Academic literature on the topic 'Turks – Public opinion'
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Journal articles on the topic "Turks – Public opinion"
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Meserve, Margaret. "News from Negroponte: Politics, Popular Opinion, and Information Exchange in the First Decade of the Italian Press?*." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 2 (2006): 440–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0312.
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The fall of Negroponte to the Turks in 1470 was one of the first events in European history to be recorded in print. This article examines a little-known cluster of more than a dozen texts published in the months after the colony’s fall by some of the earliest printers to work in Italy. These editions did not “break” the news to the Italian public but rather offered analysis and commentary to an already well-informed readership. Some catered to contemporary demands for vernacular political poetry, while others now reveal the extent to which Italian humanists attached themselves to the printing industry in its earliest years, often with ambiguous results”
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Liszkowska, Dominika. "Migration Crisis and Its Impact on the Internal Situation in Turkey." Studia Europejskie - studies in European Affairs 24, no. 3 (October 20, 2020): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2020.4.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the impact of the migration crisis on the social situation in Turkey. The article consists of three parts. In the first part, the author discusses the role of Turkey in overcoming the migration crisis along with statistics concerning the number of refugees in this country. The second part presents the state’s policy towards Syrian refugees and its evolution. The third part includes an analysis of the consequences which the migration crisis and the infl ux of refugees has caused in the socio-political situation of Turkey. This part also containsan analysis of public opinion surveys on the attitude of Turks towards the refugee community.
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Kovic, Milos. "The eastern question in the parliament of the United Kingdom in 1876." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 178 (2021): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2178189k.
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This article scrutinizes the attitude of the British political elites towards the Eastern question, in the year of the beginning of the Serbian liberation and unification wars of 1876-1878. It is based on diverse sources, Hansard?s Parliamentary Debates being the most important one. The Eastern question, as geopolitical problem of the future of the Balkan and Levantine lands from which the Ottoman Empire was gradually retreating, has been considered through the confrontation of Great Britain and Russia on the wider Eurasian stage, especially in relation to their conflict in the Central Asia. The article is mainly devoted to the different interpretations, debates and conflicts in the British Parliament and public opinion, provoked by the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina and Bosnia, atrocities in Bulgaria, and the beginning of the Serbian-Turkish Wars. The divisions went mainly through the party lines. Behind almost all events in the East, the Conservatives perceived the hand of Russia and League of the Three Emperors (Dreikaisebund). These ?foreign influences? were attributed mainly to Russia and Serbia, as the alleged Russia?s tool in the Balkans. Thus, according to the Conservatives, the Serbs and Russians were to blame for the sufferings of Bulgarians in the hands of the Turks. Additionally, they were repeating that Turkish crimes were committed in self-defence, and that the numbers of victims were hugely exaggerated by the Russian, Serbian and Bulgarian propaganda and the British liberal press. The Conservatives had similar attitudes towards the atrocities committed by the Turks in the Eastern Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Liberals, on the other hand, were insisting that the main causes of these uprisings and wars were national feelings, economical problems, and the misrule of the Turks. They were directing their moral indignation not only to the Turks, but to the British government as well. According to the Liberals, by despatching of the British fleet in the vicinity of the Ottoman capital, the British government encouraged the Turks and made Great Britain co-responsible for the atrocities committed in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Wassermann, Sophia N., Edward J. Hind-Ozan, and Julia Seaman. "Reassessing public opinion of captive cetacean attractions with a photo elicitation survey." PeerJ 6 (November 20, 2018): e5953. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.5953.
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Background Captive cetacean attractions are growing in number globally, their operators citing entertainment, education, and conservation as benefits. Those for and against developing such attractions claim public support. Previous public opinion research, however, shows little consensus, partly due to the introduction of biases in study design that influence participants’ responses. Those involved in, or concerned with, developing and licensing these attractions need to better understand what drives the lack of consensus to take socially-acceptable decisions. Methods We reviewed previous research on public opinion of cetacean captivity, noting possible sources of bias. Survey question wording can be a major source of introduced bias, so we used an open-ended photo elicitation approach. We showed tourists in the Turks Caicos Islands (N = 292) images of a marine mammal park (MMP) killer whale show and a swim-with-the-dolphins (SWTD) attraction and asked for their qualitative comments on the potential development of each. They also indicated how likely they would be to visit each on a Likert scale. Results Respondents were generally against visiting MMP killer whale shows, with 60.9% not likely to visit. SWTD attractions were more popular; 60.3% were likely to visit. For SWTD, USA residents were more likely to visit; older respondents and those staying in all-inclusive resorts were less likely. Those staying in all-inclusive resorts were also less likely to visit MMP killer whale shows. The great majority of qualitative comments centred on either entertainment value or animal welfare concerns. There were very few, if any, comments on the education or conservation value of these attractions. Discussion Our findings contradict several previous studies on public opinion of captive cetaceans that did not use photo elicitation. The support shown for MMP killer whale shows in this survey was well below that claimed by studies conducted on behalf of captive cetacean attraction operators. Opposition to SWTD was also noticeably lower than that found in surveys conducted with wild cetacean tourism participants. This difference can likely be attributed to the different survey populations and settings, but this variation is also very likely attributable to researcher-introduced bias. While photo selection can introduce bias, photo elicitation reduces reliance on pre-scripted questions and responses, and seems to effectively reduce other forms of bias. Allowing open-ended responses, where participants responded to an image, seems to have given a more representative understanding of what is at the forefront of the public’s mind than closed questioning. These conclusions, among others made in this study, suggest that development decisions for captive cetacean attractions are being made on imprecise data. Going forward, data collected via responder-led, open-ended, bias-minimising approaches should at least be considered when informing such decisions.
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Yesil, Bilge. "#TurkeyIsNotAChicken." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 12, no. 2 (September 13, 2019): 166–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01202002.
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Abstract In this article, I analyze pro-AKP actors’ grassroots communications in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt. I explore the Twitter participation of non-state actors in this momentous political event, with the specific aim of shaping western audiences’ understanding of the failed coup and countering western criticism of post-coup security measures. I do not evaluate pro-AKP netizens’ Twitter communications in terms of their effectiveness in influencing western public opinion; instead I focus on the underlying anti-hegemonic and Occidentalist ideological positions. Through a discourse analysis of English-language Twitter posts, I argue that the engagement of non-state actors on behalf of the AKP government was not simply informed by nationalist mobilization, but rather by an Occidentalist exigency to invert the hegemonic western discourse about Turkey and Turks.
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Tsichla, Dr Markella-Elpida. "200 Years since the Greek Revolution: HUMANISTIC PHILHELLENISM and Its Main Characteristics in the Visual Arts (1821-2021)." World Journal of Education and Humanities 4, no. 1 (January 26, 2022): p25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjeh.v4n1p25.
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Philhellenism was a movement, its origins dating back to ancient times, that played a key role in the 19th century and the outbreak of the Greek Revolution in 1821. The contribution of military philhellenism to the liberation struggle of the Greeks is well known, but equally important was the humanitarian philhellenism, manifested in the arts, literature and science and influenced the public opinion of Europe and America, preparing the ground for the perception of this Struggle as a Sacred Struggle against oppression and barbarism. The images painted by famous and anonymous artists back then reflect the atmosphere of that time and the feeling that this uneven battle of the Greeks against the Ottoman Turks was a symbol of the fight against all barbaric behavior, such as oppression, lack of freedom, the rise of the slaveholders, and questioning religious faith. These are images that generally express the desire of European public opinion, in accordance with the teachings of the Enlightenment, to defend human rights with the necessary respect for secularism and ethnic origin. At the same time, the dominant spirit of the time highlights the connection between Greece and Antiquity, as classical culture had a great influence on the artists and intellectuals of the time. As a result, the images with reference to the Greek Revolution and its protagonists have many characteristics that take the form of symbols either of the conflict between different cultures with reference to religious differences or the connection of modern and classical Greece. Undoubtedly, the artistic movement of Romanticism played a key role to all this and Eugene Delacroix emerged as the embodiment of this perception.
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Kyriazi, Anna. "The education of minorities in Bulgaria and Romania: Analyzing the formation and articulation of preferences." Ethnicities 18, no. 3 (December 22, 2016): 412–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796816684147.
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This paper investigates explanations in variation in the education-related preferences of comparable minorities in Bulgaria and Romania (i.e., Turks and Hungarians, respectively) as articulated by political, institutional, and civil society actors claiming to speak on their behalf. The study, which is based on original data extracted from 32 in-depth interviews, begins with a classification of the preferences that the interviewees articulated and the diverse arguments on which these were grounded. Subsequently, I turn to the potential explanations of the observed variation by examining a number of themes that emerged during the discussions and that also correspond to the factors usually considered in the literature on ethnic politics. These include the constraining effect of majority public opinion, the minorities' political representation, and notions related to the opportunities of exit and voice. I argue that actors' preferences adapt to the prevailing circumstances through an incremental process: before higher order preferences can be met or even conceived all the lower steps along the way have to be accounted for.
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van Bruinessen, Martin. "The Netherlands and the Gülen movement." Sociology of Islam 1, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2014): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00104004.
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The Gülen movement has been active among immigrant workers from Turkey in the Netherlands since the 1980s. Its first institutions—educational centers, boarding houses, schools, business associations—were established when a (partly) Dutch-educated second generation came to adulthood in the mid-1990s. Ağabeyler (“older brothers”) dispatched from Turkey remained in the background, while students and graduates of Dutch universities and colleges built up support networks in Dutch civil society and municipal administrations, finding official endorsement as well as subsidies for some of their initiatives. They encountered increasing opposition from a coalition of Kemalist and former leftist Turks and anti-Muslim Dutch politicians and journalists, reflecting changing attitudes towards Islam in Dutch popular discourse as well as power struggles in Turkey. Activities that had previously been praised and supported by Dutch counterparts, such as homework assistance centers, dormitories, and (secular) schools came under suspicion when public opinion was alerted that these were the initiatives of a non-transparent Muslim piety movement. In response to negative publicity that accused these schools of brainwashing and Islamic indoctrination, and to prove that it made positive contributions to social integration, the movement closed its dormitories for secondary school students. This was followed by intensified efforts to show success in secular ventures. The result turned the Gülen movement into arguably the most successfully integrated immigrant-based organization in the country.
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Nicolaou, Mary, Colleen Doak, Rob van Dam, Karen Hosper, Jaap Seidell, and Karien Stronks. "Body size preference and body weight perception among two migrant groups of non-Western origin." Public Health Nutrition 11, no. 12 (December 2008): 1332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980008002966.
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AbstractObjectivesTo evaluate body size preference, body weight perception and their relationship with actual weight in two migrant groups of non-Western origin, Turks and Moroccans; additionally, to study the association between body size preference and acculturation.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingAmsterdam, The Netherlands.Subjects and methodsMales and females (18–30 years) were randomly selected from the population registry (n 451); participants, or at least one of their parents, were born in Turkey or Morocco. Body size preference was assessed using seven silhouette drawings and body weight perception was assessed by asking participants’ opinion of own weight. Acculturation variables were generation status and two scale measures, cultural orientation and social contacts.ResultsParticipants showed preference for a thin body size. The discrepancy between ideal and current size was significant in women but not men (P < 0·001). Perceived current body size was correlated with BMI (Spearman’s correlation coefficient 0·60, P < 0·001 (men) and 0·73, P < 0·001 (women)). Among overweight participants (BMI = 25·0–29·9 kg/m2), 63–82 % of men and 35 % of women perceived themselves as ‘average’. Paying attention to own body weight was associated with a discrepancy between ideal and current size among women and with perceiving oneself as ‘overweight’ among men. Body size preference was not significantly associated with the three acculturation variables.ConclusionWe did not observe a preference for large body sizes in these two non-Western migrant groups. Similar to Western populations, most women wished to be thinner than they were. This was not the case among men, the majority of whom were also unaware of being overweight.
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Bajrami, Lumnije. "Opinion in the Mass Print Media of Albania." Zeszyty Prasoznawcze 65, no. 3 (251) (September 28, 2022): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996362pz.22.033.15960.
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In the print media in Albania, opinions are a very controversial part of the way public discourse is created. Positioned in the capital of Albania, they often circulate the same information. Important in this genre of information are: comments, analysis and opinions in editorial form, and headlines. It seems that the most important information is served on a golden plate for the public that is being overloaded and bombarded by other media such as television, radio, or online media. Mass communication here unfolds in a wider range, that, apparently informative, turns into a game with gates between political camps. Opinionism openly announces its strategies from one medium to another where more than the public benefits those who make these opinions, i.e. journalists, politicians or explicitly linked exponents for the purposes of political communication. On the other hand, we see a lot of spectacle in the form of entertainment and so far the information stagnates. Necessary information for citizens is missing. This paper tends to theoretically analyze the genre issues of opinion in the print media.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Turks – Public opinion"
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HOFERT, Almut. "Wissen und Tuerkengefahr : die formierung des Ethnographischen Wissenkorpus über die Osmanen in Europa (15-16 Jahrhundert)." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5837.
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Defence date: 22 October 2001Examining board: Prof. Dr. Ute Daniel, Universität Braunschweig ; Prof. Dr. Miroslav Hroch, Universität Prag ; Prof. Dr. Dieter Mertens, Universität Freiburg (external supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Turks – Public opinion"
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Kula, Onur Bilge. Alman kültüründe Türk ilgesi [i.e. imgesi]: Bin yıllık öykü. Adana [Turkey]: Çukurova Üniversitesi Basımevi, 1992.
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Ṣūrat al-Atrāk ladá al-ʻArab. Bayrūt: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 2001.
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Dāqūqī, Ibrāhīm. Ṣūrat al-Atrāk ladá al-ʻArab. Bayrūt: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 2001.
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Reflections on the image of the Turk in Europe. Istanbul: Isis Press, 2009.
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The other: Turks' quest for identity and image. Cağaloğlu, İstanbul: Alkım, 2006.
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International Symposium on Turkish and European Image in the Travel Books (1st 1985 Anadolu University). I. Uluslararası Seyahatnamelerde Türk ve Batı İmajı Sempozyumu belgeleri: 28. X-1 XI. 1985. Eskişehir [Turkey]: Anadolu Üniversitesi, 1987.
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Höfert, Almut. Den Feind beschreiben: "Türkengefahr" und europäisches Wissen über das Osmanische Reich 1450-1600. Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2003.
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Alman kültür tarihi'nden seçme tarihi ve yazınsal ürünlerde Türkler: Avrupa'da Türk imgesi'ne bir katkı. Ankara: T.C. Kültür Bakanlığı, 2002.
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Heath, Michael J. Crusading commonplaces: La Noue, Lucinge, and rhetoric against the Turks. Genève: Libr. Droz, 1986.
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Crusading commonplaces: La Noue, Lucinge and rhetoric against the Turks. Genève: Droz, 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Turks – Public opinion"
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Dias, Ricardo, Guilherme Zanghelini, Edivan Cherubini, Jorge Delgado, and Yuki Kabe. "Society’s Perception-Based Characterization Factors for Mismanaged Polymers at End of Life." In Towards a Sustainable Future - Life Cycle Management, 277–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77127-0_25.
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AbstractSociety’s perception of an environmental impact often turns it into the drive to measure, remediate and ultimately solve the perceived problem. In some cases, this situation is noticeable even before scientists can properly establish the cause-effect pathway, for example, plastic debris effect on the oceans. This work strives to understand how public opinion deals with this transitory gap of knowledge and how to measure society’s viewpoint through marine litter. A Life Cycle Assessment was addressed comparing reusable and single-use drinking straws, from which a “society’s perception based” characterization factor for mismanaged polymers at end of life was proposed. Results showed that the factor may reach up to 1 order of magnitude higher than the characterization factors of producing the polymer and may indicate that decisions with no data to support can lead to rebound effects.
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McCarthy, Justin. "The British and the Ottoman Armenians." In The British and the Turks, 7–45. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399500043.003.0001.
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The British uniformly supported the Ottoman Armenians, with little consideration of the actual situation in Anatolia. Roseberry, Salisbury, and other politicians planned the independence of an “Armenia,”: despite the fact that Armenian were a distinct minority, Muslims a majority there. British actions were driven by domestic public opinion, churches, the press, and pro-Armenian pressure groups, especially the Anglo-Armenian Association.
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Judd, Charles M., Leaf Van Boven, Michaela Huber, and Ana P. Nunes. "Measuring Everyday Perceptions of the Distribution of the American Electorate." In Improving Public Opinion Surveys. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151458.003.0013.
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This chapter investigates perceptions of policy and partisan polarization through the use of an interactive histogram procedure (in which respondents were asked to raise and lower bars to reflect what they perceived to be the distribution of the public on some issue). The chapter discusses how respondents handled this task, as well as the reliability of the estimates it provided. Respondents were able to use this novel method to report their perceptions and to do so in ways that were not merely the result of projecting their own attitudes. The chapter then turns to a set of important issues in political perception that these data permit us to address.
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Murray-Miller, Gavin. "Paris, a Trans-Imperial Metropole." In Empire Unbound, 98–123. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863119.003.0005.
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Moving from North Africa to Paris, Chapter 4 examines how Egyptian and Ottoman exilic communities transformed the French metropolitan capital into a center of trans-imperial political activism. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Paris boasted a lively exilic press. Activists brought foreign politics into the salons hosted by Parisian elites; they organized protest movements and built support networks among influential French writers and officials. While histories of Egyptian and Ottoman political displacements in the period have customarily been narrated through nationalist paradigms detailing how groups like the Young Turks and Egyptian nationalists built up and sustained causes abroad, examining these movements in a trans-imperial perspective reveals a different picture. Exiles communicated with multiple audiences as they pursued their respective reform movements. They responded to events back home while also packaging their ideas for European liberals. In courting European public opinion, exiles were compelled to respond to European colonialism and the geopolitical realities of the day. They forged synergistic relationships with colonial reforms in France and worked alongside French colonial subjects residing in the city. This complex social and intellectual milieu had an important impact on exilic movements operating within Paris at the time and would influence views on foreign politics, imperialism, and prevailing currents of Islamic modernism emanating from the fin-de-siècle eastern Mediterranean.
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McCarthy, Justin. "The Inspectorates." In The British and the Turks, 292–324. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399500043.003.0008.
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Greatly weakened by the Balkan Wars, the Ottomans were forced to accept Russian and British demands to eliminate their rule over Eastern Anatolia. Civil order had greatly improved there, but the Europeans were not satisfied. Russia proposed to create one Authority the entire region under a European Inspector-General. Fearing European war and unable to intervene militarily in Anatolia, the Germans only weakly opposed Russian plans. Pressure from other Europeans was only able to bring about a division into two Inspectorates—North and South. Although three-fourths of the population was Muslim, administrative councils, assemblies, and newly-enrolled police would be half Muslim and half Christian. Inspectors were chosen with advice from Armenian groups. As the plan was being put in place, however, World War I began, allowing the Ottomans to abandon the project. With only some modification to the Russian plan, Grey supported the division of the Ottoman Empire throughout negotiations. He refused to accept all Ottoman plans for more lenient treatment. Grey was supported by his government and by domestic interests. A British Armenia Committee mobilized anti-Ottoman public and press opinions, but fervour for the Armenian Cause had weakened. Nevertheless, Grey went forward with his own plans for the Ottoman Empire.
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Koning, Edward A. "The political challenges to governing global migration and social welfare." In The Struggle for Social Sustainability, 177–94. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356103.003.0009.
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This chapter analyzes how immigration affects the politics of redistribution in Western democracies. It holds that the challenges of reconciling migration and welfare are aggravated by the political process. Migration raises complicated questions about the portability of social security arrangements and differentiation in social rights extension. The chapter then shifts to investigate the policy challenge that migration poses to the welfare system. It shows that news media frequently depict immigrants as a drain on the system. The chapter also pays attention to public opinion and shows that while the number of people who believe that immigrants are a leech on the system seems to be in decline, the sentiment is nevertheless having a larger impact on election outcomes. The chapter then turns to party politics, and argues that the increasing success of parties that run on a platform favouring extreme solutions and displaying hostility towards immigrants has produced a climate that discourages constructive and disinterested policy proposals.
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Hummel, Calla. "Informal Work in Numbers." In Why Informal Workers Organize, 54–84. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847812.003.0003.
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Chapter 3 introduces survey data from around the world and establishes broad trends in informal work and civil society participation. Descriptive statistics show that informal workers organize in nearly every country in the sample and extensively organize in many. I estimate a data set of informal workers using survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and a machine learning algorithm. Regressions on the estimated data set, a data set of known informal workers, and a data set of self-employed workers suggest that informal workers are more likely to organize in low-capacity countries. The chapter then turns to survey data from the 42 countries around the world in the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) database and find similar patterns between informal work, state capacity, and political participation. The quantitative analyses point to cases to examine in more depth. Two cities in the La Paz department of Bolivia, La Paz and El Alto were selected, to see how informal workers interact with officials with lower enforcement capacity, as well as two districts in São Paulo, Brazil, to understand how informal workers interact with officials with higher enforcement capacity.
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O'Malley, Seamus. "“THE PEOPLE” of the Easter Rising." In Irish Culture and “The People”, 162–200. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858412.003.0006.
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Abstract This chapter traces the paths that James Connolly and Patrick Pearse took to create a “Republic in trust for the people” as stated in their Proclamation. The two rebels had not only drastically different notions of The People, but also distinct relationships to the populist currents that moved throughout the Revival period. Connolly generally avoided populist discourse and, during the Lockout especially, battled against prominent populist nationalists like William Martin Murphy, self-appointed arbiter of “public opinion.” The 1913 defeat is only one instance of Connolly’s inability to outflank the coalitions of nationalist populism that aimed to speak for The People. Pearse, especially in his last years, was more receptive to populist thought, partly due to his open embrace of the irrational and mystical side of politics. While no original thinker, Pearse’s instinct for symbolism was strong, making him a powerful conductor of romantic nationalism. Pearse ultimately turns to The People via his belief in their divinity: like Christ, The People are fully human and divine, and at first he wonders if “the people itself will perhaps be its own Messiah.” Yet he ultimately decides that unlike Christ, The People can only passively witness the sacrifice of others. That left Pearse as the only logical sacrificial embodiment of The People. In a similar way, Pearse rarely attempts to portray The People in his writings, instead representing them on the political stage, acting as their substitute.
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Karmaza, Oleksandra, and Oleg Goretskyy. "MEDIATION IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS OF UKRAINE: PROSPECTS FOR DEVELOPMENT." In Integration of traditional and innovation processes of development of modern science. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-021-6-24.
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The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the problems of peaceful and out-of-court settlement of disputes are important for Ukraine and society. At the same time, significant parts of Ukrainian citizens are not yet familiar with the term «mediation». However, it is through mediation that conflicts in the private and public spheres of public relations can be resolved. It turns out that the essence of mediation is to involve the parties to the conflict in resuming and resolving the conflict, to listen to their problems and opinions on how they see a way out of the conflict situation and to lead them to compromise. This is the participation of the mediator – the mediator in the conflict. In the electoral process, it is possible to resolve conflicts through mediation. Norms on mediation in the election process may be provided for in the Electoral Code of Ukraine. One of the main concepts of mediation, enshrined in the legislation of foreign countries, as well as the project of Ukraine – the voluntary nature of the mediation process and the existence of mutual consent of the parties to mediation. The principle of voluntariness should also be enshrined for mediation in the electoral process. It has been established that today in Ukraine there are no direct legal or other obstacles to the activities of mediators who are specialists in resolving conflicts and disputes in Ukraine, but no special law has been adopted. But in the election process today, the mediation process is not provided for in the Electoral Code of Ukraine. The article proposes provisions for the draft law of Ukraine on mediation and the Electoral Code of Ukraine.