Journal articles on the topic 'Turkish navy'

Turks paid special attention to the organization of ground troops due to their geographical location in Central Asia which is why they built the strongest land army in the world. Their first naval endeavor emerged after the conquest of Anatolia. This was because of Anatolia’s geographical position, being an Asian peninsula extending towards the west and situated between the con­tinents of Europe and Asia, and also a conjunction of land and sea routes between the continents. With the start of the Turkish conquest of Anatolia after the victorious Battle of Malazgirt in 1071, the strategy of Turkish domi­nation changed. The new rulers of the area surrounded by sea from three sides realized that the way to protect their territory was the domination of the seas. During this period, mass migration took place from Turkey to the region of western Anatolia, and on the other hand, Chaka Bey (Çaka Bey) managed to dominate Smyrna (Izmir) after the change on the throne of the Byzantine Empire in 1081. He established a Turkish Seaside Principality (Türk Sahil Beyliği or İzmir Türk Beyliği). Although his life was short, the first coastal Turkish state is significant from the point of view of Turkish history, meaning that the history of the Turkish navy starts in 1081, which is the date of the first fleet built by Chaka Bey.

The article is dedicated to the current state of the Turkish Navy. According to the author, an analysis of the development of the Turkish Navy allows us to conclude that the replenishment of the ship’s composition of Turkey is in full swing, and this update is of high quality character. Turkey is commissioning not just modernized warships; its ships are being built at national shipyards based on modern technology. In its military policy, Turkey is reoriented from the Black Sea to the eastern Mediterranean direction.

The close relations between Turkey and Libya are still on the rise, and this was evident through Turkish support at all levels of the internationally recognized government of Al-Sarraj winner. The Memorandum of Understanding signed between Turkey and Libya on 27 / November 2019, in the areas of security and military cooperation and the determination of areas of influence revealed The navy, the extent of the historical close relationship between Ankara and Tripoli, just as the Turkish President Erdogan wanted to deliver a message to the West and other regional parties after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, that Turkey has a non-negotiable sovereign right to define the maritime spheres of influence and that this right stems from international law. In light of these tracks, we will shed light on the orientations of Turkish policy towards Libya after the February 2011 revolution, by defining the determinants of those trends and examining the most important obstacles in the march of Turkish policy towards Libya.

The Republic of Turkey and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam celebrated the 40th anniversary of its diplomatic relations in 2018. In history, due to the geographic distance and differences of many aspects of language, religion and culture, the contact and relations between two nations were very limited. However, the relations between Turkey and Vietnam have achieved some prominent events. For example, on the voyage to Japan of a frigate named Ertuğrul of the Ottoman navy in 1890, it stopped to visit Sai Gon. During the Vietnam War, some of Turkish staffs and journalists like H. Oğuz Barut and Sami Kohen came to the South of Vietnam and reported on the war that was happening in Vietnam. These reports led the Turkish people have the objective and impartial perceptions of the country and people of Vietnam. After the Vietnam War ended, in 1978 the Turkish Government established diplomatic relations with the Vietnamese Government. Since that time, the diplomatic relations between two countries have gained some significant achievements. This article researches the relations between Turkey and Vietnam from the late of the nineteenth-century to the present. Based on some basic references, the Turkish - Vietnamese relations could be divided into three periods: in the late 19th century, during the Vietnam War and since 1978 to the present.

AbstractThe Ottoman-Turkish historiography has been largely concerned with the economic nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which consisted of four doctrines: elimination of foreign dominance on the Ottoman economy, removal of non-Muslims from the economic sphere, creation of a Turkish/Muslim bourgeoisie, and rapid industrialization. Through its focus on the economic activities of the Society for the Ottoman Navy, a CUP-affiliated charitable organization with enormous economic power, the present study investigates how the economic policies of the period can be regarded as a practice of economic nationalism. Based on archival material and in dialogue with secondary sources, this article argues that although the Unionist leadership and intelligentsia employed the language of economic nationalism, the operation of the economy in practice was considerably different from its rhetoric. War conditions, the lack of indigenous capital accumulation, and relations of the Ottoman Empire with foreign powers heavily shaped the implementation of the economic nationalism of the CUP.

AbstractThe period 1877–1878 was one of tension between Britain and Russia caused by the Russo-Turkish War and the consequent threat to the route to India. The Royal Navy was deployed to deter the Russians in seas adjacent to the Balkans, but also undertook intelligence gathering missions further afield. Two of these were to Petropavlovsk in sub-Arctic Kamchatka and were undertaken by Commander A.L. Douglas in HMS Egeria. The British, with their French allies, had sustained a serious defeat there during the Crimean War and wished to ascertain the state of Russian defences should there be fresh hostilities. In the event, Douglas discovered that the Russians had abandoned Petropavlovsk as a fortified post and that there was no garrison. His reports were, therefore, negative, but included interesting information concerning Petropavlovsk in this era.

The object of this research is the Russian navy during the ruling time of Peter the Great and Anna of Russia under the circumstances of escalation of foreign policy situation in Azov and Black Sea regions. The subject of this research is the history of restoration and development of naval shipbuilding on the Don River during the 1721-1735. Based on the published and archival materials, the author examines the process of formation of Don Flotilla comprised of nine large and six small prams, fifteen gallivants, and thirty small vessels. Methodological framework consists of the problematic-chronological, comparative-historical and structural-functional methods. Special role belongs to the method of historical reconstruction that allowed reproducing the stages of shipbuilding works on the Don River during the 1721-1735. The article demonstrates the details of the process of construction works during the 1721-1724, their demothballing in 1733, and further construction of the ships of Don Flotilla prior to Russo-Turkish War of 1735-1739. The author also analyzes the shipbuilding process itself, which main conclusions consist in the statement that the flotilla was not ready to the beginning of large-scale military operations against the Ottoman Empire.

Purpose: It is important to objectively measure symptoms and functional limitations related to patellar tendinopathy using outcome measures that have been validated in the language of the target population. Cross-cultural adaptations are also useful to enhance the understanding of the measurement properties of an assessment tool, regardless of the target language. The aim of the study to translate and adapt the Victorian Institute of Sport Assessment-Patella (VISA-P) questionnaire to Turkish. Methods: The translation and cultural adaptation were performed according to international recommendations. In the first stage, 2 Turkish individuals with a good command of English were responsible for the literal and conceptual translation of the VISA-P. The informed translator was a physical therapist, and the uninformed translator was a teacher. Both translators were fluent in English and spoke Turkish as their mother tongue. The translations were completed independently. In the second stage, both translations were compared and reviewed by a bilingual individual who highlighted any conceptual errors or inconsistencies in the translations to establish the first Turkish translation. In the third stage, after the first Turkish translation was agreed upon, 2 native English speakers with a good command of Turkish separately translated the finalized Turkish translation back into English. In the fourth stage, the back-translated version of the VISA-P was compared to the initial English version of the VISA-P. The committee evaluated the 4 translations and compared the discrepancies. After discussing the discrepancies, the committee finalized and approved the Turkish version of the VISA-P. In the final stage, prelimi-nary testing was performed. with 22 patients and 40 healthy participants to determine comprehension of the Turkish version. Results: Preliminary testing was conducted on 22 patients (12 male, mean ± SD age, 27.5 ± 6.6 years) who fulfilled the eligibility criteria and 40 healthy participants (30 male, mean ± SD age, 25.7 ± 4.9 years) of the study to determine comprehension of the Turkish version. The patients and healthy participants did not report any difficulties of the understanding of the questions. Conclusion: The VISA-P was translated and adapted to the Turkish language and can be used in clinical evaluation on the patellar tendinopathy. Additional studies are underway with the objective of evaluating the reproducibility and validity of the Turkish translation.

The first line of the United States Marine Corps anthem, “From the Halls of Montezuma to the Shores of Tripoli,” refers to one of the earliest encounters between the United States and the Ottoman Empire, when the American navy attempted to suppress “pirating” along the northern coast of Africa at the beginning of the nineteenth century (Field 1969, pp. 27-67). This ritualization of animosity, framing the American image of the Ottoman Empire, has elements carried over from Europe, in which Muslims in general, and the Turks in particular, are drawn as “cruel, fanatical, lustful and dirty” (Wheatcroft 1993, p. 231). According to the European vision, “[the Turks] were, from the first black day they entered Europe, the one great anti-human specimen of humanity” (Gladstone 1876). American images mirrored this European perception. For example, as the United States entered World War I in 1917, Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, presented the war effort not just as aimed at the defeat of Germany, but as a crusade for the destruction of the Ottoman Empire:[The Ottoman Turks] have been the pest and the curse of Europe, the source of innumerable wars, the executioners in countless massacres… Such a… government as this is a curse to modern civilization. Like a pestilence it breathes forth contagion upon the innocent air (USC 1917, vol. LVI, p. 64).

The site with the remains of the Saxon church, that is, the former Catholic church of St Mary, lies on a mild slope that descends from the fort to the southeast, or the village of Bostane. Located at a distance of about 1,200 m from Novo Brdo?s Lower Town, it was outside this former urban area. It was intermittently investigated in the 1950s and ?60s, but the complete results of these works have not been published. With this in mind, after almost six decades, an attempt was made, based on the remaining fieldwork documentation, to examine in more detail the complex of this important Novo Brdo edifice. The investigated remains of the church itself reveal three stages, or more precisely, construction phases, which reflect the emergence, renovation and extension of this temple over an extended period of time, from the first decades of the 14th to the end of the 17th century. The first and most important stage comprises the construction of the church itself, as well as the successive adding of masonry tombs and graves in the interior of the original temple. The following stage includes an extensive renovation and expansion of the church, while the third and final stage is distinguished by the construction of a porch in front of the western fa?ade (Fig. 2). The Saxon church is a single-nave temple of a spacious rectangular base. On the eastern side, two massive pilasters separated the nave from a much narrower alter area that terminated in a semicircular apse. This space, that is, the presbytery, was divided by a pair of similar massive pilasters into two unequal parts - a shorter western one, which could be labelled as the choir, and a much larger eastern one, in the centre of which was a masonry altar mensa in the form of a massive column and two simultaneously built steps. In front of them, on the same western side, this construction also included the first, monolithic step, which on the sides had step-like profiled cubes, the upper surface of which contained regularly carved circular indentations for the placement of massive candles. Alongside all four corners of the masonry construction of the alter mensa, steplike profiled bases carved from breccia were discovered in situ, which most likely carried the construction of a wooden ciborium. On the southern side, in the corner between the altar area and the wider nave, a sacristy was located, which was connected by a door to the presbytery, that is, the choir. The interior of the Saxon church, which was completely explored, revealed the existence of several burial horizons, which can, chronologically and in terms of their general characteristics, be determined. The oldest burials, which were performed within the original church, somewhat differ from the later ones, from the time after the renovation of the temple, as well as the construction of the porch. Characteristic of the older period are masonry tombs, intended for a number of burials (Fig. 3). Generally observed, despite the noticeable construction technique typical of the local area, the Saxon church stylistically resembled a Gothic edifice. What particularly contributed to this are stylistically clearly recognisable tall and narrow windows with a broken arch. Such a stylistic preference, in all likelihood, was also influenced by a possible solution for the under- roof construction above the unvaulted nave. The Saxon church in Novo Brdo represents a peculiar phenomenon in the territory of Serbia. It is immediately apparent that the church?s spatial solution corresponded to the needs of Roman Catholic worship. However, by the form of its base it is distinguished from the usual types of Catholic temples in the coastal areas of medieval Serbia, from where the western cultural influences flowed. It was clearly noted that the base of the Novo Brdo church has no close parallels among churches of the Adriatic, which imposed the need for a more detailed consideration of its spatial solution. It?s base, with a rectangular nave, a narrower vaulted presbytery and a laterally positioned sacristy, is characteristic of sacral architecture in a wider area, from the Netherlands, Southern Germany and Saxony, all the way to Transylvania - Ardeal. The spread of this type of base from the areas of its origin, during the 12th and 13th centuries, can be associated with the Saxon diaspora, specifically the Sassi miners, progressing towards the east. This was particularly indicated by a considerable number of these temples in the mining areas of Ardeal, from where the Sassi migrations advanced further down to the south, namely, to the central regions of the Balkans. The thus perceived base of the Novo Brdo church, which, on the whole, follows the spatial solution of Saxon temples, represents the southernmost example of a sacral edifice of this type in Southeast Europe. The time of the construction of the Saxon church in Novo Brdo can be quite reliably determined despite the fragmentarily preserved documentation. The rapid development of the city was undoubtedly accompanied by religious organising, first of the Sassi miners, followed by numerous merchants from Adriatic towns, primarily those from the ?King?s City? of Kotor, and subsequently also from Dubrovnik. Based on all these findings it can be quite safely concluded that the first newly erected church in Novo Brdo was precisely the Saxon church, that is, Santa Maria in Novomonte. It was built, without any doubt, due to the efforts of the newly settled Sassi mining community. Such a conclusion can reliably be drawn on the basis of the spatial solution of the new temple rooted in traditions from the homeland, which were disseminated by this mining population in all areas of their diaspora. The very method of building and some construction solutions, which did not affect the basic concept, were left to local builders. This dating is further supported by coin finds, the oldest specimens of which originate from the last decade of the reign of King Stefan Uros II (1282-1321). The Saxon church, outside the fortified Lower Town, shared the fate of Novo Brdo. Since it was located on the access route to the city, which was not especially defended, it could have been exposed to occasional Turkish attacks during the last decades of the 14th century. With significant destruction, as evidenced by the results of archaeological excavations, the earlier period of life of the Saxon church came to an end. It can be assumed that this took place at the time of the almost two-year long Turkish siege of Novo Brdo between 1439 and 1441. After the Turkish occupation of Novo Brdo in 1455, and upon restoring stability in the conquered city, conditions were created for the renovation of the Saxon church ? Santa Maria in Novomonte. One letter from Rome, sent to the archbishop of the city of Bar in 1458, indicates that this was also advocated by Pope Pius II personally. Major works on that occasion, as shown by archaeological investigations, were conducted within the area of the nave, which was almost entirely in ruins. The undertaken renovation provided the opportunity to increase the size of the church, specifically to extend it westward by 2.70 m. New walls were built from the ground up on the northern and western side of the nave, while within the altar area, which was certainly much better preserved, no traces of any subsequent alterations were noted. Somewhat later, in front of the renovated church, a wooden porch was added. The Saxon church was also used for worship during the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. The archbishop of Bar, Marino Bizzi, during a canonical visitation in 1610, noted that the church at that time fulfilled all the requirements for worship. Three decades later, his successor, Archbishop Giorgio Bianchi, visited the Novo Brdo ?canonical church dedicated to St Mary?, which he says was in the hands of Christians and that inside ?are graves in which Catholics are buried??. This is also the last known data regarding this prominent Novo Brdo temple, which was, without a doubt, finally destroyed during the Austro-Turkish war at the end of the 17th century.

The ethnogenesis of the leading Buryat tribal community of the Khori is investigated. It was established that their ethnic ancestors were the Mongol-speaking Syanbi ethnic group of the khor-toba. It was determined that in the 4th century in the south-west of China, in Amdo, a group of tribes, called the Khoir (Khori), emerged from the composition of the khori-toba. It settled in Tsaidam near lake Sadamtyn-Sagan-nur. Much attention is paid to the identification of early Tsaidam versions of the Khorin legend about the ancestor of Khoridoy and his wife, Maiden Swan Khoboshi. An analysis of legends, combined with data from various sources, testified that the territory adjacent to Sadamtyn-Sagan-nur was the ancient ancestral home of the Khorintsy, which remained in their memory as Nayan-Nava. It is proved that the main character of the Khorin legend Khorida is the personification of the Tsaidam Mongol-speaking clans - Khoboshi, who came from the Sayano-Altai in the VI century with the Mongolized Turkic-speaking ethnic components. It was established that the interaction and merger of these groups led to the formation of the Khori tribe in Tsaidam. It was found that approximately at the turn of the I-II thousand n. e. the Khorintsy, leaving Nayan-Nava, went to Lake Baikal.

The church of Szigetmonostor, together with the parish building in front, and the late chanter house next to it, is the characteristic complex of its environment. Its plan with the middle tower façade solution is a classic example of Baroque church architecture of the eighteenth century. The most valuable part of the building is the late Baroque pulpit renovated while keeping its original appearance.Szigetmonostor – earlier Monostor – a municipality in Pest County on the Szentendre Island came into the possession of the Zichy family after the Turkish rule. In the 1730s, Ferenc Zichy put the tenure in pawn to Gábor Horányi, a servant judge in Pest County, who started greater developments here by building a castle (today the parish) and a church in the 1740s. The tower was built in front of the main façade a few years after the completion of the nave. The Vienna Court Chamber acquired the manor from the Zichy family in 1766 after a long lawsuit, also redeeming Monostor from the Horányi family. In 1774, the master masons Mihály János Hamon and Jakab Gföller were commissioned to survey the buildings of the manor, which came into the possession of the Crown from the Zichys. Their survey plans illustrate the church with the small teaching house and church garden next to it. During the 19th and 20th centuries, the church underwent several renewals and renovations and minor alterations that could be tracked with the help of records and Canonica Visitatios.

The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK’s transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIFêrbûna ji têkçûnê: Pêşketin û dijberiya "paradîgmaya nû" di nava Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê ya Tirkiyeyê (PKK) deGuherîna îdeolojîk û jinûve rêkxistina siyasî ya PKKyê gelek bûye babeta nîqaşan. Hindek lêkoler qebûl dikin ku guherînên girîng çêbûn di nava PKKyê de, lê hindek lêkolerên din girîngiyeke wisa nedane veguherîna PKKyê û ew bêtir wek stratejiyeke ragihandinê û rûberekê dîtine. Li ser bingeha hevpeyvînên bi agahîderên xwedan rol û girîngî re, ev gotar nîqaş û geşedanên di nava partiyê de yên li serê salên 2000an digihîne hev û vesaz dike. Encameke serekî ku gotar digihê ew e ku veguherîna PKKyê gelek zêdetir bûye ji guherîneke arasteyê û lêanînên rêxistinî; berevajî vê yekê, pêşketina zihniyeteke nû bû, zihniyetek ku hiyerarşiyên dîrokî yên cinsiyetan û bingehên siyasî yên kûr dixistine jêr pirsyaran. Di pêvajoya vê guherîna bingehîn de, PKKyê hejmareke girîng a çalakvan û berpirsên xwe yên kevn ji dest dan. Herçend carinan wisa xuya bûbe ku tevger dibe ku ji hev bikeve, encam bû veguherînek ku lez û dînamîzmeke nû da PKKyê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIFêrbûn le şikist: Geşekirdin û rikaberîkirdinî "paradaymî nwê" lenaw Partî Krêkaranî Kurdistanî Turkiya (PKK)Arastekirdinewey aydiyolojî û rêkxistinewey siyasîy PKK buwete babetî miştumirr. Lekatêkda hendêk nûser dan beweda denên ke gorrankarîy gewre lenaw PKKda rûydawe, hendêkî tir werçerxanî PKK ret dekenewe û be corêk le stratîjîy rageyandin û perdepoşî dadenên. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtin legell hewallgire serekîyekanda, em babete miştumirr û allugorrîyekanî naw PKK le sallanî 2000ekanda daderrêjêtewe. Encamgîrîy serekî eweye werçerxanî PKK le arayîşdanewey peywest be hemwarkirdinî rêkxiraweyî ziyatire, le geşekirdinî cîhanbînîyekî tazeş kemtir nebû, wek ewey ke peyweste be xistine jêr pirsyarî heremeyî cênderî ke cêkewteyekî mêjuyîy heye legell bellge newîste siyasîye rîşe dakutawekan. Le prosey em allugorre serekîyeda, PKK jimareyekî berçawî çalakwan û kadîre dêrînekanî ledest da. Herçende hendêk kat wa derdekewt ke ew cullaneweye renge heres bênêt, derencam werçerxanêk bû ke gurr u tînî tazey daye PKK.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIMexlûbîyet ra dersegirewtiş: averşîyayîş û werenayîşê “paradîgmaya newîye” ya zereyê Partîya Karkeran a Kurdîstanî ya Tirkîya (PKK) deNewe ra oryantasyono îdeolojîk û rêxistinbîyayîşê PKK bîyî babetê munaqeşeyan. Herçiqas ke tayê nuştoxî qebul kenê ke zereyê PKK de vurîyayîşê girîngî qewimîyayî, tayê bînî nê vurîyayîşî sey stratejîya komunîkasyonî û xoxemilnayîşêkê zurayinî nîşan danê. Pê roportajanê ke bi melumatdaranê sermîyanan ameyê kerdene, na meqale munaqeşe û averşîyayîşê ke sereyê serranê 2000an de ca girewtê, înan reyna ana ra çiman ver. Yew netîceyo bingeyên o yo ke vurîyayîşê PKK tena qandê başêrkerdişê rêxistine oryantasyono newe ney, la bi xo averşîyayîşê hişmendîyêka newîye bî. Na hişmendî hîyerarşîyê cinsîyetan ê tradîsyonelî û rastîyê sîyasîyê xorînî fîştî ra gumanî ver. Prosesê nê vurîyayîşê girsî de PKK hûmarêka girînge ya çalakîker û kadroyanê kanan kerde vîndî. Herçiqas wextêk ge-gane wina asayêne ke tevger do parçe bibo, netîce de no vurîyayîş seba PKK bîbî teşwîqêko teze.

With a focus on the London Alevi-Kurdish community from Turkey, the aim of this article is to analyse changes in parenting and home-school relations of two cohorts of first-generation parents arriving in the nineties (Nineties parents) and the noughties (Millennial parents). Against a backdrop of national data showing that “Turkish” children persistently underachieve in schools across Europe, this exploration of differences within the first generation challenges deficit models of home-school relations. Through adding “differences within a generation” to intersectional analyses of home-school relations, it facilitates the exploration of parents’ migration context, ethnicity, religion and community. Additionally, the article addresses migrant parents’ access to different forms of capital in navigating the education system. This includes the contributions of children, the community associations and local schools which have made a difference to Nineties and Millennial parents’ relationships with schools. Finally, the analysis demonstrates how community activism can have much more powerful effects than parents acting alone. Abstract in Kurmanji “Sermiyanê armanckirî” û guherînên li ba dêbavên elewî-kurd yên ji nifşê yekem li ser perwerdeya zarokên wan li Ingiltereyê Ev gotar li ser cemaeta kurdên elewî yên Londrayê hûr dibe û guherînên di kiryarên zarok mezinkirinê û têkiliyên mal-dibistanê de tehlîl dike li nav du komên dêbavên ji nifşê yekem, yên li salên nodan û li dor du hezaran (mîlenyal) hatî. Li ser paşxaneya daneyên neteweyî, ku nîşan didin ku zarokên "tirk" li seranserê Ewropayê kêm serkeftî ne li dibistanê, ev tehlîl û pêdeçûna cudatiyên di nava nifşê yekem li dijî "modêlên kêmasiyê" yên têkiliya mal û dibistanê radibe. Bi rêya zêdekirina "cudatiyên di nava nifşekî de" li tehlîla têkiliyên mal û dibistanê yên li ser bingehê navber-beşî (intersectional), ev lêkolîn rê vedike bo destnîşankirina rola fakterên wek şert û çarçoveya koçberiya dêbavan, qewmiyet, dîn û cemaeta wan. Zêdebarî vê, gotar berê xwe dide îmkanên dêbavan di warê sermiyanên cihêreng de gava di nav sîstema perwerdeyê de. Di nav vê yekê de karîgeriya zarokan, komeleyên cemawerî û dibistanên mehelî hene ku cudatiyeke mezin durist kirine di têkiliya dêbavên ji salên nodan û du hezaran ya ligel dibistanê de. Dawiyê, ev xebat nîşan dide ka çawa çalakvaniya cemawerî dikare tesîreke gelek mezintir bike ji hewldanên bi tenê yên dêbavan. Abstract in Sorani "Sermayey temah" we werçexan le beşdarbûnî newey yekemî bawanî 'Elewye-‏Kurdekan le xwêndinî mindallekanîyan le Şanşîne Yekgirtuwekanda ‏ Be terkîz kirdne ser rwewendî 'Elewîye-Kurdekanî Turkya le Lenden, amancî em wtare ‏şîkarîkirdnî allugorre le bawanêtî û peywendyekanî mall-xwêndinge lenaw dû taqmî bawan lew ‏newey-yekemaney ke le deyey newetekan (bawanî newetekan) we le deyey sifrîda (bawanî hezare) ‏geyîştûn. Lehember paşxanî datayekî nîştîmanî ke kem twanayî berdewamî zarokî "turkî" ‏le xwêndingekanî sertaserî ewrupa derdexa, em gerrane be naw cyawazyekanî na newey ‏yekemda teheday modêlî kurtihênan dekat le peywendîyekanî mall-xwêndinge. Be‎ zyadkirdnî ‏‏"cyawazîyekan lenaw neweyekda" bo şîkarîyekanî peywest be têkhellkîşbûnî peywendî mall-‏qutabxane, em babete asankarî bo dozînewey çwarçêweyk bo koçberêtî, etnîkî, aynî û ‏çvakî bawanekan dekat. Herweha, babeteke basî dest pêrrageyîştinî bawanî koçberekan be ‏şêwe cyawazekanî sermaye dekat bo rêdozî kirdin le sîstemî perwerdeda. Emeş beşdarî ‏mindallan, komelle cvakîyekan û qutabxane nawçeyyekan degrêtewe ke cyawazîyekyan bo bawanî ‏deyey newetekan û dûhezarekan drustkird. Lekotayîda, ravekan ewe pîşandeden ke çon ‏çalakî cvakî detwanêt rollî zor behêztirî le çalakî tenyay bawanekan hebêt. Abstract in Zazaki “Kapîtalo waştox” û Qiralîya Yewbîyayîye de vurîyayîşê têkilîyanê perwerdeyê domananê may û pîyanê kurdanê elewîyan ê neslê verênî Bi giranî para komelê kurdanê elewîyan ê Londra rê, hedefê na meqale yo ke vurîyayîşê mayûpîyîye û têkilîyanê keye û mektebî yê di cematanê may û pîyanê neslanê verênan ke serranê 90an de (may û pîyê 90an) û serranê 2000an de (may û pîyê 2000an) ameyê, înan analîz bikero. Bi zidîya dayeyanê dewlete ke musnenê ke domanê “tirkan” mektebanê Ewropa de hende ke înan ra pawîyeno serkewte nîyê, no kifşê cîyayîyanê mabênê neslê verênî modelanê kêmasîyan ê têkilîyanê keye û mektebî rê îtîrazêk o. Îlawekerdişê “cîyayîyanê mîyanê yew neslî” bi analîzanê têkilîyanê keye û mektebî yê pêresayeyan, cigêrayîşê kontekstê koçkerdişê may û pîyan, etnîsîte, dîn û komelê înan keno asan. Tepîya, na meqale de sîstemê perwerdeyî mîyan de îmkananê may û pîyanê koçberan ra behs beno ke ê xo senî resnenê formanê kapîtalî yê cîya-cîyayan. Ancîna, tede serzêdeyê domanî, dezgehê komelî û mektebanê cayîyan estê ke pêrune têkilîyanê mabênê may û pîyanê 90an û 2000an û mekteban de ferqêk viraşto. Peynîye de, no analîz musneno ke bandura aktîvîzmê komelî bi senî hewa goreyê kerdişanê may û pîyan ê ferdîyan ra bena hêzdarêre.

The 1990s saw major developments within the Kurdish movement in Turkey, both politically and militarily. The Turkish state responded with a new repertoire of violence, characterized by irregular warfare methods. This article situates the phenomenon of enforced disappearance, employed by the state as part of its asymmetric strategy, within the broader context of memory space and everyday experience. For this, I follow the trajectory of the sittings of Saturday Mothers as performances, focusing on the case of Cizre. First, the phenomenon of enforced disappearance is situated within the historical background of the Kurdish conflict in the 1990s. Then, the Cizre and Istanbul Saturday Mothers’ sittings are compared in terms of memory making and the politico-symbolic sites they produce scrutinized as memory knots (nœuds de mémoire), tying the past to present and personal to political. Finally, I endorse the introduction of a novel term, cultural aphasia, to broaden and deepen the memory debate. Thus, through a focus on human and social relations, emotions and experiences, forms of state violence are revealed as continuously reproducing specific political subjectivities and struggles in everyday life. Abstract in Kurmanji Bîrewerî wekî tecrubeyek di demên tundiya domdar de: vexwendina meydanê ya Dayikên Şemiyê ya li hemberî afaziyaya çandî Salên 1990an di tevgera Kurdî ya li Tirkiyeyê de hem ji hêla siyasî û hem jî ya leşkerî ve bûn şahidê pêşveçûnên mezin. Dewleta Tirk bi repertuvareke tundî ya nû ku xwedî karaktera rêbazên şerê bêpergal bû bersiv da. Ev gotar, diyardeya kujernediyariyê ku dewletê ew wekî perçeyeke stratejiya xwe ya asîmetrîk bikar dianî, di qadeke firehtir a bîreweriyê de û di çarçoveya tecrubeya jiyana rojane de dinirxîne. Ji bo vê yekê, bi hûrgilîbûna li ser mînaka Cizîrê, ez rewşa roniştinên Dayikên Şemiyê wekî performans dişopînim. A yekem, diyardeya kujernediyariyê di paşxana dîrokî ya pevçûna Kurdan a 1990an de hatiye bicihkirin. Piştre, roniştinên Dayikên Şemiyê yên Cizîr û Stembolê ji hêla çêkirina bîreweriyê ve tên berawirdkirin û cihên siyasî-sembolîk ku ava kirine, ew cih, wekî girêkên bîreweriyê (nœuds de mémoire) ku do bi îro ve û takekesiyê bi siyasetê ve girê dide tên lêkolîn. Herî dawî, ji bo berfirehkirin û hûrgilîkirina nîqaşa bîreweriyê ez bikaranîna termeke nû ya bi navê afaziyaya çandiyê guncan dibînim. Ji ber vê yekê, bi hûrgilîbûneke li ser têkiliyên mirov û civakiyan, hest û tecrubeyan tê dîtin ku şêwazên tundiya dewletê di jiyana rojane de bi awayekî domdarî bi çêkirina kirdewarî û têkoşînên sîyasî yên taybet eşkere dibin. Abstract in Sorani Bîrewerî wek ezmûnêk le katî tundutîjî berdewamda: berengarî daykanî şemme beramber lallî kultûrî Deyey newetekan pêşkewtinî serekî lenaw bizavî kurdî le turkya, lerrûy siyasî û serbaziyewe, be xowe dît. Dewlletî turk be kerestey tazey tundutîjîyewe, ke be mîtodî cengî narrêk denasrêtewe, wellamî dayewe. Em witare dyardey winbûnî zoremlê dexaterrû ke wek beşêk le sitratijî nahawsengîyaney dewlletda û le çwarçêwey firawantirî fezay yadewerî û ezmûnî rojaneda bekarhatuwe. Bo emeş, be sernic xistne ser keysî cezîre, min şwên pêy rêçkey nimayişî danîştnekanî daykanî şemme helldegrim. Yekem , diyardey winbûnî zoremlê dekewête naw paşxanî mêjûyî kêşey kurd le deyey newetekanda. Dwatir, berawirdî nêwan danîştinekanî daykanî şemmey cezîre û estenboll le rûy yadawerîsazî dekat we ew pêge siyasî-sîmboliyaney berhemî dênin wek grêy bîrewerî depişkinêt,(nœudis de mémoire) bestnewey rabirdû be êstawe w kesî be syasîyewe. Le kotayîda, bo firawankirdin û qullkirdnewey dîbeytî yadewerî, pêşkeşkirdnî zaraweyekî nabaw, lallî kelturî, pesend dekem. Bemcore, le rêgey tîşk xistneser peywendîye miroyî û komellayetîyekan, soz û ezmûnekan, şêwekanî tundutîjî dewllet wek dûbare berhemhênanewey berdewamî babetî û xebatî siyasî diyarîkraw le jyanî rojaneda aşkra dekrêt. Abstract in Zazaki Wextê şîdetê bêpeynî de xatira bena tecrube: duştê afazîya kulturkîye de mucadeleyê Mayanê Şemeyî Serranê 1990an de tevgerê kurdan Tirkîya de xeylê averşîyayîşê girsî dîyî, hem hetê sîyasetî ra hem kî hetê leşkerîye ra. Dewleta tirke bi repertuarê şîdetî yo newe cewab da ci, taybetmendîye kî usûlê cengî yê bêserûberî bîyî. Na meqale fenomenê vîndîkerdişanê zoranîyan ke hetê dewlete ra sey parçeyê stratejîya xo ya asîmetrîke xebitnîyayî, ey keno zereyê kontekstê hîrayî yê xatirgeh û tecrubeyanê rojaneyan. Seba naye, ez sey performansî raywanîya roniştişanê Mayanê Şemeyî taqîb kena, tede giranî dana Cizîre ser. Verê, fenomenê vîndîkerdişanê zoranîyan zereyê tarîxê lejê kurdan ê 1990an de ca beno. Dima, roniştişê Mayanê Şemeyî yê Cizîre û Îstanbulî hetê xatirasazîye û nîşangehanê sîyasîyan ra yenê têveronayene ke sey girêyê xatirayan (nœuds de mémoire) etud benê û vîyarteyî bestnenê nikayî, şexsî kî bestnenê sîyasî. Peynîye de, ez wazena termêko newe bidî naskerdene: afazîya kulturkîye. Wina munaqeşeyê xatirayan bibo hîrayêr û xorînêr. Coka giranî dîyena têkilîyanê komel û însanan, hîs û tecrubeyan ser ke tewirê şîdetê dewlete eşkera bibê sey subjektîvîyî û mucadeleyanê cuya rojanî yê sîyasîyanê taybetîyan ê ke timûtim xo zêde kenê.

The Church of St. Stephan, in this paper, belonged to a medieval residential complex above the confluence of the River Piva and the River Tara, in the extreme northeast of the present-day Republic of Montenegro. The central part of the complex consisted of Soko-grad, a castle with the court of the prominent, aristocratic, Kosaca family, which, at the end of the 14th century, right until the Turkish conquests in the sixties and seventies of the 15th century, ruled the regions later known as Hercegovina. At the foot of the castle, on Scepan polje, is the suburb with the Church of St. Stephan the endowment of the grand duke, Sandalj Hranic (+1345). At the foot of the northern slope, beneath the castle, in the area of Zagradja, is another church erected by the grand duke's successor, Herzeg Stefan Vukcic Kosaca (+1465). After the Turkish conquest, the complex of the Soko castle with its suburb was destroyed and the churches became deserted and were never renewed. The ruins of St. Stephan were discovered, investigated and then conserved from 1971-973, however, the results of this research have not been published until now. In reviewing the results obtained in the course of the archaeological excavations, it is possible, in a considerable measure, to comprehend the position and former appearance of the Church of St. Stephan and establish roughly, the time when it came into being. This was the largest church erected in the regions governed by the powerful, Kosaca noble family, during the 15th century. The total length of the church exceeded 25 metres and its width was approximately ten metres. In the preserved body of the construction, of which the remaining walls rise to a height of four metres one may see three basic stages of building. A narthex was later erected beside the church, and subsequently a small parakklesion was added, on the northern side. The original church had a single nave, a cruciform base and a gently, horseshoe-shaped apsis, facing east, flanked by rectangular choirs. The interior of the church, with two pairs of small pilasters, was articulated in three bays of almost equal dimensions. The altar, encompassing the apsis and the eastern bay, was separated from the naos by a constructed altar partition-wall, the essential appearance of which can be assumed on the basis of whatever was found. The entire surface of the constructed iconostasis was covered with frescoes. The floor of the naos was a step lower than the floor of the altar. Flooring made of mortar, like in the altar area also existed in the choirs. As opposed to these spaces, in the central and western bays, the floor was made of large, hewn stone slabs. The finds discovered in the debris, offered an abundance of data about the upper, now collapsed, structures of the church, and about the stonemasonry that decorated this building. The church did not have a dome but all three bays were topped by a single vault of carved calcareous stone, reinforced by two arches, resting on the pilasters. We may assume that the roof structure was of the Gothic type, and ribbed at the base. Above the choirs were lower semi-spherical vaults, perpendicular in relation to the longitudinal axis of the church. They were covered by gabled roofs that ended in triangular frontons on the northern and southern fa?ade, like the main vault on the eastern side above the altar apsis. The roof of the church was made of lead. A belfry, of unique construction, existed on the western side of the original church. It stood about one meter in front of the western wall and was linked by a vaulted passage to the main body of the building. All these parts were structurally inter-connected, indicating that they were built at the same time. The position and appearance of the original church windows can almost certainly be determined according to the preserved traces on the remaining sections of the walls, and the finds of the relevant stonemasonry. In the interior of the naos, along the southern wall of the western bay was the grave of the donor of the church of St. Stephan, Grand Duke Sandalj Hranic. This was the traditional position where the donor was buried, according to the custom or rather, the rule that had been practiced for centuries in the countries of the Byzantine Orthodox Christian world, and particularly in the Serbian lands. The duke's grave, marked by a stele in the form of a massive low coffin on a pedestal, was prepared while the church was being built given that it would have been impossible to install this large monolith that weighed approximately 2.5 tons in the church, later. Generally speaking, the donor's grave in the church of St. Stephan, is eloquent testimony of the donor's aspirations and beliefs. Besides the undoubtedly local feature of a funerary monument in the form of a stele, all its other characteristics emulate earlier models from the region of the Serbian lands. In front of the original church, at a later stage, which apparently followed soon after, a spacious narthex with a rectangular base was added on. Pylons of the belfry substructure were fitted into its eastern wall, which seems to have made that wall much thicker than the other walls of the narthex. This later erected narthex was not vaulted, which we concluded after analysing the preserved walls and the finds in the debris. Apparently, it had a flat ceiling construction, supported by massive beams that rested on consoles along the length of the northern and southern walls. The side entrances when the narthex was built were of the same dimensions as its western portal. However later, before installing the stone doorposts, both these entrances were narrowed down on their western, lateral sides, while the southern portal, in a later phase, was completely walled up. In the course of exploration, no reliable data was discovered regarding the position of the windows in the narthex. One can only assume that monophoric windows existed on the lateral walls, one or two on each side, similar to the monophores in the western bay. Apart from the narthex, another, later construction was observed next to the original church. On its northern side, along the western bay and the lateral side of the choir, a parakklesion, that is, a small funerary chapel was added on, in the middle of which a large stele once stood, of which now only fragments exist. The entire interior of the church of St. Stephan was deco-rated with frescoes. Rather small fragments of the wall painting were discovered in the debris, not only of the original church but also of the narthex, as well as of the northern funerary chapel. It was observed that they were all of the same quality, painted on mortar of a uniform texture which suggests that all the painting was done as soon as the additional buildings were finished. On the discovered fragments, one can recognise the dark blue back-ground of the former compositions, and the borders painted in cynober. On several fragments, there were preserved sections of or whole letters from Serbian Cyrillic texts. On several fragments that may have originated from the aureoles or parts of robes, traces of gold leaf were visible, which would indicate the splendour and representativeness of the frescoes that decorated the endowment of the grand duke, Sandalj Hranic. With the shape of the foundation of a single-nave church, divided into three bays and with rectangular choir spaces, the church of St. Stephan continued the tradition of the early Rascia school of Serbian architecture (13th beginning of 14th century), which represented a significant novelty at the time when it appeared. In Serbia, in the last decades of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th century, the predominant plan of the churches, the triconche, was based on the Holy Mount models. The decision by the donor, the grand duke Sandalj, to give his endowment the features of the earlier, Rascia heritage, in the times when the Serbian territories had been broken up and were exposed to pressure from external enemies, undoubtedly had a deeper significance. By relying on the earlier tradition, which is also reflected in the dedication of the church to St. Stephan, the patron saint of the state and of the Nemanjic dynasty, the donor expressed the aspiration to consolidate his authority more firmly in the regions that had previously formed part of the Serbian state. By erecting an endowment, and a funerary church that he wished to be his eternal resting-place, Sandalj was also demonstrating that he ranked among his predecessors, the Serbian rulers and nobility. One can see this from the choice of the traditional burial position, along the southern wall of the western bay, as well as from the tomb he had prepared for himself during his lifetime. Apart from the basic idea and plan of the church based on the Rascia tradition, the features of its architecture also exhibit other influences. Of crucial importance here was the choice of builders, who undoubtedly came from the coastal area, which is reflected both in the structural solutions, as well as in the decorative stonework. However, local master-craftsman undoubtedly took part in this achievement. One can see this particularly when observing the stonework which, besides some admittedly rather rare, better-carved pieces, consists of a great deal of carving by less experienced artisans. The assumptions about the origin of the architecture and the builders are substantiated by observing the preserved traces of the frescoes, which show that the decoration of St. Stephan's and the adjacent narthex was also entrusted to one of the coastal painters. Perhaps it was the well-known Dubrovnik painter Dzivan Ugrinovic, who is known to have been commissioned by the grand duke Sandalj in 1429. There is no direct or reliable record of the date when the endowment of the grand duke Sandalj Hranic or its later annexes were built. The stylistic analysis of the stonework makes it possible only roughly to attribute it to the first half of the 15th century. The year 1435 provides a slightly narrower span of time, which is the time of Sandalj's funeral, when it would appear that the church of St. Stephan was already finished. The data mentioned earlier regarding the engagement of builders from Dubrovnik and the possible later decoration, enables us to date it more exactly. Therefore, we may assume that the church itself was erected before the end of the second decade of the 15Lj century. The additional construction of the narthex may have followed soon after the completion of the church itself, as indicated by the stylistically uniform stonework. If we accept the possibility that the church was decorated at the end of the third decade of the 15S century, and that this was finished both in the church and the narthex at the same time the year 1429 would be the terminus ante quem for the completion of the additional construction. The Kosaca endowment, erected beside the Soko castle, offers new evidence about this prominent, noble or ruling family, and particularly about their religious affiliation. Historians, almost as a rule consider the Kosaca family to have been Bogumils, or people whose religious convictions were not particularly firm. Such views were based on the fact that Sandalj Hranic, the grand duke of Rusaga Bosanskog (of the Bosnian kingdom) and his successor, the duke and subsequently the herzeg, Stefan Vukcic, were tolerant towards the Bogumils and were often surrounded by people who upheld such religious beliefs, which was the political reality of the times in which they lived and functioned. On the other hand, the enemies of the Kosaca family made use of this to depict them to the Western and Eastern Christians as heretics, which was not without consequences. The distorted view of their religious conviction not only accompanied them during their lifetime but persists even today, not only in historiography but in present-day politics, as well, particularly after the recent wars in ex-Yugoslavia. The origin of the Kosaca family is connected with the region of the Upper Drina, that is to say, the region that had always been a part of the Nemanjic state, where there were no Bogumils, nor could there be. As owners of part of what had always been the Serbian lands, which went to Bosnia after the tragic division between Ban Tvrtko and Prince Lazar, the consequences of which are still felt today, the Kosaca very soon became independent rulers of this territory, forming a specific territory that later came to be known as Herzegovina. Another element that also bears weight in this respect is the fact that, in contrast to central Bosnia where the Bogumil heresy was influential, the population in the Kosaca lands was Orthodox Christian, with a certain number of Catholics in the western parts. The fact that the regions they ruled were nominally within the Bosnian kingdom, where the ruling class were predominantly Bogumils for a long time did not have any fundamental bearing on their religious affiliation. Significant records have been preserved of their unconcealed Orthodox Christian orientation. Without going into the details of this complex circle of problems, which requires a separate study, especially after the more recent discoveries and facts that have come to light, we shall dwell only on some facts. During the rule of Grand Duke Sandalj and his successor, Herzeg Stefan, which lasted almost seventy years, a whole series of Orthodox Christian churches were erected. During the first half of the 15th century, a kind of renaissance of the Rascia school of architecture came about in this area. In the words of V.J. Djuric, the endowments of the Kosaca family 'are different from the average buildings of their time by virtue of their size sometimes the unusual solutions, and the great beauty of form and proportions'. The wealth of the family and the continual relations with aitists from the southern Adriatic coastal cities imbued their architecture with buoyancy and significance. The western stylistic features of the churches of the Kosaca, and the Gothic language of the stonemasons, reveal the centres where these master craftsmen had learned their trade. With the erection of the endowment in the 'ruling seat' beneath Mt. Soko and the churches intended as their final resting-places, the Kosaca distinguished themselves as the last continuers of the Nemanjic tradition of earlier centuries, in the time that preceded the final Turkish conquest of the Serbian lands. The memory of their work is preserved in the church of St. Stephan and the nearby church at Zagradja, as well as in the rains of the Soko castle, which still lies waiting to be researched.

It is known that the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Silba was demolished in 1828 so as to provide the necessary building material for the completion of the new parish church which inherited the dedication from the old one. As we learn from the archival records, the demolition was authorized by the Archbishop of Zadar Josip Nowak who stipulated that the Franciscan Church of Our Lady of Carmel would function as the local parish church while the new one was being built. All that remains from the old church today is the bell tower which continued to be used by the new parish church. It is obvious from the schematic ground plan and the dimensions of the demolished church, recorded in the now lost document from the parish church archive, that it was a single-nave longitudinal structure with a rectangular sacristy to the east, two shallow chapels extending from the lateral walls and a porch of the lopica type (resembling a loggia) at the front which abutted onto the corner of the bell tower with its own south corner. Apart from the high altar, placed against the back wall, the church had three pairs of side altars. The analysis of the canonical visitations carried out during the second quarter of the seventeenth century demonstrates that the church, recorded for the first time in 1579, was a modest building in which the oil for the anointment of the sick was being kept because the local parish church of that time, dedicated to St Mark, was too far from the village. The church was provided with five side altars put up by the more distinguished individuals and members of the lay fraternities the most prominent of which was that of Our Lady of the Rosary after which the church was called by eighteenth-century locals. Based on the analysis of the 1670 visitation of Archbishop Evangelisto Parzaghi who described the renovation during which certain altars changed their places, the article argues that the church was completed just before this visit. The bell tower was mentioned as a campanile for the first time in 1678.By means of comparative analysis, it can be established that the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin at Silba belonged to the same architectural type as a large group of simple yet spacious churches which were built in rural communities along the east Adriatic coast by local masters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The activity of such masters on the island of Silba is corroborated by contemporary birth, marriage and death records as well as a number of monuments such as a tombstone in the Church of St Mark and the door lintel in the house of master builder Franić Lorencin (1660), both of which depict building and carving tools. The analysis of the land registry maps and topographical drawings of 1824 and 1833 shows that the church’s south wall, to the east of the chapel of Our Lady of the Rosary, was laid in a different direction compared to that of the rest of the wall, indicating that this portion belonged to an earlier layer of the building which, judging from everything, seems to have been medieval. Therefore, the wall was widened and extended towards the west during the rebuilding documented in the visitation of 1670. This possibility, which a future excavation of the site ought to be confirm, is strengthened by the frequency of such alterations as can be seen on the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century churches on the island of Ugljan and in particular on the Church of St Lawrence at Lukoran, built in 1632, which is the best example of that architectural type.Another feature of these churches is the lopica-type porch which stands out as an architectural element typical of Istria and the Quarnero gulf to which, geographically speaking, the island of Silba gravitates. The lopica porch of the Church of the Nativity at Silba had a particularly elongated plan and featured two symmetrical sets of three supports and an axial main entrance into the porch, that is, the church. It is unlikely that the porch was added prior to the late seventeenth century because during that time, Silba was exposed to the raids of the Turkish pirates who threatened it directly. It is certain that the bell tower was used for defensive purposes and the addition of a porch would have diminished its importance as a fortification structure and hampered the visual communication with the entrance to the church.The examination of the architecture of the bell tower revealed two different building phases: an earlier one which included the body of the bell tower and a later one which saw the addition of the pyramidal structure together with a shallow square drum. In its original form, the bell tower had a compact body featuring a round-headed opening at the centre of each side of the two topmost storeys. Their stylistically undefined morphology corresponds to modest bell towers which were built in this area from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The original pyramidal top had to be dismantled in 1858 due to wear and tear and it was replaced by the present one which has oval openings at the bottom of each side of the drum. This structure is almost identical to the top of the bell tower of the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary at Preko on the island of Ugljan which was built in 1844.Based on the archival records, the article also establishes that the substantially repainted image of the Virgin and Child with SS Mark and Matthew, today at the high altar of the parish church, was originally larger. It was the object of ex-voto veneration and numerous offerings had been placed in its glass case. The painting was cropped so that it could be inserted into the niche of the marble altar piece designed by Ćiril M. Iveković (1898) which meant the loss of the two evangelists. According to the preserved contract and drawing, the lower part of the altar was set up in 1860 by Giovanni dalla Zonca, an altar maker from Vodnjan, and it featured the still preserved wooden statues of SS Peter and Paul which are dated to the mid-seventeenth century on the basis of their stylistic features. Therefore, it can be concluded that painting and the statues were taken from the high altar of the demolished church.

In this study, design principles required for fuel cells to be used in systems that need inrush current are disclosed. The most important difference that separates this study from others is the consideration of utilizing Li-ion batteries to provide power where inrush current is needed in order to spread. In previous studies, lead acid batteries were used instead of Li-ion batteries. Noiselessness and effective electric production ability make fuel cells a good alternative for military applications. The Li-ion battery is the state of the art technology and while advantages include their light weight and the facts that they occupy less space, charge quickly, and have high power intensity, one can experience problems charging because of their charge characteristics. The desired voltage and current can be obtained through serial and parallel implementation of Li-ion batteries. Li-ion batteries and fuel cells are the technology of our day and it is desirable to obtain a more effective system by bringing the advantages of both to the same system. A high efficiency and silent energy is obtained through the use of fuel cells, and Li-ion batteries will enable their use in systems requiring inrush current. Noiseless maneuvering capability in the operational area for a battle ship is a very important factor to preserve. In this study, a way in which these two technologies can be used in cooperation and in an efficient way is described. Fuel cells that have output power 1000 W, output voltage 115 V, and output frequency 60 Hz were tested in the radio room of a corvette of the Turkish Navy.

The historical background of Debrecen linked to viticulture and wine-making stands mainly on the lack of drinkable water, the necessity of drinkable liquid during wartime and epidemics. The special character of the city evolved together with the changing lives of citizens and the increasing trade importance of the city. Period of Turkish occupation gave impetus to the formation of the 11 vine gardens of the settlement. After the devastation of rootmite and peronospora ‘Kadarica’ and ‘Nagy burgundy’ (‘Blaufrankish’), in smaller proportion - on lower sites – ‘Cabernet’ were planted. As white varieties ‘Ezerjó’, ‘Olasz Rizling’, ‘Kövidinka’, ‘white Mustos’, in smaller proportion ‘Szlankamenka’, ‘Erdei’, ‘Szilvaner’, ‘Mézesfehér’, ‘Bakar’, ‘Veltelini’ (red), ‘Fehér burgundi’ (? white burdunder), ‘Rajnai rizling’, ‘Red Tramini’, ‘Furmint’, ‘Muscat Lunel’, ‘Járdovány’ and ‘Juh-fark’ were planted. After the Trianon treaty in 1920, 2/3rd of Hungary was cut away. Érmellék wine region was also cut in two, thus Debrecen broke away from its wine region. Legal regulations after the World War II. (1959) referred back to variety application advised in 1924 for “place suitable for good wine production, not included in any wine region”, like Debrecen listing ’Ezerjó’, ’Mézesfehér’, ’Olaszrizling’, ’Bánáti rizling’, ’Furmint’, ’Hárslevelű’, ’Kövidinka’, Kecskemét virága’, ’Piros szlankamenka’,’Pozsonyi fehér’; ’Kadarka’, ’Oportó’ and ’Kékfrankos’ (Blaufrankish). The political changes of 1990 and Hungary’s admission to the Eurepoean Union almost annihilated the wine production of Debrecen. However little gardens conserved historic varieties which could date back even to many centuries. Through a local magazine a collecting work was announced pointing to gather ancient local (Vitis vinifera conv. pontica) varieties forming a genebank, established on the experimental station of the University of Debrecen. In 2014, about 112 items were collected (accessions). As a 2nd round of the work, with a more detailed and precise work, further 81 items were put into the reservatum. The latter represent single stuck collection, whereas the first ones are to be studied az mixed items. Most notable accession names (ACENAME) of the work are: ‘Fehér gohér’, ‘Veres gohér’, ‘Fekete gohér’, ‘Kék gohér’, ‘Erdei’, ‘Ezerjó’, ‘Kűbeli’, ‘Rizling’, ‘Mézes fehér’, ‘Dinka’, ‘Madling’, ‘Bakator’ and ‘Kadarka’. Simulteneously with the strenghening and morphological description of conserved stucks genetic identification of the items is being elaborated. Database comprising FAO/IPGRI multi-crop passport descriptors and OIV Primary descriptor priority list are to be published on-line in between the development of the platform.

The concept of war is inextricably linked to violence, and military action almost always resounds with the emotion and language of rage. Since the War on Terror began in September 2001, post-9/11 expressions of terror and rage have influenced academics to evaluate rage and its meanings (Gildersleeve and Gehrmann). Of course, it has directly influenced the lives of those affected by global conflicts in war-torn regions of the Middle East and North Africa. The populace there has reacted violently to military invasions with a deep sense of rage, while in the affluent West, rage has also infiltrated everyday life through clothes, haircuts, and popular culture as military chic became ‘all the rage’ (Rall 177). Likewise, post-9/11 popular films directly tap into rage and violence to explain (or justify?) conflict and war. The film version of the life of United States Iraq veteran Chris Kyle in American Sniper (2014) reveals fascinating depictions of rage through the perspective of a highly trained shooter who waits patiently above the battlefield, watching for hours before taking human life with a carefully planned long-distance shot. The significance of the complexities of rage as presented in this film are discussed later. Foundations of Rage: Colonial Legacy, Arab Spring, and ISISThe War on Terror may have purportedly began with the rage of Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda missions and the responding rage of George Bush’s America determined to seek vengeance for 9/11, but the rage simmering in the Middle East has deeper origins. This includes: the rejection of the Shah of Iran's secular dictatorship in 1979, the ongoing trauma of an Arab Palestinian state that was promised in 1947, and the blighted hopes of Gamal Abdel Nasser's Arab nationalism that offered so much in the 1950s but failed to deliver. But these events should not be considered in isolation from events of the whole 20th century, in particular the betrayal of Arab nationalism by the Allied forces, especially Britain and France after the First World War. The history of injustice that Robert Fisk has chronicled in a monumental volume reveals the complexity and nuances of an East-West conflict that continued to fracture the Middle East. In a Hollywood-based film such as American Sniper it is easy to depict the region from a Western perspective without considering the cycle of injustice and oppression that gave birth to the rage that eventually lashed out at the West. Rage can also be rage against war, or rage about the mistreatment of war victims. The large-scale protests against the war before the 2003 Iraq invasion have faded into apparent nothingness, despite nearly two decades of war. Protest rage appears to have been replaced by outrage on behalf of the victims of war; the refugees, asylum seekers, economic migrants and those displaced by the ever- spreading conflict that received a new impetus in 2011 with the Arab Spring democracy movements. One spark point for rage ignited when Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi embarked on his act of self-immolation in protest against harassment by public officials. This moment escalated into a kaleidoscope of collective rage as regimes were challenged from Syria to Libya, but met with a tragic aftermath. Sadly, democratic governments did not emerge, but turned into regimes of extremist violence exemplified in the mediaeval misogynistic horror now known as ISIS, or IS, or the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (Hassan). This horror intensified as millions of civilised Syrians and Iraqis sought to flee their homelands. The result was the movement of peoples, which included manipulation by ruthless people smugglers and detention by governments determined to secure borders — even even as this eroded decades of consensus on the rights of refugees. One central image, that of three-year-old Aylan Kurdi’s corpse washed up on a beach (Smith) should invoke open rage. Here, the incongruity was that a one-time Turkish party beach for affluent 18 to 35-year-olds from Western Europe would signify the death place of a Syrian refugee child, now displaced by war. The historical significance of East/West conflicts in the Middle East, recent events post- Arab Spring, the resulting refugee crisis in the region, and global anti-war protests should be foremost when examining Clint Eastwood's film about an American military sniper in Iraq.Hot Rage and Cold Rage Recent mass shootings in the United States have delineated factions within the power of rage: it seems to blow either hot or cold. US Army psychiatrist Major Nidal Malik Hasan was initially calm when he embarked on a public expression of rage, wounding 30 people and murdering 13 others in a mass shooting event in 2009 (MacAskill). Was this to be categorised as the rage of a nihilist, an Islamist - or as just another American mass shooting like events in Orlando or Sandy Hook? The war journalist and film maker Sebastian Junger authored a study on belonging, where he linked mass shootings (or rampage killings) to social stress and disunity, as a “tendency rising steadily in the US since the 1980s” (115-116). In contrast, the actions of a calm and isolated shooter on a rooftop can be justified as acceptable behaviour if this occurs during war. Now in the case of Chris Kyle, he normalised his tale of calm killing, as an example identified by action “built on a radically asymmetric violence” (Pomarede 53).Enemy at the Gates The point is that sniper killings can be presented in film as morally good. For example, the 2001 film Enemy at the Gates portrays a duel of two snipers in Stalingrad, Russia. This is a fictionalised contest of a fictionalised event, because there was only tangential evidence that Russian sniper hero Vasily Zaytsev actually engaged in a three-day sniper duel with his German enemy during the Second World War. Enemy at the Gates presents the sniper as an acceptable figure in mass popular culture (or even a hero?), which provides the justification for American Sniper. However, in this instance, viewers could recognise a clear struggle between good and evil.Politically, Enemy at the Gates, whether viewed from a conservative or a progressive perspective, presents a struggle between a soldier of the allies (the Soviet Union) and the forces of Nazism, undeniably the most evil variant of fascism. We can interpret this as a defence of the communist heartland, or the defence of a Russian motherland, or the halting of Nazi aggression at its furthest expansion point. Whichever way it is viewed, the Russian sniper is a good man, and although in the movie’s plot the actor Ralph Fiennes as political commissar injects a dimension of manipulation and Stalinist authoritarian control, this does not detract from the idea of the hero defeating evil with single aimed shots. There is rage, but it is overshadowed by the moral ‘good.’American Sniper The true story of Chris Kyle is quite simple. A young man grows up in Texas with ‘traditional’ American values, tries sport and University, tries ranch life, and joins the US Navy Special Forces. He becomes a SEAL (Sea, Air and Land) team member, and is trained as a specialist sniper. Kyle excels as a sniper in Iraq, where he self-identifies as America's most successful sniper. He kills a lot of enemies in Iraq, experiences multiple deployments followed by the associated trauma of reintegration to family life and redeployment, suffers from PTSD, returns to civilian life in America and is himself shot dead by a distressed veteran, in an ironic act of rage. Admired by many, the veracity of Kyle’s story is challenged by others, a point I will return to. As noted above, Kyle kills a lot of people, many of whom are often unaware of his existence. In his book On Killing, Lieutenant-Colonel David Grossman notes this a factor that actually causes the military to have a “degree of revulsion towards snipers” (109), which is perhaps why the movie version of Kyle’s life promotes a rehabilitation of the military in its “unambiguous advocacy of the humility, dedication, mastery, and altruism of the sniper” as hero (Beck 218). Most enlisted soldiers never actually kill their enemies, but Kyle kills well over 100 while on duty.The 2012 book memoir of United States Navy sniper Chris Kyle at war in Iraq became a national cultural artefact. The film followed in 2014, allowing the public dramatisation of this to offer a more palatable form for a wider audience. It is noted that military culture at the national level is malleable and nebulous (Black 42), and these constructs are reflected in the different variants of American Sniper. These cultural products are absorbed differently when consumed by the culture that has produced them (the military), as compared to the way that they are consumed by the general public, and the book American Sniper reflects this. Depending upon readers’ perspectives, it is a book of raw honesty or nationalistic jingoism, or perhaps both. The ordinary soldier’s point of view is reiterated and directed towards a specifically American audience. Despite controversy and criticism the book was immensely successful, with weeks on the New York Times bestseller list. While it naturally appealed to many in its primary American audience, from an Australian perspective, the jingoism of this book jars. In fact, it really jars a lot, to the point of being quite challenging to read. That Australian readers would have difficulty with this text is probably appropriate, because after all, the book was not created for Australians but for Americans.On the other hand, Americans have produced balanced accounts of the soldier experience in Iraq. A very different exemplar is Garry Trudeau’s Doonesbury blog that became the book The Sandbox (2007). Here American men and women soldiers wrote their own very revealing stories about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, in autobiographical accounts that ranged from nuanced explanations of the empathy for the soldier’s predicament, to simple outright patriotism. TIn their first-hand accounts of war showed a balance of ordinary pathos, humour – and the raw brutality of a soldier finding the neck stem of a human spine on the ground after a suicide bomb attack (Trudeau 161) – and even this seems more palatable to read than American Sniper. A similar book on the US military sniper experience (Cavallaro and Larsen) also shows it is possible to incorporate a variety of perspectives without patriotic jingoism, or even military propaganda being predominant.In contrast to the book, the film American Sniper narrates a more muted story. The movie is far more “saccharine”, in the words of critical Rolling Stone reviewer Matt Taibbi, but still reflects a nationalistic attitude to war and violence — appropriate to the mood of the book. American producer/director Clint Eastwood has developed his own style for skipping around the liminal space that exists between thought-provoking analysis and populism, and American Sniper is no exception. The love story of Chris Kyle and his wife Taya looks believable, and the intensity of military training and war fighting, including the dispassionate thoughts of Kyle as sniper, are far more palatable in the film version than as the raw words on the page.The Iraq War impacted on millions of Americans, and it is the compelling images shown re-living Chris Kyle’s funeral at the film’s conclusion that leaves a lasting message. The one-time footballer’s memorial service is conducted in a Texas football stadium and this in itself is poignant: but it is the thousands of people who lined the highway overpasses for over 200 miles to farewell him and show respect as his body travels towards the funeral in the stadium, that gives us an insight into the level of disenchantment and rage at America’s loss. This is a rage fuelled by losing their military ‘empire’ coupled with a traumatised search for meaning that Jerry Lembcke sees as inextricably linked to US national failure in war and the tragedy of an individual soldier’s PTSD. Such sentiments seem intimately connected to Donald Trump’s version of America, and its need to exercise global power. Kyle died before Trump’s election, but it seems evident that such rage, anger and alienation experienced by a vast segment of the American population contributed to the election result (Kluger). Calm Cold Calculation Ironically, the traditional sniper embodies the antithesis of hot-blooded rage. Firing any long- distance range weapon with accuracy requires discipline, steady breathing and intense muscle control. Olympic shooting or pentathlons demonstrate this, and Gina Cavallaro and Matt Larsen chronicle both sniper training and the sniper experience in war. So, the notion of sniper shooting and rage can only coexist if we accept that rage becomes the cold, calculating rage of a person doing a highly precise job when killing enemies. In the book, Kyle clearly has no soldierly respect for his Iraqi insurgent enemies and is content to shoot them down one by one. In the film, there is greater emphasis on Kyle having more complex emotions based around the desire to protect his fellow soldiers by shooting in a calm and detached fashion at his designated targets.Chris Kyle’s determination to kill his enemies regardless of age or gender seems at odds with the calm detached passivity of the sniper. The long-distance shooter should be dispassionate but Kyle experiences rage as he kills to protect his fellow soldiers. Can we argue he exhibits ‘cold rage’ not ‘hot rage’, but rage none the less? It would certainly seem so. War Hero and Fantasist?In life, as in death, Chris Kyle presents a figure of controversy, being praised by the political far right, yet condemned by a diverse coalition that included radicals, liberals, and even conservatives such as former soldier Michael Fumento. Fumento commented that Kyle’s literary embellishments and emphasis on his own prowess denigrated the achievements of fellow American snipers. Reviewer Lindy West described him as “a hate filled killer”, only to become a recipient of rage and hatred from Kyle supporters. Paul Rieckhoff described the film as not the most complex nor deepest nor provocative, but the best film made about the Iraq war for its accuracy in storytelling and attention to detail.Elsewhere, reviewer Mark Kermode argues that the way the film is made introduces a significant ambiguity: that we as an audience can view Kyle as either a villain, a hero, or a combination of both. Critics have also examined Kyle’s reportage on his military exploits, where it seems he received less fewer medals than he claimed, as well as his ephemeral assertion that he shot looters in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina (Lamothe). In other claims, the US courts have upheld the assertion of former wrestler turned politician Jesse Ventura that Kyle fabricated a bar-room brawl between the two. But humans are complex beings, and Drew Blackburn sees it as “entirely plausible to become both a war hero and a liar” in his candid (Texas-based) assessment of one person who was, like many of us, a multifaceted figure.Conclusion This article has addressed the complicated issues of rage originating in the historical background of military actions that have taken place in the East/West conflicts in the Middle East that began in the region after the Second World War, and continue to the present day. Rage has become a popular trope within popular culture as military chic becomes ‘all the rage’. Rage is inextricably linked to the film American Sniper. Patriotism and love of his fellow soldiers motivated Chris Kyle, and his determination to kill his country’s enemies in Iraq and protect the lives of his fellow American soldiers is clear, as is his disdain for both his Iraqi allies and enemies. With an ever- increasing number of mass shootings in the United States, the military sniper will be a hero revered by some and a villain reviled by others. Rage infuses the film American Sniper, whether the rage of battle, rage at the moral dilemmas his role demands, domestic rage between husband and wife, PTSD rage, or rage inspired following his pointless murder. But rage, even when it expresses a complex vortex of emotions, remains dangerous for those who are obsessed with guns, and look to killing others either as a ‘duty’ or to soothe an individual crisis of confidence. ReferencesAmerican Sniper. Dir. Clint Eastwood. 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