upbringing of these men. The findings also suggest that in order to curb violence in the communities one would have to first address the underlying issues and for men to unlearn certain behaviours and traits they learnt during childhood.
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Books on the topic "Tutsi (african people) – crimes against"
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Gasana, Oscar. Les collines se souviennent: Les rescapés de Bisesero racontent leur résistance, deux décennies après le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda. Miélan: Izuba éditions, 2019.
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Fusaschi, Michela. Hutu-Tutsi: Alle radici del genocidio rwandese. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 2000.
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Institute of Research and Dialogue for Peace. Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Causes, implementation and memory. [Kigali]: Institute of Research and Dialogue for Peace, 2006.
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Onana, Charles. Les secrets de la justice internationale: Enquêtes truquées sur le génocide rwandais. Paris: Duboiris, 2005.
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Murashi, Isaïe. Sur les origines du génocide contre les Tutsi. Dakar: L'Harmattan Sénégal, 2019.
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Genocide, Rwanda National Commission for the Fight Against. 16 years after the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi (1994-2010): Handling its consequences = 16 ans après le génocide perpétré contre les tutsi (1994-2010) : gestion de ses conséquences. Kigali: Repubulika y'u Rwanda, National Commission for the Fight Against Genocide, 2011.
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Hatzfeld, Jean. Englebert des collines: Récit. Paris]: Gallimard, 2014.
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(Organisation), African Rights, ed. Resisting genocide: Bisesero, April-June 1994. London: African Rights, 1998.
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Omaar, Rakiya. Rwanda: Death, despair, defiance. Dar es Salaam: Thakers Publishers, 1994.
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Organization of African Unity. International Panel of Eminent Personalities to Investigate the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda and the Surrounding Events. Rwanda, le génocide qu'on aurait pu éviter: [rapport du. Addis Abéba]: [GIEP], 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Tutsi (african people) – crimes against"
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Wallis, Andrew. "Politics of Inter/National Denial of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." In Postgenocide, 179–208. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895189.003.0008.
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This chapter charts the proponents of denial of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, which began contemporaneously with the crimes themselves. In exile from August 1994, the genocidal interim regime ‘rebranded’ itself to the international community to downplay guilt, avoid prosecution, and obtain support for its ultimate aim—a return to power in Kigali. This grouping, heavily based within former francophone and Flemish supporters (legal, political, Church, diplomatic, media, NGOs), has since used a campaign of disinformation, disassociation, and false narratives to confuse and threaten truth. The analysis shows how the failure of international criminal justice—at the ICTR and in states such as France, UK, Belgium, and the Vatican—have wittingly and unwittingly assisted denial. The denial campaign has become more strident during recent years. If unchallenged, such denial has the potential to threaten future positive judicial, political, and economic outcomes for the country and its people.
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Brezault, Eloïse. "‘Memory-Traces’ in the Work of Felwine Sarr and Bruce Clarke: What Stories of Change Can Commemorate the Genocide against the Tutsi?" In Rwanda Since 1994, 21–40. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941992.003.0003.
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This chapter investigates two different and recent artistic projects that commemorated the Tutsi Genocide of 1994 in Rwanda from an external perspective, twenty years after: the play by Senegalese intellectual, Felwine Sarr, Sur la barrière (2015) and the public mural by South African artist, Bruce Clarke, in 2014 'Upright Men', which is built collectively with the contribution of Rwandan artists. Sur la barrière depicts the complex relationships between a mother, Isaro, and his son's murderer, Faustin. Both artistic projects acknowledge civilian's memory of suffering and violence: by restoring words to the living but also to the dead, they raise the questions about whose stories to tell. They belong to what Marianne Hirsch calls postmemory and thus renew the reflection on memorialization by situating the genocide of the Tutsi within a global and external perspective. Those artistic projects downplay the tragic story to focus on the present of the survivors, fostering human dignity and triggering conversation with young people that were born after the genocide, in Rwanda but also all around the world.
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Schabas, William A. "The Great War and the Fragile Peace." In The International Legal Order's Colour Line, 25—C2N127. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197744475.003.0002.
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Abstract The Paris Peace Conference was a turning point in international law. It confronted issues of race and racial discrimination in several contexts. Japan proposed inclusion of a clause affirming racial equality in the Covenant of the League of Nation that was, in effect, vetoed by the American President, Woodrow Wilson. African Americans, like W.E.B. Du Bois, and representatives of some colonized peoples in Africa, attended the Conference where they campaigned to advance their rights. The Conference also considered prosecution of war crimes, including the genocide of the Armenians, but it neglected crimes committed against people of colour. The Conference also adopted treaties directed at the protection of national minorities, principally in Europe. They contained novel provisions prohibiting discrimination based on race.
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Goldstone, Richard. "The ICC and Africa." In The President on Trial, 400–405. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858621.003.0043.
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This chapter assesses Africa’s relationship to international justice via its fraught contestation of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The relationship between Africa and the ICC is a complex and complicated one. There is a tension between the strong desire of most African states and their people to bring justice to the victims of war crimes and the perceived bias against Africa arising from the fact that all but one of the eleven situations before the ICC relate to African states. The problem is exacerbated by the failure of the Security Council to refer to the ICC egregious cases of war crimes committed on other continents and particularly in Sri Lanka and Syria. The chapter then looks at the politics of the relationship between the ICC and Africa and how the optics have changed during the first fifteen years of the active life of the ICC. It also considers the future of the ICC in Africa and highlights the importance of positive complementarity.
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Harms-Smith, Linda, and Yasmin Turton. "Colonial and apartheid South Africa: social work complicity and resistance." In Social Work's Histories of Complicity and Resistance, 73–94. Policy Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447364276.003.0005.
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South African social work has its historical roots in not only violent and racist coloniality but also in its brutal continuity – that of repressive apartheid. Despite social work being defined as a social justice profession, its historiography points to a range of ideological positions in discourse, knowledge and practice. These positions mean variations in levels of complicity, sense of responsibility and resistance to matters of injustice, oppression and crimes against humanity. Colonisation of South Africa by the British and Dutch achieved gains for race-based mercantile capitalism through the violent enslavement of local people and the ‘importation’ of thousands. This creation of a Black, servile working class served the interests of White capital during the 19th century, forming the basis for apartheid’s legislated racism and inequality which would come to structure South African society. South African social work, developing from this context of growing inequality and social problems, developed in the early 20th century. Given the class- and race-based structuring of society through colonisation, its early roots and formalisation focused only on the White group. Various moments, and conjunctures before and during the period of apartheid as a crime against humanity emerge. These, among many, seem important for investigating the meanings and actions of complicity, responsibility and resistance, and so this chapter details some of these important antecedents and conjunctures. This task is difficult because textual (and other) discourses occupy the broadest range of ideological positions.
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Shaw, Jane, and Patricia J. Williams. "Introduction to Patricia J. Williams." In Divided Cities. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192807083.003.0007.
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The brilliance of Patricia Williams’s work lies in her ability to use the personal to analyse the structures and institutions that affect our ways of living together. She has an unerring eye for the telling story which reveals to us our habits of being. As one of the foremost public intellectuals in the United States, she brings the qualities of a great and witty storyteller to her training as a lawyer, and tells us about ourselves. In her books The Alchemy of Race and Rights (1991) and The Rooster’s Egg (1995), she reveals the institutional racism that seeps through American society, corroding human rights on a day-to-day basis in ways both large and small. She shows how popular notions of racial difference are transmitted through American culture in myths about black single mothers and about America as a ‘colour-blind’ land of opportunity and hard work. She analyses the media’s sensational reporting of African-Americans in positions of authority and of crimes involving black people. At the heart of such myths and media sensationalism, she argues, is a crippling fear of the other which divides societies against themselves, to everyone’s loss and no one’s gain. It is this sense—that fear impedes and destroys civil rights and humiliates individuals on a daily basis—which drives the analysis she offers of American civil and urban society at this peculiar time of the ‘war on terror’ in her Oxford Amnesty Lecture. Beginning with the notion that America has a very particular notion of division within cities, one which is rooted in its own settler history where good and evil are seen to be battling for control, she then describes the present crisis as a structural problem masquerading as a personal one. Urban chaos is seen as ‘the result [. . .] of personal choice to side with darkness’. Consequently, the threat of terrorism within America is viewed as one that is to be confronted by ‘the project of rooting out the Evil-doers among us’. This is ‘an enterprise in which the application of due process and substantive justice is subordinated to a kind of secularized casting-out-of-demons from the Beloved Community’.