Journal articles on the topic 'Turks – Public opinion'
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1
Meserve, Margaret. "News from Negroponte: Politics, Popular Opinion, and Information Exchange in the First Decade of the Italian Press?*." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 2 (2006): 440–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0312.
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The fall of Negroponte to the Turks in 1470 was one of the first events in European history to be recorded in print. This article examines a little-known cluster of more than a dozen texts published in the months after the colony’s fall by some of the earliest printers to work in Italy. These editions did not “break” the news to the Italian public but rather offered analysis and commentary to an already well-informed readership. Some catered to contemporary demands for vernacular political poetry, while others now reveal the extent to which Italian humanists attached themselves to the printing industry in its earliest years, often with ambiguous results”
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Liszkowska, Dominika. "Migration Crisis and Its Impact on the Internal Situation in Turkey." Studia Europejskie - studies in European Affairs 24, no. 3 (October 20, 2020): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2020.4.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the impact of the migration crisis on the social situation in Turkey. The article consists of three parts. In the first part, the author discusses the role of Turkey in overcoming the migration crisis along with statistics concerning the number of refugees in this country. The second part presents the state’s policy towards Syrian refugees and its evolution. The third part includes an analysis of the consequences which the migration crisis and the infl ux of refugees has caused in the socio-political situation of Turkey. This part also containsan analysis of public opinion surveys on the attitude of Turks towards the refugee community.
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Kovic, Milos. "The eastern question in the parliament of the United Kingdom in 1876." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 178 (2021): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2178189k.
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This article scrutinizes the attitude of the British political elites towards the Eastern question, in the year of the beginning of the Serbian liberation and unification wars of 1876-1878. It is based on diverse sources, Hansard?s Parliamentary Debates being the most important one. The Eastern question, as geopolitical problem of the future of the Balkan and Levantine lands from which the Ottoman Empire was gradually retreating, has been considered through the confrontation of Great Britain and Russia on the wider Eurasian stage, especially in relation to their conflict in the Central Asia. The article is mainly devoted to the different interpretations, debates and conflicts in the British Parliament and public opinion, provoked by the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina and Bosnia, atrocities in Bulgaria, and the beginning of the Serbian-Turkish Wars. The divisions went mainly through the party lines. Behind almost all events in the East, the Conservatives perceived the hand of Russia and League of the Three Emperors (Dreikaisebund). These ?foreign influences? were attributed mainly to Russia and Serbia, as the alleged Russia?s tool in the Balkans. Thus, according to the Conservatives, the Serbs and Russians were to blame for the sufferings of Bulgarians in the hands of the Turks. Additionally, they were repeating that Turkish crimes were committed in self-defence, and that the numbers of victims were hugely exaggerated by the Russian, Serbian and Bulgarian propaganda and the British liberal press. The Conservatives had similar attitudes towards the atrocities committed by the Turks in the Eastern Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Liberals, on the other hand, were insisting that the main causes of these uprisings and wars were national feelings, economical problems, and the misrule of the Turks. They were directing their moral indignation not only to the Turks, but to the British government as well. According to the Liberals, by despatching of the British fleet in the vicinity of the Ottoman capital, the British government encouraged the Turks and made Great Britain co-responsible for the atrocities committed in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Wassermann, Sophia N., Edward J. Hind-Ozan, and Julia Seaman. "Reassessing public opinion of captive cetacean attractions with a photo elicitation survey." PeerJ 6 (November 20, 2018): e5953. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.5953.
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Background Captive cetacean attractions are growing in number globally, their operators citing entertainment, education, and conservation as benefits. Those for and against developing such attractions claim public support. Previous public opinion research, however, shows little consensus, partly due to the introduction of biases in study design that influence participants’ responses. Those involved in, or concerned with, developing and licensing these attractions need to better understand what drives the lack of consensus to take socially-acceptable decisions. Methods We reviewed previous research on public opinion of cetacean captivity, noting possible sources of bias. Survey question wording can be a major source of introduced bias, so we used an open-ended photo elicitation approach. We showed tourists in the Turks Caicos Islands (N = 292) images of a marine mammal park (MMP) killer whale show and a swim-with-the-dolphins (SWTD) attraction and asked for their qualitative comments on the potential development of each. They also indicated how likely they would be to visit each on a Likert scale. Results Respondents were generally against visiting MMP killer whale shows, with 60.9% not likely to visit. SWTD attractions were more popular; 60.3% were likely to visit. For SWTD, USA residents were more likely to visit; older respondents and those staying in all-inclusive resorts were less likely. Those staying in all-inclusive resorts were also less likely to visit MMP killer whale shows. The great majority of qualitative comments centred on either entertainment value or animal welfare concerns. There were very few, if any, comments on the education or conservation value of these attractions. Discussion Our findings contradict several previous studies on public opinion of captive cetaceans that did not use photo elicitation. The support shown for MMP killer whale shows in this survey was well below that claimed by studies conducted on behalf of captive cetacean attraction operators. Opposition to SWTD was also noticeably lower than that found in surveys conducted with wild cetacean tourism participants. This difference can likely be attributed to the different survey populations and settings, but this variation is also very likely attributable to researcher-introduced bias. While photo selection can introduce bias, photo elicitation reduces reliance on pre-scripted questions and responses, and seems to effectively reduce other forms of bias. Allowing open-ended responses, where participants responded to an image, seems to have given a more representative understanding of what is at the forefront of the public’s mind than closed questioning. These conclusions, among others made in this study, suggest that development decisions for captive cetacean attractions are being made on imprecise data. Going forward, data collected via responder-led, open-ended, bias-minimising approaches should at least be considered when informing such decisions.
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Yesil, Bilge. "#TurkeyIsNotAChicken." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 12, no. 2 (September 13, 2019): 166–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01202002.
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Abstract In this article, I analyze pro-AKP actors’ grassroots communications in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt. I explore the Twitter participation of non-state actors in this momentous political event, with the specific aim of shaping western audiences’ understanding of the failed coup and countering western criticism of post-coup security measures. I do not evaluate pro-AKP netizens’ Twitter communications in terms of their effectiveness in influencing western public opinion; instead I focus on the underlying anti-hegemonic and Occidentalist ideological positions. Through a discourse analysis of English-language Twitter posts, I argue that the engagement of non-state actors on behalf of the AKP government was not simply informed by nationalist mobilization, but rather by an Occidentalist exigency to invert the hegemonic western discourse about Turkey and Turks.
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Tsichla, Dr Markella-Elpida. "200 Years since the Greek Revolution: HUMANISTIC PHILHELLENISM and Its Main Characteristics in the Visual Arts (1821-2021)." World Journal of Education and Humanities 4, no. 1 (January 26, 2022): p25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjeh.v4n1p25.
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Philhellenism was a movement, its origins dating back to ancient times, that played a key role in the 19th century and the outbreak of the Greek Revolution in 1821. The contribution of military philhellenism to the liberation struggle of the Greeks is well known, but equally important was the humanitarian philhellenism, manifested in the arts, literature and science and influenced the public opinion of Europe and America, preparing the ground for the perception of this Struggle as a Sacred Struggle against oppression and barbarism. The images painted by famous and anonymous artists back then reflect the atmosphere of that time and the feeling that this uneven battle of the Greeks against the Ottoman Turks was a symbol of the fight against all barbaric behavior, such as oppression, lack of freedom, the rise of the slaveholders, and questioning religious faith. These are images that generally express the desire of European public opinion, in accordance with the teachings of the Enlightenment, to defend human rights with the necessary respect for secularism and ethnic origin. At the same time, the dominant spirit of the time highlights the connection between Greece and Antiquity, as classical culture had a great influence on the artists and intellectuals of the time. As a result, the images with reference to the Greek Revolution and its protagonists have many characteristics that take the form of symbols either of the conflict between different cultures with reference to religious differences or the connection of modern and classical Greece. Undoubtedly, the artistic movement of Romanticism played a key role to all this and Eugene Delacroix emerged as the embodiment of this perception.
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Kyriazi, Anna. "The education of minorities in Bulgaria and Romania: Analyzing the formation and articulation of preferences." Ethnicities 18, no. 3 (December 22, 2016): 412–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796816684147.
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This paper investigates explanations in variation in the education-related preferences of comparable minorities in Bulgaria and Romania (i.e., Turks and Hungarians, respectively) as articulated by political, institutional, and civil society actors claiming to speak on their behalf. The study, which is based on original data extracted from 32 in-depth interviews, begins with a classification of the preferences that the interviewees articulated and the diverse arguments on which these were grounded. Subsequently, I turn to the potential explanations of the observed variation by examining a number of themes that emerged during the discussions and that also correspond to the factors usually considered in the literature on ethnic politics. These include the constraining effect of majority public opinion, the minorities' political representation, and notions related to the opportunities of exit and voice. I argue that actors' preferences adapt to the prevailing circumstances through an incremental process: before higher order preferences can be met or even conceived all the lower steps along the way have to be accounted for.
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van Bruinessen, Martin. "The Netherlands and the Gülen movement." Sociology of Islam 1, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2014): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00104004.
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The Gülen movement has been active among immigrant workers from Turkey in the Netherlands since the 1980s. Its first institutions—educational centers, boarding houses, schools, business associations—were established when a (partly) Dutch-educated second generation came to adulthood in the mid-1990s. Ağabeyler (“older brothers”) dispatched from Turkey remained in the background, while students and graduates of Dutch universities and colleges built up support networks in Dutch civil society and municipal administrations, finding official endorsement as well as subsidies for some of their initiatives. They encountered increasing opposition from a coalition of Kemalist and former leftist Turks and anti-Muslim Dutch politicians and journalists, reflecting changing attitudes towards Islam in Dutch popular discourse as well as power struggles in Turkey. Activities that had previously been praised and supported by Dutch counterparts, such as homework assistance centers, dormitories, and (secular) schools came under suspicion when public opinion was alerted that these were the initiatives of a non-transparent Muslim piety movement. In response to negative publicity that accused these schools of brainwashing and Islamic indoctrination, and to prove that it made positive contributions to social integration, the movement closed its dormitories for secondary school students. This was followed by intensified efforts to show success in secular ventures. The result turned the Gülen movement into arguably the most successfully integrated immigrant-based organization in the country.
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Nicolaou, Mary, Colleen Doak, Rob van Dam, Karen Hosper, Jaap Seidell, and Karien Stronks. "Body size preference and body weight perception among two migrant groups of non-Western origin." Public Health Nutrition 11, no. 12 (December 2008): 1332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980008002966.
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AbstractObjectivesTo evaluate body size preference, body weight perception and their relationship with actual weight in two migrant groups of non-Western origin, Turks and Moroccans; additionally, to study the association between body size preference and acculturation.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingAmsterdam, The Netherlands.Subjects and methodsMales and females (18–30 years) were randomly selected from the population registry (n 451); participants, or at least one of their parents, were born in Turkey or Morocco. Body size preference was assessed using seven silhouette drawings and body weight perception was assessed by asking participants’ opinion of own weight. Acculturation variables were generation status and two scale measures, cultural orientation and social contacts.ResultsParticipants showed preference for a thin body size. The discrepancy between ideal and current size was significant in women but not men (P < 0·001). Perceived current body size was correlated with BMI (Spearman’s correlation coefficient 0·60, P < 0·001 (men) and 0·73, P < 0·001 (women)). Among overweight participants (BMI = 25·0–29·9 kg/m2), 63–82 % of men and 35 % of women perceived themselves as ‘average’. Paying attention to own body weight was associated with a discrepancy between ideal and current size among women and with perceiving oneself as ‘overweight’ among men. Body size preference was not significantly associated with the three acculturation variables.ConclusionWe did not observe a preference for large body sizes in these two non-Western migrant groups. Similar to Western populations, most women wished to be thinner than they were. This was not the case among men, the majority of whom were also unaware of being overweight.
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Bajrami, Lumnije. "Opinion in the Mass Print Media of Albania." Zeszyty Prasoznawcze 65, no. 3 (251) (September 28, 2022): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996362pz.22.033.15960.
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In the print media in Albania, opinions are a very controversial part of the way public discourse is created. Positioned in the capital of Albania, they often circulate the same information. Important in this genre of information are: comments, analysis and opinions in editorial form, and headlines. It seems that the most important information is served on a golden plate for the public that is being overloaded and bombarded by other media such as television, radio, or online media. Mass communication here unfolds in a wider range, that, apparently informative, turns into a game with gates between political camps. Opinionism openly announces its strategies from one medium to another where more than the public benefits those who make these opinions, i.e. journalists, politicians or explicitly linked exponents for the purposes of political communication. On the other hand, we see a lot of spectacle in the form of entertainment and so far the information stagnates. Necessary information for citizens is missing. This paper tends to theoretically analyze the genre issues of opinion in the print media.
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Shatunov, Yuri A. "Muslims and the Muslim world in the works of Anton Chekhov." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 18 (2022): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/18/15.
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The article provides a brief overview of the ideas about Islam and its adherents in Russian public thought of the 19th - early 20th centuries, as well as the policy of the Russian state in relation to this religion. Against this background, the characteristics given by Anton Chekhov to Muslim peoples at different stages of his work in prose and letters to friends and relatives are considered. Most often Chekhov’s works mention Turks, Tatars, Persians, less often Afghans, Circassians, Chechens, the Kirghiz. The development of the level of representation of an ethnic group is closely related to its estimated dynamics. If the ethnonym “Tatar” is often given a negative connotation, episodic characters in the writer’s stories are already devoid of negative characteristics, and the unnamed Tatar, the main character of the story “In Exile,” is a positive character. Contrasting his views with the egoistic anarchism of the exiled settler Semyon Chekhov in an artistic form embodies the idea of the opposition of individualism of the West and Eastern community. Chekhov’s experience of communication with real Muslims is reflected in the book Sakhalin Island and in his epistolary works. Objective assessments and respect for the Tatar people prevail here. In letters sent to relatives on the way to Sakhalin, Chekhov describes Volga and Siberian foreigners positively, as good, respectable, modest people “better than Russians,” according to a Russian assessor. In his texts, the writer actively used ethnonyms, ethnonymic adjectives, ethnophaulisms, ethnic stereotypes, images of representatives of Muslim peoples. The literary techniques Chekhov used to describe Muslim issues include ethnonymic synonyms and mixed ethnic, religious, class, and professional affiliations. When describing his characters, Chekhov pays much less attention to confessional differences in comparison with ethnic ones. In Islam itself, he sees no threat, but shares the popular opinion about the civilizational “backwardness” of the Muslim world. Asian stereotypes are represented by aggressive and wild Afghans, Persians, Circassians, and quite “decent Kyrgyz.” The characters’ traits largely depend on the genre of the work and the degree of detail of the image. The study of ethno-religious motifs in Chekhov’s works shows that his attitude to a person is always more positive than to a community, and the ethnic and confessional stereotypes he uses are grouped not so much around a nation, rather around an ethnonym (confessiononym). Such ethnic and confessional stereotypes can be classified as nominalistic, that is, they actively function in the culture, but lose their genetic connection with the corresponding community. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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Oehl, Bianca, Lena Maria Schaffer, and Thomas Bernauer. "How to measure public demand for policies when there is no appropriate survey data?" Journal of Public Policy 37, no. 2 (August 17, 2016): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x16000155.
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AbstractExplanatory models accounting for variation in policy choices by democratic governments usually include a demand (by the public) and a supply (by the government) component, whereas the latter component is usually better developed from a measurement viewpoint. The main reason is that public opinion surveys, the standard approach to measuring public demand, are expensive, difficult to implement simultaneously for different countries for purposes of crossnational comparison and impossible to implementex postfor purposes of longitudinal analysis if survey data for past time periods are lacking. We therefore propose a new approach to measuring public demand, focussing on political claims made by nongovernmental actors and expressed in the news. To demonstrate the feasibility and usefulness of our measure ofpublished opinion, we focus on climate policy in the time period between 1995 and 2010. When comparing the new measure of published opinion with the best available public opinion survey and internet search data, it turns out that our data can serve as a meaningful proxy for public demand.
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Talitha, Stella, Rina Rosdiana, and Rini Susilawati. "AKTIVITAS KOLABORASI DAN KEMAMPUAN MENGEMBANGKAN GAGASAN DALAM MENULIS KALIMAT IKLAN PADA PEMBELAJARAN BAHASA INDONESIA DI SMPN 3 CIBINONG KABUPATEN BOGOR." Pedagonal : Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33751/pedagog.v3i1.985.
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ABSTRACTThis research is based on student collaboration activities and the ability of students to develop ideas in writing advertising sentences. The formulation of the problem in this study is (1) How is the collaborative activity in learning Indonesian at Cibinong 3 Public Junior High School Bogor? (2) What is the result of the ability of students to develop ideas in writing advertising sentences in learning Indonesian at Cibinong 3 Public Junior High School Bogor? This study aims to describe: (1) collaborative activities on learning Indonesian at Bogor Cibinong 3 Junior High School (2) the results of students' ability to develop ideas in writing advertising sentences in Indonesian language learning at Bogor Cibinong 3 Junior High School. The method used in this research is the qualitative method. The results of this study in the form of collaborative activities on learning Indonesian at SMPN 3 Cibinong Bogor are as follows. a) identifying sentences of facts and opinions on products, b) giving ideas about sentences of facts and opinions, c) giving opportunities (taking turns, giving ideas about sentences of facts and opinions), d) discussing the answers of his group friends, e) utilizing time effectively, f) conveying ideas of facts and opinions in accordance with the product, and g) confirming the ideas of sentence facts and opinions recorded to group friends. The results of students' ability to develop ideas in writing ad sentences on learning Indonesian at Bogor Cibinong 3 Junior High School are good. This is based on data on the results of student skills, there are 32 data facts or correct sentences of 82.05% and 34 correct opinion sentence data or equal to 87.18%.Keywords: collaboration activities, advertising sentences, facts, opinions
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Resdifianti, Femri, Dini Septianti Nurkhasanah, and Ratih Kusuma Dewi. "TUNTUTAN MASYARAKAT TERHADAP KELUARNYA TURKI DARI KONVENSI ISTANBUL." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v6i1.302.
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On March 20, 2021, Turkey withdrew from the Istanbul Convention, a human rights treaty against violence against women and domestic violence. The decision was inseparable from the demands of the Turkish people in the public sphere, who intensively lobbied the Turkish government to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. This article aims to analyze the influence of Turkish public demands on Turkey's decision to leave the Istanbul Convention using Habermas' public sphere theory. The author first describes Turkey's anti-gender discourse and movement. This anti-gender movement is backed by a pro-Islamic and traditional pro-gender ruling government. President Erdogan even expressed his disapproval of the feminist movement and the concept of gender equality. In addition, the author also describes the political background in Turkey's exit from the Istanbul Convention. The writing method uses a descriptive qualitative approach with a literature review technique. The result of this research is that the Turkish people use the public sphere to form and disseminate public opinion in the form of demands to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. The intense lobbying efforts of the Turkish people in the public sphere show that they can influence and mobilize the state to protect family values in Turkey, thus prompting the Turkish government to decide to leave the Istanbul Convention.
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Wu, C. "International Structure, Threat, and Public Opinion on Foreign Policy: Bush and Obama's Foreign Policy Turns." Chinese Journal of International Politics 4, no. 3 (August 9, 2011): 311–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/por011.
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Magun, Artemy. "The Probing of God-Bearer." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 19, no. 3 (2020): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2020-3-409-425.
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The article is simultaneously an extended review of the book by Grigory Yudin entitled Public Opinion; or, The Power of Numbers (EUSPb Press, 2020) and an essay on the phenomenon of public opinion in the light of the repressive tendencies of contemporary society from the standpoint of critical theory. Relying mostly on Adorno, the author shows that public opinion polls are not only the result of the alienating reification, but also an effect of the basic subjectivism which turns the relationship between the subject and society into a detached, contemplative, and judgmental attitude. The objectivization coincides with subjectivization. Thus, in accordance with Yudin’s book, social science, if it wants to be more than an instrument of bureaucratic domination, has to rely on dialectical logic
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KONECNA, Lucie. "NAMIBIA: FORGOTTEN CONFLICT IN THE CAPRIVI STRIP." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 42 (January 5, 2023): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.42.4.
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The article focuses on the Caprivi conflict that took place in Namibia in 1999. This conflict was a short and low-intensity conflict. Besides, it meets the criteria to be described as a forgotten conflict. This study aims to explain and describe this conflict, to clarify the reasons why the conflict can be described as a forgotten conflict. A public opinion poll was conducted to confirm the hypothesis that this is a forgotten conflict. The results of this public opinion poll together with further media analysis confirm this hypothesis. The second part of the work focuses on the reasons why the conflict was forgotten. Several theories are applied to the case to provide a comprehensive explanation. In practice, it turns out that there are several reasons. Keywords: Caprivi Strip, conflict, forgotten, Namibia, public opinion, violence.
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Кючуков, Хрісто, and Сава Самуїлов. "Language Use and Identity Among Migrant Roma." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2019.6.1.hky.
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The paper presents the issue of language use and identity among Muslim Roma youth from Bulgaria, living in Berlin, Germany. Interviews with a structured questionnaire on language use and identity was conducted with Bulgarian Muslim Roma living in Berlin, Germany. The results showed that, in order to be accepted by the German Turks, Bulgarian Muslim Roma youth change their language use and identity from Muslim Roma to a new identity - Bulgarian “Osmanli” Turks. The findings showed that the change of language and identity among young Roma in this study served as strategies for integration and acceptance in the German society.
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Amuza, Antonio. "The Need for Authenticity in Opinion Formation." Postmodernism Problems 10, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 389–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.46324/pmp2003389.
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The need for authenticity is a latent manifesto of Romanians who seem overwhelmed by a constant wave of inauthenticity, prejudices, and stereotypes in an environment that makes it more difficult for us to adhere to a genuine development as individuals, but also as a society. Public opinion reveals itself under the impact of the desired authenticity to cope with galloping globalism, which turns us into bystanders of our own lives. More specifically, in a world where we have become accustomed to our ideas being very aesthetically packed, the characteristics of the products for which we show a certain interest, the quality of the services we want and the values we so ardently adhere to, the need to be sure that we receive exactly what we have been mentally longing for becomes a purpose in itself. Thus, the more common and plentiful the values we are exposed to, along with the risk that they may be prebuilt, the greater the possibility for people to develop the need for a guarantee of compliance with the promises made by these values – a need for authenticity. I hope that my paperwork can contribute to further research in terms of arousing the interest of those who are looking to better understand why globalism can affect both public opinion and authenticity. Otherwise, we will find ourselves in the position of talking about black swans whenever the public opinion is different from the minority that we are part of. In a world of social media, the article talks about vocal minorities and the silent majority.
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Vedernikova, Tatiana, Natalia Shchurik, and Evgenia Kunitsyna. "Role of Translation in Geopolitical Agenda:Translator’s Turns and Manipulation." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001163.
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The problem of translation used for geopolitical agenda, translation as a means of mind manipulation has long been of substantial interest to translation scholars. This article focuses on conscious and unconscious types of manipulation in translation and aims to show their manifestation in political discourse. On the one hand, nominalizations, euphemisms, politically correct vocabulary and metaphors make a translator or an interpreter choose between multiple interpretations. It brings him/her to unconscious choice. On the other hand, translators sometimes deliberately omit some parts of the text or change the order of the original. It means that a translator/interpreter consciously makes this or that decision concerning what part or parts of the source text are ideologically relevant and should be brought into “due” perspective in translation and which are to be left out, and is therefore instrumental in shaping public opinion.
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Burton, Alexander L., Francis T. Cullen, Velmer S. Burton, Amanda Graham, Leah C. Butler, and Angela J. Thielo. "Belief in Redeemability and Punitive Public Opinion: “Once a Criminal, Always a Criminal” Revisited." Criminal Justice and Behavior 47, no. 6 (May 3, 2020): 712–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093854820913585.
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In 2009, Maruna and King presented results from a British survey showing that the public’s belief in the redeemability of people who committed offenses curbed their level of punitiveness. Based on a 2017 national survey in the United States ( n = 1,000), the current study confirms that redeemability is negatively related to punitive attitudes. In addition, the analyses reveal that this belief predicts support for rehabilitation and specific inclusionary policies (i.e., ban-the-box in employment, expungement of criminal records, and voting rights for people with a felony conviction). Findings regarding measures for punishment and rehabilitation were confirmed by a 2019 Mechanical Turk (MTurk) survey. These results suggest that beliefs about capacity for change among people who committed offenses are key to understanding crime-control public policy.
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Szwed, Robert. "Funkcje mediów w demokracjach." Roczniki Nauk Społecznych 12(48), no. 4 (2020): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rns20484-1.
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The belief in the effectiveness and power of media influence causes politicians, media communication specialists, and democracy theorists to use the media for promotional activities aimed at shaping and persuading public opinion and improving it through education and empowerment. It turns out, however, that reading numerous conceptualizations of media functions depends on the way democracy is understood, how politics is perceived, and what is the role of public opinion in the system. The article places various concepts of media missions (from the Hutchins Commission social responsibility trend, through the conceptualizations of Gurevitch, Blumler, Zaller, to participatory journalism and public journalism) in the context of three basic types of democracy: liberal, elitist and participatory, deliberative. Such consideration of democracies and the functions of the media allows for a better understanding of the observed tendencies to appropriate media by politicians and transnational corporations, media concentration processes, and hopes for the revival of journalism and the public sphere in social media.
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Çirakman, Asli. "FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Qadri, Muhammad. "PENGARUH MEDIA SOSIAL DALAM MEMBANGUN OPINI PUBLIK." Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/qaumiyyah.v1i1.4.
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This paper discusses how the influence of social media in building public opinion. The use of social media has a positive impact in the process of social, political and economic interactions. The use of social media also makes it easy to access various information needed, makes it easy to communicate rarely far away and social media can also be a tool to make new friends. Of the various positive impacts of social media, it turns out that it also has a negative impact if users cannot properly filter news or information that contains divisions, hoaxes or fake news, sara issues, religion and others that are carried out by people who are not responsible, then it can cause chaos which will certainly split the unity.
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Dladla, Ndumiso. "Racism and the Marginality of African Philosophy in South Africa." Phronimon 18 (February 22, 2018): 204–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/1966.
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The following article begins with a brief discussion on the continuity of white supremacy in South Africa, despite wide attempts by the institutions of opinion (public discourse, journalism and academe) to represent the present time as non-racial or post-racial. After a discussion of the contemporary context the focus turns specifically to the relevance of race and racism to philosophy and the implications this has for African philosophy in particular. The article then briefly examines the history of Western education and the practice of philosophy in South Africa from the point of view of African philosophy and its marginality in South Africa.Â
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Tursunovna, Ahmedova Hikmatkhon. "Makhmud Kashgari’s Role In The Art Of Public Speech." Journal of Media,Culture and Communication, no. 21 (January 15, 2022): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jmcc21.14.17.
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In the article has analyzed Mahmud Kashgari’s «Devonu lugat it-turk», Yusuf Khas Hajib’s «Qutadgu bilig» works and determined their role in the history of oratory and art of speech, including giving them a scientific-theoretical assessment. Since the writers directly dealt with both theoretical and practical issues of speech, they have also made great strides in this regard. And the samples of literary they had created are invaluable masterpieces of the art of speech. The analysis also provides a great opportunity to determine the role and importance they hold in the history of the art of world oratory. The comparative analysis of the writers' opinions with folklore materials and other written sources allows us to identify their peculiarities in this regard and to determine their significant contribution to the development of not only Uzbek and Turkish, but also world oratory. This reflects the peculiarities of the dialogue of different types of cultures. These cases provide rich material for drawing appropriate scientific and theoretical conclusions from them.
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Hutchby, Ian. "Hybridisation, personalisation and tribuneship in the political interview." Journalism 18, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916657528.
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This article discusses elements of hybridisation in political interviewing within the contemporary environment of broadcast news. Beginning from a conversation analytic perspective, four types of political interview programmes are described in terms of their different approaches to questions and answers; opinions and arguments; and neutrality, agency and advocacy. The analysis then turns to the different ways in which ‘tribuneship’ is manifested in different types of interview, comparing the representation of the public interest as found in both neutralistic and adversarial interviewing with the type of personalised and ‘non-neutral’ tribuneship found in hybrid political interviews.
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Korytko, Andrzej. "Elita szlachecka wobec Kozaczyzny w okresie „złotego pokoju” (1638-1648)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 11, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.5967.
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The article concerns the period of the so-called “golden peace” in Ukraine in the years 1638-1648. The author attempted to analyze the nobility’s interest in the Cossack problem during the indicated period. He tried to respond to a question to what extent the noble elite perceived the problem of the Cossacks and what was the most important thing in noblemen’s statements. Analyzing the parliamentary sources and correspondence, the author came to the conclusion that the main message of the leaders of public opinion was to put a curb on the Cossacks and to loosen it by turns. This position was due to downplaying the problems that were growing in Ukraine.
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Habermas, Jürgen. "Reflections and Hypotheses on a Further Structural Transformation of the Political Public Sphere." Theory, Culture & Society 39, no. 4 (July 2022): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02632764221112341.
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This article contains reflections on the further structural transformation of the public sphere, building on the author’s widely-discussed social-historical study, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, which originally appeared in German in 1962 (English translation 1989). The first three sections contain preliminary theoretical reflections on the relationship between normative and empirical theory, the deliberative understanding of democracy, and the demanding preconditions of the stability of democratic societies under conditions of capitalism. The fourth section turns to the implications of digitalisation for the account of the role of the media in the public sphere developed in the original work, specifically to how it is leading to the expansion and fragmentation of the public sphere and is turning all participants into potential authors. The following section presents empirical data from German studies which shows that the rapid expansion of digital media is leading to a marked diminution of the role of the classical print media. The article concludes with observations on the threats that these developments pose for the traditional role of the public sphere in discursive opinion and will formation in democracies.
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Kuhar, Roman, Roman Kuhar, and Alenka Švab. "The Interplay between Hatred and Political Correctness: the Privatisation of Homosexuality in Slovenia." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 1 (2013): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03701002.
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The article deals with the question of homophobia in Slovenia, focusing on the process of the privatisation of homosexuality. Taking three homophobic incidents that took place in Slovenia in three different time periods (the end of the 1980s, the mid-1990s and the beginning of the new millennium) as examples, the authors strive to illustrate how tolerance towards homosexuals in Slovenia is conditioned by their public non-recognition. The privatisation of homosexuality is seen as a social and political (neo-liberal) context in which homosexuality is understood to be the private matter of a citizen. As such, privatisation goes hand in hand with the process of “othering,” leaving the heteronormative structure of society intact. For that reason, homophobia in Slovenian society can be best explained by the concept of a public “transparent closet.” The authors conclude that the tolerance towards homosexuality in Slovenia is a fictitious one, as it functions only on the surface (in public opinion polls and, increasingly, in the positive media representations of homosexuality), while in the reality of everyday life it turns into more or less visible forms of violent discipline over gays and lesbians.
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Matesan, Ioana Emy. "Grievances and Fears in Islamist Movements: Revisiting the Link between Exclusion, Insecurity, and Political Violence." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 1 (November 2, 2019): 44–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz042.
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Abstract This article examines how exclusionary policies and repressive measures affect the propensity of Islamist groups in nondemocratic settings to engage in violence. The central argument is that exclusion from electoral politics, from civil society, and from public discourse can increase political grievances, whereas symbolic threats to religious values spark sociocultural grievances; state violence and repression foster a sense of insecurity. The article proposes that Islamist groups are both principled and strategic actors, who may adopt violent rhetoric in response to political or sociocultural grievances, but who resort to violent tactics primarily out of a sense of insecurity. The quantitative examination of twenty-two Islamist groups from the Middle East confirms that exclusionary policies can spark violent rhetoric, whereas repression and threats to the physical integrity of a group increase the propensity toward violent behavior. However, when insecurity turns into disillusionment, groups can also move away from violence if they feel alienated from the public. The close investigation of the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya in Egypt shows that the response to repression depends on the length of the conflict, the level of fragmentation within an organization, and public opinion.
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Sahara, Sucitra, and Rizqi Agung Permana. "K-NN Method for Review Analys Product Accounting Software." Jurnal Ilmiah Informatika 5, no. 2 (December 11, 2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/jimi.v5i2.948.
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Many companies have not implemented accounting software in financial management. Even though the current era of technology is increasingly updated and developing, more and more superior products are being issued by software development companies, especially in accounting software. There are not a few software products whose quality is still below standard or incomplete with features and facilities. So that researchers concentrate on companies or individual businesses that still use manual methods in processing their finances by helping and making it easier to choose the software product they will choose. Researchers first carry out the accounting software product selection stage based on an opinion or opinion of the public who have bought and used the software they choose and they pour this opinion into online media such as comments on a product selling site. Thousands of comments will be processed and grouped into data sets and this time the researcher processes the data classification using the k-Nearest Neighbor (K-NN) algorithm. By using the K-NN method, it is expected to be able to produce the expected accuracy value so that the data set processing is stronger and more valid. It turns out that after applying the data accuracy value obtained by 80.50%, it can be concluded that the K-NN method is very suitable for the concept of text mining this time and for selecting the data set in the form of text.
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Marey, Maria D. "“I Don’t See Any Reason for Changing My Opinion”: F.D. Samarin About Zemsky Sobor and the Concept of Representation." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-399-411.
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The present article is devoted to the study of political views of one of the representatives of late Slavophilism – F.D. Samarin. The author mainly focuses on Samarin’s attitude to the idea of Zemsky Sobor that was very popular in Russian public circles in the beginning of the 20th century, and on his views on the possibility of the introduction in Russia of a representative body, even if only of deliberative nature. That issue was very important for Samarin as Slavophile, as he’d accumulated great experience of practical work in Zemstva. The author shows the sources of Samarin’s skepticism regarding the concept of representation and turns to the analysis of his own reformative ideas that he offered as alternatives to constitutional reforms and introduction of a new law-making deliberative body. The author pays special attention to Samarin’s attitude to the autocratic monarchy and his belief that the monarch could grant various freedoms to his subjects (freedom of religion, freedom of press, freedom form administrative and police despotism) while still remaining autocratic and not restricting his power by adopting constitution and formation of the Parliament.
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Lipchanskaya, Maria A., and Sergej A. Privalov. "Social media in the context of Russian and German Constitutional Law." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series Economics. Management. Law 21, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1994-2540-2021-21-1-73-82.
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Introduction. The role of social media is objectively increasing in modern digital information space. They are much involved in shaping public opinion while democracy and civil society are being built and developed. Social media also contribute to the freedom of speech guaranteed by the Constitution. In the context of globalization, the development of state legal regulation often turns to the implementation of the rules which have already been tested in other countries. The fast development of relations in the field of social media and piecemeal legal regulation of this field in Russia make the foreign experience highly demanded. Theoretical analysis. Social media is one of the key actors in shaping public opinion. However, the current legislation of the Russian Federation very superficially regulates the legal status of this media institution. In turn, the Federal Republic of Germany has more experience in the legal regulation of social media. Based on a certain proximity of the state and legal mechanisms of Russia and Germany, as well as the high level of development of democratic institutions of the latter, the authors analyzed the status of social media in the constitutional and legal space of these countries in order to study the possibility of adapting the German experience to improve Russian legislation. Empirical analysis. The high degree of influence of social media on public opinion is due to a number of specific characteristics of their creation and functioning: the spontaneous nature of content creation, the high speed of information dissemination, the minimum level of external influence, the easily perceived nature of information. Taken together, these characteristics of the institution significantly complicate the implementation of legal regulation in relation to them, effective and efficient in practice, which also determines the conduct of the study. Results. We have studied common and individual features of the legal regulation of social media in the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. Based on our conclusions, we are coming up with several proposals for the improvement of the Russian legislation on social media. Russia has significant weaknesses and conflicts of laws in the sphere of media production and information dissemination. Russian legislation in no way covers the social media not registered as mass media in the manner prescribed by law. In our opinion, the German legislation on social media also has certain deficiencies. However, some rules may be adapted to Russian legislation. Based on our research, we propose to draft a federal law on social media, which would partially reflect German experience.
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Redeker, Nils, and Stefanie Walter. "We’d rather pay than change the politics of German non-adjustment in the Eurozone crisis." Review of International Organizations 15, no. 3 (July 2020): 573–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-020-09390-1.
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Abstract Germany’s large current account surplus has been widely criticized, especially against the backdrop of the role of macroeconomic imbalances in the Eurozone crisis. We argue that Germany’s resistance to reduce its massive current account surplus through an expansionary policy at home is rooted in distributive struggles about the design of possible adjustment policies. To explore this argument, we leverage original survey data from 135 German economic interest groups, qualitative interviews with interest group representatives and policymakers, and data from public opinion surveys. We show that while there is general support for internal adjustment among German interest groups, they disagree heavily about which specific policies should be implemented to achieve this goal. Together with a broad public and elite-based consensus to avoid a break-up of the Eurozone, this polarization turns financing into a politically attractive strategy. Rather than being rooted only in German ordoliberal ideas or Germany’s export-oriented structure, distributive conflicts contribute significantly to Germany’s resistance to reduce its large current-account surplus. Because similar dynamics can be observed in other surplus countries, we argue that distributive struggles within surplus countries played an important role in interstate conflicts about the management of the crisis.
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Alexander McIntyre, James, Nicholas Pagani, Paul Van Schuyver, Richard Puzzitiello, Michael Moverman, Mariano Menendez, and Joseph Kavolus. "Public Perceptions of Opioid Use Following Orthopedic Surgery: A Survey." HSS Journal®: The Musculoskeletal Journal of Hospital for Special Surgery 18, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 328–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15563316221097698.
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Background: The United States accounts for the majority of prescription opioids consumed worldwide. Recent literature has focused on opioid prescribing patterns among orthopedic surgeons; however, public and patient expectations about postoperative opioid use remain understudied. Purpose: We sought to explore public perceptions of opioid use after elective orthopedic surgery. Methods: We posted a 32-question survey on Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk), an online platform with over 500,000 unique registered users that is a validated tool for collecting survey responses in medical research. The survey asked about attitudes regarding opioid use after elective orthopedic surgery and sociodemographic factors, as well as validated assessments of health literacy and patient engagement. Results: Of 727 respondents who completed surveys, nearly half (46%) said they would prefer nonopioid pain medication after elective orthopedic surgery, although 86% said they would expect to be prescribed opioids for 1 week to 1 month postoperatively. About half said they would expect to be prescribed extra opioid medication in case of unexpected pain following surgery, and 50% reported that they would save their pills to treat future pain. Approximately 63% said they would understand their surgeon’s opioid weaning, but over ⅓ said weaning would lead to decreased satisfaction with their surgeon. Roughly ⅔ reported that pain control after surgery would directly affect their opinion of the surgeon. Conclusions: Our survey found that some members of the general public reported expectations regarding postoperative opioid prescribing that could lead to decreased patient satisfaction. These findings suggest the need for further research on the value of preoperative patient education in pain management, on patient expectations of pain control after elective surgery, and on the use of opioids following orthopedic surgery.
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Chaban, Anatoliy, and Natalia Chaban. "Communicating Europe Beyond Its Borders: Imagining the EU in Ukraine post-Maidan." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Special Issue (May 1, 2018): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018014.
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Multiple crises in the EU are assumed to impact EU external images in general, and in Ukraine specifically. Our article asks if these crises are only short time-span variations with limited implications for longer term EU perceptions in Ukraine. To answer this question, our article turns to the concepts of spatial and historical distances (Braudel 1982, Didelon-Loiseau and Grasland 2014) and argues two interacting sets of factors behind EU images in Ukraine – spatial (location-, region-, EU-specific and global) and temporal (short-, mediumand long-term). Hypothesizing evolutions of EU images in post-Maidan Ukraine in terms of the EU’s perceived power, opportunities and normative profile, our analysis tests its hypotheses by examining Ukrainian public opinion pre- and post-Maidan and tracing EU framing in influential press across the political continuum. Our results demonstrate the relational nature of EU external images and suggest avenues to fine-tune the EU’s operational and programming level tools in its dialogue with Ukraine.
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Bayer, Gerd. "Negotiating Ethnic Difference in Restoration Travel Fiction." Arcadia 47, no. 1 (July 2012): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2012-0005.
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AbstractFollowing the skeptical attitude towards foreign nations and cultures during the Renaissance, travel fictions during the English Restoration took a more liberal approach to ethnic difference. The anonymous novel Peppa (1689) artfully presents Western stereotypes about ethnic others as being based on false assumptions and outright lies. A crucial scene in this cross-national love plot is based on ethnic fakery, thereby presenting to its readers the constructedness of national and cultural identities. A second text example discusses John Dunton’s A Voyage round the World (1691), arguing that through its unusual form and the resulting openness it reveals the relativity of all cultural norms and national stereotypes. By presenting domestic scenes through the prism of colonialist derision, Dunton turns the tables on English nationalist discourse. Both texts thus invite their readers to confront national, ethnic, and cultural difference more open-mindedly and be aware of the power of language and discourse to influence public opinion.
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Alloul, Houssine, and Roel Markey. "“PLEASE DENY THESE MANIFESTLY FALSE REPORTS”: OTTOMAN DIPLOMATS AND THE PRESS IN BELGIUM (1850–1914)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000040.
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AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapted to shifting domestic and international political circumstances. Increasingly systematic attempts to influence Belgian newspapers can be discerned from the reign of Abdülhamid II onward. Brokers between Istanbul and “liberal” Belgium's thriving newspaper business, Ottoman diplomats proved essential to this development. Ultimately, however, Ottoman efforts to counter Belgian (and European) news coverage of the empire had little impact and occasionally even worked counterproductively, generating the very Orientalist images they aimed to combat in the first place.
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Bayly, Martin, Michelle Tham, Peter Watterson, Binghui Li, and Kevin Moran. "Marine seismic acquisition: efficiency and environment, new technologies applied in Australia." APPEA Journal 57, no. 2 (2017): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj16072.
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The design of successful marine seismic surveys is driven by many factors, two prime issues being efficiency and environmental impact. Efficiency is primarily driven by reduction of non-productive time and creating the largest sub-surface illumination area possible in the shortest time. In addition, public opinion and governmental regulations are requiring the industry to minimise their environmental impact. One aspect is reducing the overall sound exposure level (SEL) of the source into the marine environment. Using recent Australian examples, we will discuss and demonstrate the use of two new technology groups that address these concerns. The first is the use of a new type of seismic air-gun with optimal output over the range of frequencies commonly used in seismic exploration, while limiting potential environmental effects from unnecessary high-frequency emissions. The second is continuous data acquisition along the entire boat traverse, including the turns, thereby reducing non-productive vessel time. Both are described with examples from a recent survey acquired offshore north-west Australia.
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IMRAN, Suwitno Y., Sudarsono SUDARSONO, I. Nyoman NURJAYA, and Nurini APRILIANDA. "The Meaning Of Ultra Qui Judicat Principle And The Validity Of The Verdict In Criminal Cases." International Journal of Environmental, Sustainability, and Social Science 3, no. 3 (November 30, 2022): 654–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.38142/ijesss.v3i3.265.
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The prohibition for judges to not sentence the defendant if the act is not described carefully, clearly and completely in the indictment of the public prosecutor, it turns out that in practice in court, there are judges who deviate from the article charged by the public prosecutor. The judge's action is called the ultra qui judicat principle, that is deviating from what was charged. The main problem in this paper is about the meaning of the Ultra Qui Judicat Principle and the Validity of Decisions in Criminal Cases. The main problems will be analyzed using normative legal research methods using a case approach and data sources from laws and regulations. The results show that the Ultra Qui Judicat Principle is an act of a judge deciding a case by placing justice as the goal of being able to deviate from the indictment of the public prosecutor based on the facts of the trial. This principle then has a specificity in the form of this principle being devoted to judges in deciding criminal cases, the use of this principle emphasizes the justice of judges in deciding criminal cases, and the scope of this principle is found in the facts of the trial. Furthermore, in exploring the meaning or value of the Ultra Qui Judicat principle, it is done by analyzing a judge's verdict, approach to legal expert opinion, and reviewing the legislation.
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Leonelli, Giulia Claudia. "CETA and the External Autonomy of the EU Legal Order: Risk Regulation as a Test." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 47, Issue 1 (March 1, 2020): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2020003.
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This article endeavours to assess whether the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (‘ISDS’) mechanism established under the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (‘CETA’) may in fact undermine the external autonomy of the EU legal order, arguing that in Opinion 1/17 the Court of Justice of the European Union (‘CJEU’) has lowered the bar in its analysis of compatibility with this principle. After a brief overview of the notion of external autonomy the article turns to an analysis of the CETA Opinion, arguing that the CJEU confined itself to a formal scrutiny of the relevant textual provisions and failed to thoroughly explore the impact that CETA’s ISDS mechanism is liable to have in practice. The article then deploys two hypothetical scenarios, both involving the field of EU risk regulation. These will show how CETA Tribunals might indirectly interpret EU law as a matter of law and how, when assessing whether an EU measure breaches CETA, they might encroach on the EU determination of the adequate level of protection of public interests. Against this backdrop, the article argues that CETA’s ISDS system is liable to undermine the uniform and consistent interpretation and application of EU law. Further, CETA Tribunals might de facto bind the CJEU in its interpretation of EU law and influence other EU institutions in the exercise of their powers. CETA, ISDS, External Autonomy, Achmea, Risk Regulation, GMOs, Health and Environmental Protection.
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Nikovskaya, Larisa I. "Positive-functional potential of public organizations in the emerging network society (a conflictological aspect)." Social And Political Researches 4, no. 13 (2021): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-428x-2021-4-13-35-49.
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The article shows that in the context of the formation of a digitalnetwork society, the phenomenon of polysubject is growing, which leads to the transition to the model of public administration through communities based on the management dilemma “leadership-acceptance”, which limits the possibilities of the hierarchical-bureaucratic rule and turns out to be more effective. All these reasons are due to qualitative changes in the system of civil society: the sharply increasing emancipation of the individual from the state, the reduction of the space of direct command influence of the latter, the vigorous development and complication of horizontal social ties and the plexus of diverse civil institutions and movements into a holistic network. For public policy, the task of optimizing the interaction of the authorities and representatives of civil associations, strengthened by digital network capabilities that allow the formation of centers of social force through the consolidation of interest groups and public opinion, becomes important. The search for "consent zones," based on building and creating a balance of public interests, calls for conflictual diagnostic tools and the resolution of problematic points of interaction. A satisfactory and comprehensive solution to the problem requires a wide range of conflict actions - from negotiation and mediation, legislative initiatives and public hearings, expertise and monitoring, to lawsuits and proceedings, and sometimes acts of civil disobedience. All these actions require a conflictological competence, which accustoms representatives of the public sector to greater professionalism, culture of interaction with state bodies, providing a comprehensive diagnosis of the conflict situation and a wide range of technologies to influence its solution, and state representatives focus on recognizing alternative positions, respectful dialogue with the public and developing an appropriate legal framework for a long partnership with the nonprofit sector. These trends in the style of public policy have been demonstrated on the strategy of behavior of the women's public organization “Petersburg Egida” in solving the conflict situation related to non-payment of maternity funds for pregnant women, as well as for the care of young children.
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Ridha, Abdurrasyid. "KONTROVERSI IDDAH PEREMPUAN MENGGUGAT CERAI." Tatar Pasundan : Jurnal Diklat Keagamaan 16, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.38075/tp.v16i1.181.
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This research was motivated by the controversy over Hambali’s that iddah for women is one menstrual period. Meanwhile, according to the major sects, the iddah is three times of quru', and based on Indonesian marriage regulations, the iddah is 90 days. Hambali’s view of thought is based on certain traditions. So this study aims to determine the validity of these traditions. This research is a takhrijul hadith’s study using descriptive method in form of content analysis. An important finding was found that it turns out that the traditions used as the legal basis for one-time menstrual iddah are da'if. The finding is something new because some scholars think that the traditions are valid. This finding is important for the public, so that it is not easy to accept the sect’s opinions that are widely spreaded on the internet. For the marriage officiants, this finding is also important in order to have more confidence towards existing regulations.Keywords: khulu’; iddah; divorce; takhrij
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Shen, Cuihua, Mona Kasra, Wenjing Pan, Grace A. Bassett, Yining Malloch, and James F. O’Brien. "Fake images: The effects of source, intermediary, and digital media literacy on contextual assessment of image credibility online." New Media & Society 21, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 438–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818799526.
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Fake or manipulated images propagated through the Web and social media have the capacity to deceive, emotionally distress, and influence public opinions and actions. Yet few studies have examined how individuals evaluate the authenticity of images that accompany online stories. This article details a 6-batch large-scale online experiment using Amazon Mechanical Turk that probes how people evaluate image credibility across online platforms. In each batch, participants were randomly assigned to 1 of 28 news-source mockups featuring a forged image, and they evaluated the credibility of the images based on several features. We found that participants’ Internet skills, photo-editing experience, and social media use were significant predictors of image credibility evaluation, while most social and heuristic cues of online credibility (e.g. source trustworthiness, bandwagon, intermediary trustworthiness) had no significant impact. Viewers’ attitude toward a depicted issue also positively influenced their credibility evaluation.
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Lin, Zelong, Shishun Xie, and Yongtong Li. "Research on Media Literacy Cultivation Strategies of Chinese College Students in the "Post-Truth Age"." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 6 (October 17, 2019): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i6.4565.
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In the context of the "post-truth" age, fake news and news reversal will appear from time to time on the Internet, highlighting the uncertainty of the spread of truth as well as the spread of rumors, which have a negative impact on online public opinion. Therefore, the ability to explore the truth, exactly the core of media literacy, turns to be important now. In this paper it is found that the formation mechanism of the "post-truth" age in China lies in the interaction between the "post-modern" social characteristics and the characteristics of cyberspace. In order to deal with various existing problems that Chinese college students present in the cyberspace, it is suggested to build the media literacy training system of Chinese college students from three levels: the media literacy training system of Chinese college students should be constructed from the knowledge dimension; the six major media literacy abilities of college students should be cultivated from the skill dimension; and the media culture communication platform in campus should be built from the comprehensive dimension to build the media literacy training system of Chinese college students.
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Martynov, Mihail. "Conceptual problems of modern Russian symbolic policy in preserving the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2020): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-24.
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The article attempts to explain the problems faced by modern Russian politics of memory in connection with falsifications of the history of World War II. Attention is drawn to the reasons for the spread in the public mind of the opinion of the equal responsibility of Germany and the USSR in starting a war. It is shown that the reason for the difficulties of the Russian symbolic policy is the lack of a coherent theoretical construct that allows a logically consistent interpretation of the events of the political history of the first half of the twentieth century. It points to the uncritical acceptance by the Russian political science of the theory of totalitarianism and insufficient attention to the laws of the formation of fascist regimes in Western Europe. It is concluded that inclusion in the world economic system under the conditions of the A historical and comparative approach, comparing the features of using various conceptual foundations of events at the beginning of World War II, depending on the interests and goals of political actors. West inevitably turns out to be supplemented by the loss of sovereignty in the scientific and theoretical sphere.
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Raksawin, Karuna, Supagtra Suthasupa, and Tatpong Komkris. "Redevelopment of Huai Khwang Housing Project Responsive to Users’ Spatial Behaviors." IOP Conference Series: Materials Science and Engineering 1203, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 022138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1757-899x/1203/2/022138.
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Abstract Huai Khwang Housing is a public residential project, developed since 1972 in a fringe area of Bangkok at that time. The city has been gradually expanding, so now Huai Khwang Housing turns to be in the center of the city. There is a subway station 400 meters away from the site; therefore, the land value and potentials of this housing project has been increased. However, the physical conditions of the buildings are rather rundown since they have been utilizing for more than 50 years. The National Housing Authority of Thailand, the owner of this residence, has a plan to redevelop this housing project. The preliminary public hearing was set to inform the community about the future changes and intend to receive the opinions from the residents, who are elderlies residing in this community since it was built. Therefore, this paper aims to investigate the spatial behavior of elderly residents in this housing. The methods used include interviews and observations. The results show that the housing units are used in multi-functions and the spatial requirements include storage areas, a smell-locked and partitioning cooking area, a ventilating and sun-drying area for laundry, and spaces for air-conditioning units as well as satellite discs and washing machines. It is suggested that the redevelopment housing scheme should meet these requirements.
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Barsukova, Svetlana Yu. "Ritual Economy, or How Much Is Spent on A Wedding in Central Asia." Journal of Institutional Studies 14, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 046–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17835/2076-6297.2022.14.3.046-058.
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The article describes the rituals that form a complex of wedding traditions in the countries of Central Asia. We are talking about rites (pre-wedding, wedding and post-wedding) and related expenses. Observance of traditions imposes heavy financial obligations on the families of the bride and groom, driving them into credit burden and depriving them of economic well-being for many years. Why do families participate in this wasteful excess? What drives them? The article focuses on decoding the institute of Central Asian wedding. The article is based on interviews with students from Central Asian countries studying in Moscow. Arrival in Moscow indicates a willingness to accept values conventionally called "Western". Representatives of the westernized youth critically evaluate the economy of weddings, seeing no sense in following traditions that condemn families to excessive waste. In their opinion, the reproduction of the ritual economy is supported by public opinion and is based on the fear of the family to spoil the reputation. The wedding turns into an act of demonstrative generosity, which confirms the social status of families.Students reconstruct the logic of parents in terms of being forced to follow certain rules under vigilant social control: the rule of the reciprocal exchange of gifts; demonstration of social status and maintaining the prestige of the family; competition between the families of the bride and groom; confirmation of membership in a related clan; showing loyalty within the official hierarchy, investing in a career. Despite the legislative restrictions on the scale of weddings adopted in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan no impressive results have been achieved. The discrepancy between social expectations threaten to turn into reputational losses. People continue to pay tribute to the requirements of the ritual economy, going to all sorts of tricks in order not to fall under the sanctions of the state
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Telin, Kirill. "CRISIS AS A NEED: EMBEDDED PARADOXES OF RUSSIAN OFFICIAL DISCOURSE." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2022): 232–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.03.11.
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Current paper is devoted to the problem of using two lexemes within the Russian official discourse, which have a great importance for the formation of a certain Russian people's attitude towards government bodies and even the Russian «authority» as it is. These are the lexemes of «crisis» and «stability» that are regularly used within official discourse; over the past decades, this appeals did not acquire a clear content, but laid the foundation for the continuing reproduction of special official speech acts. The representation of «crisis» and «stability» in these speech acts (defined in the article, in accordance with J. Searle's classification as «representative», «commissive” and “expressive») allows public opinion manipulating without specifying the meaning of the lexemes themselves, but with maintaining the desired image of power. Up to the author's mind, the continuing appeal of the official discourse to the lexemes of «crisis» and «stability», despite the accumulated contradictions and even frank anecdotes (in terms of completely different statements of the same speaker), allows, on the one hand, to explain the failures of public policy by external circumstances (described with «crisis» speech acts), and on the other hand, continue the course of depoliticizing Russian society, associated with the fact that the Russian people associate «stability» with «order», «quiet» and the absence of changes. Thus, «stability», presented as the most important achievement of the existing government, turns into appeal of non-interference to the reproduction of the existing political regime and preferring it to the democratic slogans of opposition figures.