Journal articles on the topic 'Turkish - Muslim Minority'
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1
Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi, and Semiha Sözeri. "Diyanet as a Turkish Foreign Policy Tool: Evidence from the Netherlands and Bulgaria." Politics and Religion 11, no. 3 (March 2, 2018): 624–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175504831700075x.
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AbstractHow does Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) act as an instrument of foreign policy (FP)? What are the factors that allow such an instrumentalization of Islam in Turkish FP? In addressing these questions, this paper uses semi-structured expert interviews from Bulgaria and the Netherlands. Although both countries host a sizeable Muslim minority, these populations differ in their characteristics and historical ties with Turkey. ComparingDiyanet’s role in the Netherlands with its recent Turkish-Muslim diaspora, and in Bulgaria with its centuries-old Muslim minority allows us to reveal variation in the practical engagement strategies that Diyanet adopts in different country contexts. Thus, this paper advances two main claims; first,Diyanetserves as a primary FP tool of Turkey in countries with a significant Turkish-Muslim minority. Secondly, this instrumentalization destabilizes secularization projects both at home and abroad.
2
Dimasi, Maria, and Stella Theologou. "Muslim Students Learning L2 and FL in Minority Primary Schools in Thrace: Relational Instances of Tri/Bilingualism." Journal of Education and Learning 8, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v8n6p150.
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The Muslim minority in Thrace is a heterogeneous group of people regarding their cultural and linguistic identities. It consists of Muslims of Turkish origin who speak Turkish as their mother tongue, of Pomaks, who speak Pomak, and of Roma, who speak Romani. Their educational-linguistic situation is fraught with long-lasting problems, which are attributed to the inherent characteristics of ‘Minority Εducation’, a term used to describe a specific group of primary and secondary schools, situated exclusively in the area of Thrace, that operates under a special regime, as stipulated in legal instruments of international law and bilateral agreements, and can be attended only by Muslim minority children.
Extensive research over the years has shown that there are serious impediments in these students learning Greek as an L2, even after the implementation of the Project for Reform in the Education of Muslim Children (PEM) and the additional educational material that targeted this particular religious minority. The results show that most of these students do not achieve a language level of A2 in Greek and, thus, exhibit low school performance. Similar results have been recorded in research papers concerning learning English as a FL, which is a compulsory school subject, by Muslim minority students in both public and minority primary schools. These students also fail to achieve the foreign language attainment level set in the school curriculum.
The present paper seeks to outline the unchartered causes of this situation, delve into the language situation of Muslim students and suggest possible and viable solutions.
3
Hergüvenç, Begüm, and Mehmet Hacısalihoğlu. "Inclusion and Exclusion: Image and Perceptions of Turkish Migrants in Bulgaria and Turkey." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.3.
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This paper deals with the image and perceptions that Turkish migrants from Bulgaria had about the Turks in Turkey, the Turkish state, Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian state both before and after 1989. Perceptions of the Turkish minority among the Bulgarian communist elite are analysed according to published reports and statements made by Bulgarian Communist Party members. The perceptions that Turkish migrants had about Bulgaria and Turkey are the main focus of this study which is based on field research and interviews conducted with Turkish migrants from Bulgaria now living in Turkey. This article shows that these migrants held both positive and negative perceptions of Bulgaria and Turkey, largely depending on the context. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria was regarded as a problem for the Communist government and as an in-ternal enemy to the Bulgarian state. Moreover, the locals in Turkey regarded the Turkish migrants from Bulgaria as “Bulgarian migrants” who possessed a non-Muslim or “liberal” culture. In this way, they experienced exclusionary attitudes from their neighbours both in Bulgaria and in Turkey. The Turks of Bulgaria perceived the Communist regime as oppressive and as a threat to their Turkish identity. Despite their dislike of the regime, prior to the period of forced assimilation that began in 1984, they still possessed a relatively positive perception about the Bulgarian people. Interestingly, while they perceive Turkey as their homeland, they nonetheless held certain prejudices against the local population in Turkey. All of these various interaction helped to strengthen their group identity as migrants from Bulgaria.This paper deals with the image and perceptions that Turkish migrants from Bulgaria had about the Turks in Turkey, the Turkish state, Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian state both before and after 1989. Perceptions of the Turkish minority among the Bulgarian communist elite are analysed according to published reports and statements made by Bulgarian Communist Party members. The perceptions that Turkish migrants had about Bulgaria and Turkey are the main focus of this study which is based on field research and interviews conducted with Turkish migrants from Bulgaria now living in Turkey. This article shows that these migrants held both positive and negative perceptions of Bulgaria and Turkey, largely depending on the context. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria was regarded as a problem for the Communist government and as an internal enemy to the Bulgarian state. Moreover, the locals in Turkey regarded the Turkish migrants from Bulgaria as “Bulgarian migrants” who possessed a non-Muslim or “liberal” culture. In this way, they experienced exclusionary attitudes from their neighbours both in Bulgaria and in Turkey. The Turks of Bulgaria perceived the Communist regime as oppressive and as a threat to their Turkish identity. Despite their dislike of the regime, prior to the period of forced assimilation that began in 1984, they still possessed a relatively positive perception about the Bulgarian people. Interestingly, while they perceive Turkey as their homeland, they nonetheless held certain prejudices against the local population in Turkey. All of these various interaction helped to strengthen their group identity as migrants from Bulgaria.
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Karpat, Kemal H. "The Turks of Bulgaria: The Struggle for National-Religious Survival of a Muslim Minority." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 725–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408413.
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In May 1989, two series of demonstrations in Turkish villages of northeast Bulgaria was followed by a massive gathering of more than 50,000 Muslim Turks in the town of Shumnu in the same area. The Turks had converged to Shumnu from the surrounding villages and smaller towns in order to protest the forced changes of names and the bulgarization imposed by the government of Todor Zhivkov, then undisputed ruler of Bulgaria. The demonstration was put down in the usual brutal Bulgarian way; some twenty to thirty-five demonstrators were killed and hundreds were injured. However, the Turks had made their point; they were not going to give up, however fierce the official terror, their Islamic identity and culture.
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Hanif, Muh, and Amanatul Maula. "Kehidupan Kaum Minoritas Muslim Hui dan Uyghur di Negeri Tirai Bambu." JSI: Jurnal Sejarah Islam 1, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/jsij.v1i2.6851.
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Being a minority is not an easy thing, it is also experienced by the people of the season. Muslims in China often experience discrimination, especially for Uyghur Muslim communities, Although Muslims in China are not only Uyghurs but the government often discriminates against Uyghurs, they are often referred to as Theorists because of their Turkish ancestors. This study of researchers wants to examine how the lives of minorities for Hui Muslims and Uyghurs live in the bamboo curtain country, as well as how the history of the entry of Islam in China and how they gained their identity. This type of research is qualitative research. The method used is a literature study taken from several journals as well as articles and videos on youtube. The purpose of this research is that the wider community can understand the related muslim life in China.
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Mills, Amy. "THE PLACE OF LOCALITY FOR IDENTITY IN THE NATION: MINORITY NARRATIVES OF COSMOPOLITAN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 401a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081312.
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A greater understanding of the politics of nationalism and identity must consider the importance of locality. This research, conducted among Muslims and non-Muslim minorities in Istanbul, Turkey, and Tel Aviv, Israel, relies on place narratives of Istanbul during the mid-20th century, when Istanbul was transforming into a predominantly Muslim, “Turkish” city. Place narratives reveal the multiplicity of interpretations of the national past and are thus a powerful resource for examining the cultural politics of identity in the national present. This research contributes to studies of national identity, which have traditionally focused on the top-down role of the state in producing the nation, by examining the processes through which ordinary people make meaning of the state-authored nation. I conclude that place-based relationships can transcend national/minority frameworks for identity, as shared ties to local place create feelings of common belonging among diverse residents
7
Bayar, Yeşim. "In pursuit of homogeneity: the Lausanne Conference, minorities and the Turkish nation." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.802767.
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Following World War I, the Allied Powers signed Minority Treaties with a number of Central and Eastern European states. These treaties delineated the status of religious, ethnic and linguistic minorities in their respective countries. Turkey would be one of the last states that sat down to the negotiation table with the Allied Powers. In the Turkish case, the Lausanne Treaty would be the defining document which set out a series of rights and freedoms for the non-Muslim minorities in the newly created nation. The present article explores how and why the non-Muslim minorities were situated in the fringes of the new nation. In doing so, the article highlights the content of the discussions in the Lausanne Conference and in the Turkish Grand National Assembly with an emphasis on the position of the Turkish political elite.
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Mills, Amy. "THE PLACE OF LOCALITY FOR IDENTITY IN THE NATION: MINORITY NARRATIVES OF COSMOPOLITAN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080987.
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These words of an elderly Jewish man in Istanbul relate his memory of neighborhood life with Greeks, Armenians, and Muslims in the neighborhood of Kuzguncuk. In this place, there were no arguments between people of different religious backgrounds; Muslims shared “his” language, and he, as a Jew, knew Greek. As I examine his narrative for what it emphasizes and for the silences in between, I read Kuzguncuk as exceptional: describing an absence of argument in the past suggests that tension exists today; sharing multiple ethnic languages is understood now to be an old-fashioned rarity. His statement “Because we are Kuzguncuklu Jews, our Muslims over there loved us very much” suggests that in Kuzguncuk, he and his Muslim neighbors shared a common tie to place, a unique identity as Kuzguncuklu (of Kuzguncuk) that superseded any difference based on religion or ethnicity. As he describes a culture that remained from Ottoman times, his story illuminates indirectly the current Turkish national context that conditions the telling of his narrative.
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Israeli, Raphael. "ISLAM IN CHINA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602251i.
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Unlike other Muslim minorities in the world, the one in China is : a. Divided between two large ethnic groups: Hui in China Proper, who are concentrated in major urban agglomerations; and Uighurs, of Turkish stock, who used to make up the majority in North-Western China, but are now outnumbered by Han Chinese, via a policy of settlement and dilution of the minority. b. Except for Xinjiang, the Muslims of China are not attached to any particular territory (like the Mongols in Mongolia or the Tibetans in Tibet), but are spread all over the country, something which dilutes them into an insignificant minority (1-2%) in spite of their large absolute numbers (25-30 million). The vast distribution of the Muslims all over that vast country has made for a huge diversification in their creed and customs, beyond the division between Hui and Uighurs. This great variety has created many sects and sub-sects, some of which are very special to China.
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Saray, Mehmet. "What is the Bulgarian Government Trying to Prove by Denying the Historical Facts?" Belleten 52, no. 202 (April 1, 1988): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1988.183.
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The move of the Bulgarian Communist Government to liquidate the Muslim Turks in Bulgaria, initiated at the end of 1984 and completed in the beginning of 1985, by forcing the Turks in Bulgaria to exchange their Turkish names for Bulgarian ones, is a crime against the most elemantary principles of human rights, of world civilization and culture. By this act the Bulgarian government has committed itself to a policy of an ethnic, cultural and political genocide. Though this term has been initially used to mean physical destruction of one or another nation, in a broader sense it signifies a cultural and political extinction of a national minority.
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Onar, Nora Fisher, and Meriç Özgüneş. "How Deep a Transformation? Europeanization of Greek and Turkish Minority Policies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744240.
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AbstractThe article examines the Europeanization of Greece and Turkey's policies towards their respective Turkish/Muslim and Greek/Orthodox minorities. It begins with a comparative survey of nation-building processes in both countries. It shows that as bilateral tensions rose, minorities' rights as citizens were increasingly compromised by the perception that minorities were agents of their kin-states. Greek accession to the European Economic Community in 1981 catalyzed a slow process of internationalization of European norms of minority protection among policymakers, though pockets of resistance persist to this day. Turkey, meanwhile, became a candidate for membership in December 1999. The carrot-and-stick incentive structure of the accession process led to a rapid succession of taboo-shattering reforms, catalyzing a partial transformation of minority policies. By 2007, however, an altered calculus of domestic and international forces impeded the implementation of reform and consequently the transformation of minority treatment.
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Ergin, Murat. "Taking it to the Grave: Gender, Cultural Capital, and Ethnicity in Turkish Death Announcements." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 60, no. 2 (March 2010): 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/om.60.2.e.
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Popularly considered a great equalizer, death and the rituals around it nevertheless accentuate social distinctions. The present study focuses on a sample ( N = 2554) of death announcements in a major Turkish daily newspaper ( Hürriyet) from 1970 to 2006. Out of the liminal position of Turkish death announcements between obituaries and death notices emerges a large decentralized collection of private decisions responding to death, reflecting attitudes toward gender, ethnic/religious minority status and cultural capital, and echoing the aggregate efforts of privileged groups to maintain a particular self-image. Class closures lead to openings for traditionally under-represented minorities, such as Jewish Turkish citizens and citizens of Greek or Armenian origin. Results reveal that signs of status and power in announcements are largely monopolized by men of Turkish-Muslim origins. Although the changes in the genre-characteristics of death announcements are slow, they correspond to major turning points in Turkish social history.
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Babül, Elif. "Claiming a Place Through Memories of Belonging: Politics of Recognition on the Island of Imbros." New Perspectives on Turkey 34 (2006): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004374.
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The establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 marks the official construction of a new community and new forms of belonging that were expected to replace the communities and forms of belonging characteristic of the Ottoman Empire. The convention signed at the end of the First World War on January 30, 1923, concerning “the compulsory exchange of Turkish nationals of the Greek Orthodox Religion established in Turkish territory, and of Greek nationals of the Muslim religion established in Greek territory” can be seen as the hallmark of this republican attempt to create a new homogenized republican community called the nation. Exchanging populations meant the mutual exclusion of the largest ethnic and religious minority groups from the post-World War I nationalized lands of Greece and Turkey.
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Кючуков, Хрісто, and Сава Самуїлов. "Language Use and Identity Among Migrant Roma." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2019.6.1.hky.
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The paper presents the issue of language use and identity among Muslim Roma youth from Bulgaria, living in Berlin, Germany. Interviews with a structured questionnaire on language use and identity was conducted with Bulgarian Muslim Roma living in Berlin, Germany. The results showed that, in order to be accepted by the German Turks, Bulgarian Muslim Roma youth change their language use and identity from Muslim Roma to a new identity - Bulgarian “Osmanli” Turks. The findings showed that the change of language and identity among young Roma in this study served as strategies for integration and acceptance in the German society.
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Niarchos, Georgios. "The Effect of the Bulgarian Occupation on the Muslim Minority in Western Thrace." East Central Europe 41, no. 2-3 (December 3, 2014): 330–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04103008.
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The Axis campaign in the Balkans resulted in the occupation of Greece (1941–1944) by German, Italian, and Bulgarian forces. During the occupation, a number of ethnic groups raised secessionist demands and aligned themselves with those, who they thought, would better serve their aspirations for greater autonomy. The Muslim minority of Western Thrace stands in sharp contrast to this paradigm, as despite its numerical strength and its proximity with the Turkish “motherland,” as well as its segregation from the Christian majority and the state authorities, it made no organized attempt to secede and followed a pacifist policy. The events of the Axis occupation of Greece have attracted a great deal of academic attention in recent years. The Muslim minority of Thrace by comparison has been the subject of less systematic investigation. In particular, its involvement in these turbulent events has been almost completely neglected by the literature. The present paper seeks to address this gap through the examination of the effect of the Bulgarian occupation on the Muslim population.
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Kurtiş, Tuğçe, Nur Soylu Yalçınkaya, and Glenn Adams. "Silence in official representations of history: Implications for national identity and intergroup relations." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 2 (January 31, 2018): 608–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i2.714.
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Dominant representations of history evolve through differential exercise of power to enable memory of collective triumphs and silence memory of collective misdeeds. We examined silence regarding minorities in official constructions of history and the implications of this silence for national identity and intergroup relations in Turkey. A content analysis of official constructions of history inscribed in Turkish national university admissions exams (Study 1) revealed an emphasis on celebratory events, silence about ethnic and religious minorities, and a construction of national identity in ethno-cultural (e.g., as “Turk” and “Muslim”) rather than civic terms (e.g., in terms of citizenship). An investigation with Turkish participants (Study 2) revealed that denial of historical information regarding minority populations documented in sources outside the national curriculum was associated with greater endorsement of ethno-cultural constructions of identity and less support for minority rights and freedom of expression. We discuss the liberatory potential of alternative forms of historical knowledge to promote more inclusive models of identification and improve intergroup relations.
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Ekmekcioglu, Lerna. "REPUBLIC OF PARADOX: THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS MINORITY PROTECTION REGIME AND THE NEW TURKEY'S STEP-CITIZENS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (October 9, 2014): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001007.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the years after World War I, especially the first decade following the 1923 establishment of the Republic of Turkey, in order to analyze the position of minorities in the developing “we” of the new nation as projected by its political elite. Situating the discussion in the context of the League of Nations interwar minority protection regime, I demonstrate that the Treaty of Lausanne, which the Ankara government and the Allies signed in July 1923, played an important role in the conflicting treatment that minorities have since received in Turkey. The treaty's minority protection clauses entrenched divisions that had already been formed in the Ottoman Empire during the violence of the preceding decade, including the Armenian genocide. Moreover, reminding Turkish leaders of how 19th-century European imperial powers had used the cause of Ottoman Christians’ suffering as an excuse to infringe on Ottoman sovereignty, these clauses alarmed the Turkish political elite, especially as the “Great Powers” themselves were not bound by such minority protection guarantees. The goal of preventing a repetition of this unbalanced international power dynamic, which, according to the new Turkey's leaders, had led to the demise of the Ottoman Empire, engendered paradoxical policies toward non-Muslim Turkish citizens; they have been largely excluded from a Turkness (Türklük) to which they were sometimes included, even forcibly included.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Seeking to Accommodate Shari'a Within A Human Rights Framework: The Future of The Greek Shari'A Courts." Journal of Law and Religion 28, no. 2 (January 2013): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000072.
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The Balkans, a region where Christianity and Islam have come into close contact since before World War Ii, is an interesting study in legal pluralism. Themillet system, under which distinct ethnic-religious communities including Muslims were granted partial institutional autonomy, was at that time a convenient legal paradigm to accommodate minorities within the new national states being created. However, the communist regimes that succeeded the War in the Balkans eradicated legal pluralism in favor of a uniform legal order. As a consequence, the authority to employshari'ain Muslim communities in this region was abolished under communism.The political changes occurring in the Balkans after communism was dismantled in the 1990s did not bring back theshari'acourts in most of the Balkans. However, Greece, having escaped these radical political shifts, retained a continuous legal regime that included some legal autonomy granted to the Greek Muslim population that survived a population exchange with Turkey at the end of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. As a result of the Lausanne treaty, the Muslim population of (Western) Thrace in Greece was granted a special minority protection regime that appliedshari'alaw to Muslim Greek citizens residing in that region of Thrace. However,shari'ais only applied to certain disputes of family and inheritance law by the localMuftiin Western Thrace who has special jurisdiction over these matters.
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van Bergen, Diana D., Doret J. de Ruyter, and Trees V. M. Pels. "“Us Against Them” or “All Humans Are Equal”: Intergroup Attitudes and Perceived Parental Socialization of Muslim Immigrant and Native Dutch Youth." Journal of Adolescent Research 32, no. 5 (October 3, 2016): 559–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743558416672007.
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Intergroup attitudes of Muslim immigrant youth and native youth in the Netherlands were examined in relation to perceived parental socialization. Our aim was to gain insights into parent-child (dis)similarity in antagonistic and egalitarian attitudes and to understand differences between these two groups in this respect. Data come from qualitative interviews with 22 Turkish Dutch, Moroccan Dutch, and native Dutch youth (aged 16-22) who were prone either to intergroup antagonism (i.e., held hostile and negative attitudes toward out-groups) or to egalitarianism (held egalitarian attitudes). Interviews were analyzed using the constant comparison method. Results show that in the majority youth group, egalitarianism as well as intergroup antagonism were quite comparable across two generations. The attitudes of Muslim minority youth diverged more from those of their parents and appeared to be related to the pedagogic relationship between parents and children. Minority youth prone to antagonism perceived a lack of adequate parental responses to their negative experiences in the context of Islamophobia. Egalitarian minority youth reported that their parents were quite sensitive to their communications about perceived exclusion and that they responded with advice and support. Findings are discussed with reference to the social learning theory and the ethnic socialization strategies identified by Hughes et al.
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DERMAN, Giray Saynur, and Gönül GÜLGEZEN. "EDUCATION AND INSTRUCTION ISSUES OF THE MUSLIM TURKISH MINORITY IN THE WESTERN TRACE REGION OF GREECE." International Refereed Journal of Research on Economics Management, no. 14 (2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.17373/uheyad.2017.4.4.
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Ragaru, Nadege. "Islam in Post-Communist Bulgaria: An Aborted “Clash of Civilizations”?" Nationalities Papers 29, no. 2 (June 2001): 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120053755.
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During the first years of the Bulgarian transition to democracy, all indicators seemed to point towards an impending explosion of interethnic hatred. Located at the crossroads of Islam and Christianity, this predominantly Orthodox country harbors a 13.1% strong Muslim minority, which was subjected to forcible assimilation under communist rule. The assimilation policy reached a climax in 1984–1985, when around 800,000 Bulgarian Turks were forced to renounce their Turkish-Arabic names in favor of Slavic patronyms within the framework of the so-called “Revival Process,” a campaign that aimed at precipitating the unification of the Bulgarian nation. Far from achieving the intended result, the authorities' move not only fostered a reassertion of distinct ethnic and religious identification among the Turks, but also succeeded in durably upsetting intercommunitarian relationships. Significantly, the Communist Party's announcement on 29 December 1989 that it would restore Muslim rights met with sharp resistance in mixed areas, where large-scale Bulgarian protests rapidly gathered momentum. Against this background, in 1990–1991, few analysts would have predicted that Bulgaria could avoid religious conflict, especially as the country was faced with growing regional instability and a belated shift to a market economy—two conditions often said to be conducive to the exacerbation of ethnic tensions.
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Özgül, Ceren. "Legally Armenian: Tolerance, Conversion, and Name Change in Turkish Courts." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 3 (July 2014): 622–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000279.
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AbstractOver the last fifteen years, hundreds of Muslim citizens claiming Armenian descent have submitted petitions to Turkey's secular legal authorities asking for changes to both their name and religion in the public record. In this article, I discuss the name-change cases of Armenian return converts to further the debates on Turkish secularism and to critique the body of scholarship that welcomes the governing Justice and Development Party's legal reforms as a measure of growing religious tolerance. In the article's first part I analyze the historical foundations of the regulation of religion and name changes in Turkey by fully and explicitly engaging with law as a site where minority difference is constructed, authorized, and challenged. The article's second half offers an alternative reading of how tolerance functions as an aspect of the Justice and Development Party's reforms. Based on my investigation of specific legal forms of argument that converted Armenians and their lawyers put forward in today's secular courts, and how legal officers of the state respond to them, I demonstrate that legal reform has shifted the definition of religion as a marker of minority difference in legal space. I argue that the historical context of name change and religious conversion forces the limits of existing understandings of freedom of religion in Turkey, and that this renders visible historical injustices that cannot be resolved simply through the notion of “religious tolerance” in the courts.
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Al Mujahid, Sharif. "Jinnah, Pakistan, and Islamic Identity." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): 149–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i3.2165.
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Dr. Akbar S. Ahmed is probably the most published author in Pakistan. His published works, some of which have earned excellent reviews, make a fonnidable list. Asperhaps the best known contemporary Muslim anthropologist, his commitment to the discipline,despite his avocation of being an administrator, is the key to his success. Whatsets Ahmed apart from most Pakistani authors is that his writings are informed by theoreticalconsiderations and anchored in empirical data. He exudes easy familiarity withmethodology, is creative and imaginative in his approach, and can conceptualize.Moreover, he can intellectu.alize problems and issues. As with his earlier writings, his presentwork is marked by these characteristics.
The work is structured around one major theme (Jinnah), and the subthemes of thenature of nationhood, Islam, ethnic and religious identity, the problems of minorities, andthe pervasive and ubiquitous influence of media, race, empire, and other factors. Usingthe methodologies of cultural anthropology, semiotics, and media studies, Ahrnedexplores old ground with new insights and interpretations. What we have here is neitherbiography nor history per se; it is part biography, part history of partition, an explorationof Muslim nationhood and Pakistani statehood, and part the Muslim search for identity, aquest that not only inspired the Muslim struggle for Pakistan during the 1940% but whichis still relevant (e.g., northern Cyprus, Bosnia, Chechnia, Kashmir, Kosovo, Mindanao[the Philippines], Pattani [Thailand], and even for the Turkish minority in Bulgaria).All said and done, it was the critical problem of identity to which Jinnah addressedhimself in the Indian context of the 1930s and 1940s. Thus he represents not onlyPakistan, but also a manifestation of the very search for identity in the present largerMuslim world context. His solution to the problems of marginalization, alienation, andeven exclusion of Muslims from the corridors of power serves as a beacon to Muslimcommunities struggling for identity, self-expression, and self-realization. Hence the relevanceof Jinnah to the modem Muslim world ...
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Muishout, George, Nuray Topcu, Anne de la Croix, Gerard Wiegers, and Hanneke WM van Laarhoven. "Turkish imams and their role in decision-making in palliative care: A Directed Content and Narrative analysis." Palliative Medicine 36, no. 6 (June 2022): 1006–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02692163221095200.
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Background: Muslims are the largest religious minority in Europe. When confronted with life-threatening illness, they turn to their local imams for religious guidance. Aim: To gain knowledge about how imams shape their roles in decision-making in palliative care. Design: Direct Content Analysis through a typology of imam roles. To explore motives, this was complemented by Narrative Analysis. Setting/Participants: Ten Turkish imams working in the Netherlands, with experience in guiding congregants in palliative care. Results: The roles of Jurist, Exegete, Missionary, Advisor and Ritual Guide were identified. Three narratives emerged: Hope can work miracles, Responsibility needs to be shared, and Mask your grief. Participants urged patients not to consent to withholding or terminating treatment but to search for a cure, since this might be rewarded with miraculous healing. When giving consent seemed unavoidable, the fear of being held responsible by God for wrongful death was often managed by requesting fatwa from committees of religious experts. Relatives were urged to hide their grief from dying patients so they would not lose hope in God. Conclusion: Imams urge patients’ relatives to show faith in God by seeking maximum treatment. This attitude is motivated by the fear that all Muslims involved will be held accountable by God for questioning His omnipotence to heal. Therefore, doctors may be urged to offer treatment that contradicts medical standards for good palliative care. To bridge this gap, tailor-made palliative care should be developed in collaboration with imams. Future research might include imams of other Muslim organizations.
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Abdou, Noureldin. "Muftī Courts, Minority Protection and the European Court of Human Rights." Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 23, no. 4 (2020): 673–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2020-4-673.
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Being one of the leading cases in 2019, as described by the President of the European Court of Human Rights, this article analyzes the Molla Sali case in the merits as well as the just satisfaction stages. It argues that the Grand Chamber’s decision did not open the door for an expansive application of Islamic religious law (Sharī ̔a) in Europe; that the ECtHR did not impose a flat ban on religious adjudication; and that the ramifications of the decision may influence different religious minorities in general with a particularly alienating impact on Muslim Europeans. The case brought the minority protection regime that had been established in Western Thrace in the aftermath of the First World War under the ECtHR’s scrutiny as to its compatibility with the principles of equality and the rule of law as set forth in the ECHR. Although the Hellenic Republic was held in violation of the ECHR, its newly introduced law amending the functioning of the Muftī courts sought to balance minority interests with the mandates of the ECHR. While the just satisfaction decision was perceived as a Pyrrhic victory, it remains to be seen whether the ongoing proceedings before Turkish courts will be politicized.
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Safi, Louay. "Nationalism and the Multinational State." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 338–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2572.
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We live in a world of nation-states where national cohesiveness constitutesthe legitimizing ground for political unity. In such a world, multinationalpolitical units are considered to be peculiar entities whose existence is eithertaken as an exception to the rule or is considered to be transient and thereforedestined to collapse into its national units.A product of Eutope’s historical experience, nationalism found its wayto the Muslim world and gained many adherents and advocates in its ethnic(i.e., Arabic, Turkish, Kurdish) and religious (i.e., Pakistani, Iranian) forms.The nationalistic mindset has become an intrinsic part of the political thinkingof many Muslim individuals and groups. As a result of the discontinuity inhistorical political thinking and practice effected by the European cultural andpolitical domination of Muslim life for the last two centuries, many Muslimsare unaware of the much superior political structutes which existed-albeitin rudimentary, distorted, or compromised forms-before Westem penetration.In this paper, I will discuss the origin and development of the concept ofnationalism, underscore its defects, and point out some of its devastatingconsequences, especially in regions rich in ethnic and religious minorities. Iargue that nationalism is a European phenomenon invented by German intellectualsand employed by Prussia in order to bring about a united Germanstate. I contend that a national govemment tends to suppress minority groupsand is therefore inappropriate to societies with heterogenous and diversepopulations. I conclude by discussing, in general terms, the model of communalpluralism that flourished under the khilafah system.The Genesis of NationalismNationalism is a relatively modem political doctrine. Writers on nationalismtrace it back to Rousseau, a European philosopher who insisted that agood political community was characterized by a homogeneous population.However, nationalism as we know it today began to take shape not in France,but in Germanic Prussia. German writers interested in a united German statebegan to advocate nationalism as the only legitimate basis for statehood ...
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Anastasiadou, Sofia D., and Chrysathi S. Tiliakou. "Investigation of the discriminating ability of the Greek State Certificate of Language Proficiency by means of Vacor method: The case of Greek speaking and Turkish speaking students from the Muslim minority of Thrace." International Journal of Learning and Teaching 8, no. 2 (July 17, 2016): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/ijlt.v8i2.517.
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The present research aims at exploring the discriminating ability of the Greek State Language Certificate known as KPG, administered in May 2012, which examined the English language at A1/A2 Levels according to the scale of the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages. The proposition of this paper pertains to the evaluation of the examination via the Vacor technique.The main target is the accuracy of differentiation of level A1 from level A2. More specifically, the goal is to identify items which differentiate the two levels for the Greek speaking as well as for the Turkish speaking students, of the Muslim minority of Thrace. Accordingly, the suitability of items leading to the differentiation and classification of the students’ linguistic ability in English, into levels is investigated. The technique Vacor is proposed, by means of which the suitability of each item and its contribution to the candidates’ ranking into A/A2, is checked. Therefore, the method is applied in two different groups, as mentioned earlier, and the results are compared. The present study confirms the choice of Vacor technique concerning the suitability of KPG qualification for English A1/A2 of May 2012.
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Georgalidou, Marianthi, Vasilia Kourtis-Kazoullis, and Hasan Kaili. "Humor in conversation among bilinguals." European Journal of Humour Research 10, no. 3 (October 11, 2022): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr.2022.10.3.625.
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In this study, we analyse conversations recorded during ethnographic research in two bilingual communities on the island of Rhodes, Greece. We examine: (a) the bilingual in Greek and Turkish Muslim community of Rhodes (Georgalidou et al. 2010, 2013) and (b) the Greek-American/Canadian community of repatriated emigrant families of Rhodian origin (Kourtis-Kazoullis 2016). In particular, combining interactional and conversation analytic frameworks (Auer 1995; Gafaranga 2007), we examine contemporary approaches to bi-/multilingualism focusing on the pragmatics of humour in conversations among bilinguals. We scrutinise aspects of the overall and sequential organisation of talk as well as instances of humour produced by speakers of different ethnic origin, generation, and social groups. We focus on the construction of “otherness,” which reflects the dynamic interplay between the micro-level of conversational practices and the macro-level of discourse involving contrasting categorisations and identities pertaining to differently orientated ethnic and social groups. Based on the analysis, we will show a) how humorous targeting orients in-groups versus out-groups, and b) mediates the dynamic process of constructing the identity of speakers who, being members of minority linguistic communities, represent “otherness.”
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Hussain, S. Mazhar. "International Conference on Muslim Minority /Majority Relations." American Journal of Islam and Society 7, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v7i1.2673.
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The International Conference on Muslim Minority/Majority Relations held in New York, Rabi' al Awwal 23-25, 1410/0ctober 24 to 26, 1989 brought to the fore some of the little known but significantly major problems faced by the Muslim minority communities in many parts of the world. The magnitude of the problem can be seen from the fact that the Muslim minorities form one-third of the world Muslim population, over 300 million out of an estimated one billion Muslims. The three day conference was divided into different areas of concern. Over 50 papers were presented. Among the topics discussed were: North American Arab Muslims, an Intellectual and Attitudinal Profile of the Muslim Community in North America; Muslim/Non-Muslim Relations in America; Economic Development of Indian Muslims, Issues and Problems; The Turks in Bulgaria; South Africa: The Role of a Muslim Minority in a Situation of Change; The Islamic Minorities in Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique; Muslim/Christian Relations in Sudan; Muslim Women in an Alien Society: A Case Study in West Germany; Muslims in Britain: Some Recent Developments; Muslim Minorities and non-Muslim Party Politics in the Netherlands; Muslim Minorities in the Soviet Union, China, Australia, Sri Lanka, Tibet, Philippines, Thailand and other areas.
The first day of the conference was devoted to North America, Asia and Africa. In the session on North America, Dr. Ni'mat Barazangi highlighted the fact that the process of adjustment and integration of Muslims in America had its own challenges. On the one hand, the immigrant Muslims realize the need to maintain their religious and cultural identity, and, on the other, it is not easy, or even practical, to stay away from the mainstream of the majority culture and its impact ...
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Brentjes, Sonja. "Research Foci in the History of Science in Past Islamicate Societies." Histories 2, no. 3 (August 4, 2022): 270–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2030021.
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In recent years, numerous changes have emerged in the History of Science of what has traditionally been called the Islamic world. By now, it has become usual to speak of the Islamicate world, albeit more so in Islamic Studies and related historical disciplines. The notion Islamicate wishes to express that the societies rule by Muslim dynasties were multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-confessional and plurilingual. Different Muslim denominations could form majority but also minority groups. The processes of change in the study of the sciences in those societies can be summarized as efforts to pluralize research approaches and to historicize objects, themes, people, institutions and practices. The pluralization of approaches includes the multiplication of (1) modern disciplinary homes for studies of scientific topics dealt with in Islamicate societies, (2) the languages acknowledged as languages of scientific texts such as New Persian, Ottoman Turkish or Urdu worthwhile to analyze, (3) the number of historical disciplines accepted under the umbrella of history of science, (4) the centuries or periods as well as the regions that have been incorporated into the investigation of past scientific knowledge and (5) the recognition that more than a single history can and should be told about the sciences in past Islamicate societies. The process of historicization means, first and foremost, to turn away from macro-units of research (Islam, medieval or Arabic science) to medium- or micro-level units. Historicization indicates, secondly, the turn toward contextualization beyond the analysis of individual texts or instruments. And thirdly, it signifies the integration of features or aspects of scholarly practices that are not limited to the content of a discipline or a text but include layouts, the organization of text production, types of visualizations of knowledge or rhetorical strategies and paratextual elements. My paper reports on trends that I consider relevant for understanding how the field changed over the last decades and how it ticks today. But it does not try to be comprehensive.
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Klimova, Ksenia A., and Elena S. Uzeneva. "Language Policy and Language Situation in Dynamics: Pomaks of Northern Greece." Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 66 (2022): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-66-148-160.
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The paper comes up with a synchronous-diachronic analysis of the linguistic situation in one of the isolated cultural and linguistic enclaves of the Balkan Peninsula: the district of Xanthi in the region of Thrace in Northern Greece, on the Bulgarian-Greek border. Here, in a remote mountainous area, live Muslim Slavs, ethnic Bulgarians, representing a minority ethnolinguistic and cultural-confessional group that has existed for a long time in a foreign language and other religious environment among Orthodox Greeks. In the historical past, this community formed a single whole with the Muslim Bulgarians who now live within the boundaries of the Republic of Bulgaria. This minority is the object of the language and cultural policy of three states: Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria. Note that the Greek authorities for a long time 1920s–1990s (excluding the period of Bulgarian rule in 1941–1944) pursued a policy of de-Bulgarization of this population. As a result, today the degree of its Turkicization (due to the influence of Islam, the study of the Koran in Turkish and the active position of Turkey) is quite high. It should be noted that the Bulgarian-speaking communities in Northern Greece are not the object of the Bulgarian language policy, which is carried out by disinterested officials and politicians who ignore the opinions and assessments of Bulgarian dialectologists and sociolinguists. The study focuses on ethnonyms and exonyms as important factors in the formation of the Pomaks' linguistic identity: the self-name of the speakers of these dialects is Pomaks, Ahryans. The ethnonym Pomaks was introduced and continues to be actively used to discuss the new Greek policy towards the Bulgarian-speaking population of Greece; the linguonym Pomaks was also formed from it. Earlier in Greece, the term Slavophones ('speakers of the Slavic language') was used, cf. new pomakophones. In the 90s of the 20th century and early 21th century a number of scientists (V. Friedman, A. D. Dulichenko, A. Ioannidou, K. Voss, M. Nomati, M. Henzelmann, K. Steinke) considered Pomak to be one of the literary microlanguages of the southern Slavia, noting that it is characterized by the diversity of the script used and poor functionality. There were appropriate grounds for this (codification, publication of dictionaries and grammar, textbooks, etc.). But the impetus for the “creation” of the literary language of the Pomaks was the political task of the country's leadership. At present, Pomak (Southern Rodhopian, Bulgarian) dialects in Greece have an unwritten character (they are used exclusively for oral communication in the family and village, microsociety). Despite the presence of certain signs of the formation of the literary language among the Pomaks, the modern language situation and language policy do not contribute to its existence and functioning. We rely on both published sources and our own field materials collected during two ethnolinguistic expeditions carried out in 2018 and 2019, as well as online in 2021, and will try to present preliminary results of the study of the current state of the language and language policy. Let us note the importance of modern interdisciplinary approaches to the study of the phenomenon of intercultural communication, which are based on the dialogue of languages and cultures, and which necessitated the description of new linguistic conditions and consideration of the importance of not so much Greek as Turkish as a means of intra — and interethnic communication in the specific genre.
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Shanduorkov, George. "Terrorism in Bulgaria." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000145.
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AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.
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Shanduorkov, George. "Terrorism in Bulgaria." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000789.
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AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.
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Jasch, Hans-Christian. "State-Dialogue with Muslim Communities in Italy and Germany - The Political Context and the Legal Frameworks for Dialogue with Islamic Faith Communities in Both Countries." German Law Journal 8, no. 4 (April 1, 2007): 341–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005642.
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Estimates of the number of Muslims in EU Member States vary widely, depending on the methodology and definitions used and the geographical limits imposed. Excluding Turkey and the Balkan-regions, researchers estimate that as many as 13 to 20 million Muslims live in the EU: That is about 3.5 - 4% of the total EU population. Muslims are the largest religious minority in Europe, and Islam is the continent's fastest growing religion. Substantial Muslim populations exist especially in Western European countries, including France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and the Scandinavian Countries. Europe's Muslim populations are ethnically diverse and Muslim immigrants in Europe hail from a variety of Middle Eastern, African, and Asian countries, as well as Turkey. Most Muslim communities have their roots in Western Europe's colonial heritage and immigration policies of the 1950s and 1960s used to counter labor shortages during the period of reconstruction after World War II. These policies attracted large numbers of North Africans, Turks, and Pakistanis. Furthermore, in recent years, there have been influxes of Muslim migrants and political refugees from other regions and countries, including the Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
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Szyszlak, Elżbieta. "Bezpieczeństwo kulturowe mniejszości tureckiej w Bułgarii na tle przemian społeczno-politycznych i gospodarczych w tym kraju." Wschodnioznawstwo 16 (December 20, 2022): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.22.015.16764.
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W artykule podjęto temat bezpieczeństwa kulturowego mniejszości etnicznych i narodowych analizując go na przykładzie mniejszości tureckiej w Bułgarii. Jest to najliczniejsza mniejszość w tym kraju, obecna w nim od kilku stuleci. Ponadto Turcy wraz z Pomakami i częścią Romów wchodzą w skład najliczniejszej mniejszości religijnej w Bułgarii – muzułmanów. Zachowanie przez nich tożsamości oraz ochrona i rozwój dziedzictwa kulturowego, czyli fundamentalnych elementów bezpieczeństwa kulturowego, uwarunkowane jest szeregiem determinantów o charakterze egzogennym i endogennym. Do jednych z najważniejszych należy m.in. polityka państwa zamieszkania i państwa macierzystego, czynniki demograficzne, charakter osiedlenia, czynniki ekonomiczne. Z kolei wśród wyzwań bezpieczeństwa kulturowego Turków w Bułgarii wyróżnić można m.in. zachowanie języka tureckiego, ochronę materialnego dziedzictwa kulturowego, możliwość międzypokoleniowego przekazu kulturowego. Głównym problemem badawczym jest umiejscowienie bezpieczeństwa kulturowego mniejszości tureckiej w szerszym kontekście przemian społeczno-politycznych i gospodarczych zachodzących w Bułgarii. W części teoretycznej zdefiniowano bezpieczeństwo kulturowe mniejszości etnicznych i narodowych, następnie – jako wybrane zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa kulturowego – przybliżono pojęcie ludobójstwa kulturowego oraz sekurytyzacji mniejszości etnicznych i narodowych. W kolejnej części ukazano politykę władz komunistycznych wobec mniejszości tureckiej, której negatywne skutki zauważalne są po dzień dzisiejszy. Następnie przybliżono zarys współczesnej sytuacji mniejszości tureckiej po 1989 r. w kontekście możliwości zachowania i rozwijania jej kultury oraz tożsamości kulturowej. Rozważania kończy szczegółowa analiza wybranych problemów bezpieczeństwa kulturowego społeczności tureckiej. Łączy je to, że w ewidentny sposób ograniczają możliwości wykorzystywania przez Turków ich niewątpliwych atutów w zachowaniu bezpieczeństwa kulturowego – liczebności, koncentracji terytorialnej, silnego poczucia tożsamości, geograficznej bliskości Turcji. Przed mniejszością turecką pojawia się więc konieczność podjęcia działań wzmacniających owe atuty i niwelujących niekorzystny wpływ sytuacji społeczno-politycznej i gospodarczej na bezpieczeństwo kulturowe. Cultural security of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria against the background of socio-political and economic changes in the country The article addresses the cultural security of ethnic and national minorities by analysing the example of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria. It is the most signifi¬cant minority in the country, present there for several centuries. Moreover, the Turks, alongside the Pomaks and some Roma, constitute part of Bulgaria’s most considerable religious minority – the Muslims. The preservation of their identity and the protection and development of their cultural heritage, i.e. the fundamental elements of cultural security, are conditioned by many exogenous and endogenous determinants. The most important ones include the policies of the state of residence and the home state, demographic factors, the nature of the settlement, and economic factors, among others. On the other hand, one can distinguish the preservation of the Turkish language, the protection of material cultural heritage, and the possibility of intergenerational cultural transmission among the challenges of cultural security for Turks in Bulgaria. The main research problem is to situate the cultural security of the Turkish minority in the broader context of the socio-political and economic changes occurring in Bulgaria. In the theoretical part, the cultural security of ethnic and national minorities is defined, and then the concept of cultural genocide and securitization of ethnic and national minorities were introduced as selected threats to cultural security. The next part presents the policy of the communist authorities towards the Turkish minority, the negative consequences of which are still noticeable today. It is followed by the outlined contemporary situation of the Turkish minority after 1989 in the context of the possibility of preserving and developing its culture and cultural identity. The considerations conclude with a detailed analysis of selected problems of cultural security of the Turkish community, which limit the opportunities for the Turks to use their undoubted advantages in maintaining their cultural security – the number of people, territorial concentration, a strong sense of identity, geographical proximity to Turkey. Therefore, the Turkish minority faces the necessity to take measures to strengthen these assets and eliminate the factors adversely affecting its cultural security level.
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Wallrich, Lukas, Keon West, and Adam Rutland. "Painting all foreigners with one brush? How the salience of muslims and refugees shapes judgements." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 246–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1283.
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Attitudes towards foreigners are widely researched, most frequently in survey studies. However, in that context it is often unclear which attitude object respondents have in mind, and thus what their answers refer to. This paper uses a representative sample of 3,195 Germans who reported which groups they think of when thinking about foreigners living in Germany. We found that Germans disproportionately think of groups who are Muslim, and that such salience is associated with more negative attitudes towards “foreigners.” This holds true when controlling for attitudes towards Muslims; in fact, thinking of Muslim groups when thinking about foreigners moderates the relationship between anti-Muslim and anti-foreigner attitudes. The relationships were weaker when respondents think of Turks, a large and long-standing minority in Germany, suggesting an attenuation of the links through familiarity or intergroup contacts. No relationship was found between thinking of refugees and attitudes towards foreigners. Implications for research are discussed, particularly regarding the interpretation of self-reported attitudes towards foreigners and the study of populist strategies.
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Fasel, Nicole, Eva G. T. Green, and Oriane Sarrasin. "Unveiling Naturalization." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 221, no. 4 (January 2013): 242–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000154.
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Anti-Muslim attitudes are widespread in Western countries, especially among conservative individuals. Yet, the Muslim veil sparks controversy across the ideological spectrum, potentially resulting in unwillingness to naturalize Muslim immigrants. Living in culturally diverse contexts is likely to affect how ideologies relate to anti-veil attitudes. This study examined the interplay between individual- and community-level ideologies and minority proportion in explaining anti-veil attitudes. Multilevel analyses with Swiss World Values Survey data (N = 1,006; 125 municipalities) revealed that individual-level conservatism and conservative ideological climates increased anti-veil attitudes. Minority proportion in a municipality (i.e., proportion of ex-Yugoslavs and Turks representing the largest Muslim groups) shaped the impact of conservative ideologies on both levels: Stronger anti-veil attitudes were found in highly conservative communities when minority proportion was high rather than low, whereas low rather than high minority proportion strengthened anti-veil attitudes for nonconformist individuals and in progressive communities. This research highlights the need to simultaneously examine conservative ideologies and immigrant presence to understand host societies’ views of immigrants’ cultural practices.
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Sardamov, Ivelin. "The Turks of Bulgaria: Karpat's Excursion Into Nationalist Propaganda." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 743–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408482.
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In his recently published article, “The Turks of Bulgaria: The Struggle for National-Religious Survival of a Muslim Minority,” Kemal H. Karpat addresses an important and sensitive topic. The manner in which he undertakes to explore it, however, leaves much to be desired.
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Willoughby, Jay. "Editorial." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1598.
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In this issue, we move away from our customary focus on the MuslimMiddle East and Muslims in the West and turn toward Southeast Asia andChina. Here, we find Muslim communities that seem not to be so entrancedby what we in the West consider to be the most pressing issues: the Muslimworld vs. the West and/or modernity, the Abrahamic faiths trialogue, politicaland economic reform, the suitability of western-style democracy inMuslim countries, and the rise of Islamic “fundamentalism,” “terrorism,”“extremism,” or whatever similar term the media throws at us.Excluding Indonesia and Malaysia, the overriding concerns of theseMuslims appear to be different, for they are often viewed as unwanted orignored minority communities. For example, Muslims living in Xinjiang,southern Thailand, and the southern Philippines are confronted daily by hostileor indifferent regimes that want their natural resources and land. Thus,their main concerns are actual (as opposed to theoretical) justice, beingallowed to remain “different” instead of being forced to assimilate, and passingon their religious and cultural identities in a hostile environment.In interfaith terms, their intellectuals are involved in other discourses:Islam and Buddhism, Confucianism, communism, folk religion, cultural chauvinism,and others. To cite an example, one of my Cham Muslim friends fromVietnam translated the Qur’an into Vietnamese several years ago. Accordingto him, the hardest part was translating such monotheistic concepts as God,sin, final judgment, good, and evil into a non-monotheistic language that hasno words for such concepts. One of our articles (Peterson) deals with howChinese Muslim scholars of the pre-modern era tried to solve this problem.Several of our articles deal with China, whose rite of passage intomodernity might have killed a lesser nation. Within the space of 100 years,it was ruled by a highly traditional empire engulfed in its own hubris, anationalist republican regime beset by a virulent communist insurgency andJapanese invasion, and an extremely radical revolutionary communistregime. And now it is an economic dynamo, due to its “capitalism with Chinesecharacteristics.” But what do we know of its Muslims, other than thatthe Turkic Muslims of Xinjiang continue to be restive and that the Bushadministration has accepted Beijing’s claim that several of Xinjiang’s secessionistgroups have links with the Taliban and al-Qaeda? ...
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Gilliat-Ray, Sophie. "Muslim Minorities in the West." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1839.
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The Muslim diaspora, which has become established as a significant areaof publishing in the past 2 to 3 decades, is being charted by a number ofbooks and journals. This edited collection is a valuable addition to the literature,although specialists in the field will notice some degree of overlapwith existing sources.The book is divided into three sections exploring the Muslim experiencein America (seven chapters), Europe (three chapters covering France,Germany, and Norway), and areas of European settlement (five chapterscovering Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and the Caribbean). Thebest way to view this book is to consider it a series of case studies examininghow Muslims in different contexts have moved from being temporary and peripheral individual sojourners to being, within their adoptedsocieties, generally well-established communities that have largely overcometheir internal differences and external structural barriers in order tobe publicly recognized as a part of multicultural and multi faith communitiesand societies. Many of the contributors believe that Muslim minoritiesare growing, dynamic, confident, and demographically "young" in most oftheir new societies, and that wherever they have established themselves,they have sustained their presence and thrived, sometimes in the face ofextreme hostility.This case study character has advantages and disadvantages. On theone hand, this reviewer found it extremely valuable to learn more aboutthe experience of some very specific minority groups, such as Sahelians inFrance, who are usually ignored and overshadowed in the literature by theoverwhelming Algerian-Moroccan presence in France. Likewise, with relativelylittle academic material available on Muslims in New Zealand, forexample, this book fills many of the academic gaps in the literature. Thefirst-hand accounts from previously unpublished sources were similarlyvaluable, and the chapter on establishing the Islamic Party in NorthAmerica constitutes an important documentary record. On the other hand,some chapters went over well-established ground, such as Turks inGermany. Specialists on Muslim minorities will find that some chaptersrepeat already well-known data and profiles oflslam in these contexts ...
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Alanya, Ahu, Marc Swyngedouw, Veronique Vandezande, and Karen Phalet. "Close Encounters: Minority and Majority Perceptions of Discrimination and Intergroup Relations in Antwerp, Belgium." International Migration Review 51, no. 1 (March 2017): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12203.
Full textAbstract:
Increasing numbers of second-generation Muslims are highly qualified and locally embedded in today's European cities. This does not protect them, however, from experiencing discrimination in intergroup encounters in school, at work, or in the street. Taking an approach from local intergroup relations between ethnic minorities and the majority society, we draw on the TIES (The Integration of the European Second Generation) surveys to compare Turkish and Moroccan minorities and majority Belgians in Antwerp, Belgium. Our research aims (1) to establish minority and majority perspectives on (reverse) personal discrimination (2) in different life domains, and (3) to differentiate internally between gender, socioeconomic attainments, and local climates. Structural equation models show minority and majority group perspectives on discrimination as gendered and situated inter-group encounters in socioeconomic and civic domains of life.
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Apostolov, Mario. "The Pomaks: A Religious Minority in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 727–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408481.
Full textAbstract:
A religious minority of Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, the Pomaks now live dispersed in five Balkan countries: Bulgaria, Macedonia, Greece, Albania and Turkey. A living legacy of the complexities of Balkan history, the Pomaks represent a perfect case to study interstate political intricacies around the unsettled identity of small inter-communal groups. An examination of this community should enrich the knowledge about the nature of Balkan Islam that stands on the periphery of the Arab-Iranian-Turkic Islamic heartland, the three peoples who carried the major burden of Islamic history.
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Schinkel, Willem. "The nationalization of desire." Focaal 2011, no. 59 (March 1, 2011): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2011.590108.
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Dutch discourse on “integration” is currently characterized by a strong focus on the “culture” of especially Turks and Moroccans, two minority populations in Dutch society mostly of Muslim orientation. This article discusses the issue of the “import bride” as a case study of contemporary culturist discourse. It argues that this issue is problematized because transnational marriage is construed as circumventing loyalty to Dutch society and nation-state.
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Кючуков, Хрісто. "Acquisition of Turkish Grammatical Categories in Bilingual Context." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2019.6.1.kyu.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents results form a study on acquisition of Turkish grammatical categories by first grade Turkish speaking minority children in Bulgarian primary school. Two groups of children speakers of Turkish are tested: ethnic Turks and ethnic Roma. The Roma are Muslims and are also speakers of Turkish. Both groups speak the Northeast variety of Turkish, spoken in the surroundings of Varna, Bulgaria. The author examines the lexical reaches, syntax complexity and narrative knowledge of the children and predicts that the low results on mother tongue tests will be a reason for difficulties in the second language acquisition - Bulgarian. The author connects the results of mother tongue knowledge of the children with the language interdependence theory of Cummins (1991), where the level of the mother tongue is a predictor of second language acquisition.
References
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Akıncı, M. (2016) From emergent bilingualism to biliteracy competences of French-Turkish bilingual children and teenagers in France. The Future of Multilingualism in the German Educational System, Berlin, March 3-4.
Aksu-Koç and Slobin (1985) Acquisition of Turkish. In: The Crosslinguistic Study of Language Acquisition: Vol. 1. The Data, (pp. 839-878). D. I. Slobin (Ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
Aksu- Koç, A. (1994) Development of linguistic forms: Turkish. In: Relating Events in Narrative: A Crosslinguistic Developmental Study. R. Berman and D. Slobin, (Eds.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Boeschoten, H. (1990) Acquisition of Turkish by immigrant children: a multiple case study of Turkish children in the Netherlands aged 4 to 6. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press.
Boeschoten, H. & Verhoeven, L. (1987). Turkish language development of Turkish children in the Netherlands. Proceedings of the Conference on Turkish Linguistics, A. Aksu-Koç & E. Erguvanli-Taylan (Eds.), Istanbul, 1984. Boaziçi University Press, (269-280).
Cummins, J. (1991). Interdependence of first- and second-language proficiency in bilingual children. In: Language Processing in Bilingual Children. (pp. 70-89). E. Bialystock (Ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Küntay, A. (1997) Extended Discourse Skills of Turkish Preschool Children Across Shifting Contexts. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Berkeley.
Kyuchukov, H. (2000) Introducing referents in Turkish children's narratives. Psychology of Language and Communication, 4(1), 65-74.
Kyuchukov, H. (2007) Turkish and Roma Children Learning Bulgarian. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber.
Kyuchukov, H. (2019) Za Mefkure Mollova i neyniyat prinos za izsledvane na turskite dialekti v Bulgaria. [About Mefkure Mollova and her commitment for researching the Turkish dialects in Bulgaria]. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber
Luria, A. R. and Yudevich, F. Ia. (1959) Speech and the Development of Mental Processes in the Child. London: Strapless Press.
Pfaff, C. (1993) Turkish language development in Germany. In: Immigrant Languages in Europe, G. Extra and L. Verhoeven (Eds) Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Verhallen, M. and Schoenen, R. (1993) Lexical knowledge of monolingual and bilingual children. Applied Linguistics, 14, 344-363.
Verhoeven, L. (1993) Acquisition of narrative skills in a bilingual context. In: Current Issues in European Second Language Acquisition Research. V. Ketteman and W. Wieden, (Eds). Tübingen: Max Niemeyer.
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Çelik Rappas, İpek A. "The “Guest” Who Refuses to Work, the “Terrorist” Who Contemplates Global Hunger: Minorities in Fatih Akin Films." Central European History 53, no. 2 (May 5, 2020): 453–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000199.
Full textAbstract:
In her book that explores Turkish migrant organizations in Germany, sociologist Gökçe Yurdakul detects a historical transformation in the political representation of migrants and minorities from the 1970s through the 2000s. She marks six historical events that lead to this transformation: labor migration (1961–1972), the introduction of family reunification law (1973–1979), post-1980 military coup asylum seekers from Turkey (1980–1988), the fall of the Berlin Wall and its aftermath of exacerbating xenophobia against non-German minorities (1989–1998), the introduction of the new citizenship law (1999), and finally the terrorist attacks on September 11 (2001–present). According to Yurdakul, these events mark a gradual shift in the minority rights debate. While the first minority organizations were formed around labor rights, gradually, due to these landmark events and laws, their demands shifted toward political and social rights of citizenship, and identitarian rights, such as the right “to exist as Muslims and as Europeans.”
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Ponka, Tatyana I., Anastasia E. Shlentova, and Andrey A. Ivashkevich. "Ethnic and cultural issues of Uyghurs identity in Xinjiang region." RUDN Journal of World History 11, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2019-11-1-34-43.
Full textAbstract:
The Uyghurs are a Turkic-Muslim minority in the People`s Republic of China (PRC), their native language belongs to a Turkic language family and is written on the basis of Arabic graphics, and regard themselves as culturally and ethnically close to Central Asian nations. This article deals with the issue of the Uyghur identity role in the case of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR) in China and its manifestations in relation to Chinese policy in the region. In order to study this issue the article analyzes the Uyghurs` attitude towards the Han Chinese migrants and their reaction towards Mandarin tuition as well as the salience of Islam faith as a crucial identity marker.
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Özyürek, Esra. "Convert Alert: German Muslims and Turkish Christians as Threats to Security in the New Europe." Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 1 (December 16, 2008): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750900005x.
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At the turn of the twenty-first century two countries—one at the center of Europe and the other at its periphery—officially declared converts to minority religions to be threats to national security. The first is Germany, where since early 2006 Minister of Interior Affairs Wolfgang Schäuble has repeatedly warned against the danger posed by German converts to Islam (e.g., Schmid 2007). Recently, after two German Muslims were caught collecting chemicals used to make explosives, the Christian Democrat Union (CDU) faction's leader Wolfgang Bosbach and its Bavarian Interior Minister Günther Beckstein suggested the government register and follow all who have converted to Islam (Küchen 2007). Bosbach said, “A convert registry only makes sense given that we know some of them may be radicalized after converting” (Ringel 2007).
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Durneika, Erik. "China’s Favored Muslims? The Complex Relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and the Hui Ethnic Group." Sociology of Islam 6, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00604003.
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The People’s Republic of China remains a multinational unitary state, where the prc Constitution expressly guarantees freedom of religion and fair treatment of ethnic minorities. The Chinese Communist Party (ccp) retains ultimate authority regarding internal and external affairs, including the selective enforcement of constitutional rights. Various ethnic groups, such as the Turkic Uighurs, have long been perceived as rebellious, while the Muslim Hui have often been treated favorably, with laxer enforcement of laws and more religious autonomy. Many attribute this “model minority” perception of the Hui to cultural similarities shared with the Han. Although the ccp continues to allow religious freedoms to the Hui, the trajectory of persecution has slightly increased due to threats of global Islamist insurgencies. Leadership under President Xi Jinping seeks to maintain its power by combating “foreign infiltration” of Islam. Party officials allow Hui to interact with Muslim countries internationally under one circumstance—beneficial business transactions.
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Trupia, Francesco. "Debating (Post-)Coloniality in Southeast Europe: A Minority Oriented Perspective in Bulgaria." Acta Humana 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32566/ah.2021.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the fact that its scholarly application has been considered highly problematic in the former Eastern Bloc and barely employed due to the Marxist background, post-colonialism has been recently introduced by a large number of scholars and academics. Yet, theoretical experiments, research, and projection of post-colonialism in Central and Eastern Europe have come to compose an abundant field of reference. Drawing on this theoretical approach, this paper aims to debate the category of post-coloniality in postcommunist Bulgaria in order to better venture the parapet of the post-1989 transition. Employing a ‘minority perspective’, which will reveal minority positionality in the contemporary Bulgarian cultural and political ground, this paper traces potential power actions of (dis)possession of knowledge among subaltern groups, which actions continue to negate, disavow, distort, and deny access to different forms of minority cultures and life visions represented by non-majoritarian segments of the Bulgarian society. In general, this paper digs into the historical experience of the ethnic Turks and Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria prior to the communist experience, throughout and after the collapse of communism, and in the contemporary Republic of Bulgaria. In particular, post-coloniality – understood in terms of ‘coloniality of being’ – shall offer a better and critical angle of investigation over the issues of human marginalisation, cultural subordination, and knowledge exploitation in Bulgaria and Southeast Europe.
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D’Agostino, Glauco. "Tatarstan and Bashkortostan: A Political and Religious Test for Tsar Putin." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 3, no. 5 (December 9, 2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v3i5.55.
Full textAbstract:
The process of institutional centralization launched by Mr. Putin in a Federation currently counting 85 entities (including the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol’) is likely to collide with the self-government aspirations, particularly by the 22 republics, because of a documented extensive presence of ethnic minority groups living in their territories. Each of them has its own constitution and legislation. But, according to the Russian Federal Law, all regional heads are to be nominated by Russian President. On the other hand, the Tatar Constitution, aimed to guarantee minority ethnic, religious, or linguistic rights, maintains President of the Republic has to be popularly elected. This situation is creating a framework, if not of legal uncertainty, at least of institutional tensions threatening to escalate unless it would be properly addressed, also due to the specific ethno-religious features of Republics, particularly Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. Both republics are regarded as a model of winning multiethnic states, mainly for the ability to bring together Christians and Muslims to live peacefully.Moscow concerns give substance to the ghost of never vanished pan-Turkism, since Tatarstan still has relevant independence movements, with a mix of nationalist ideals and religious revival, but all of them with features of peaceful struggle and never extremist. The traditional theological school of law among Muslims of the region is the Ḥanafī one, and the gradual presence of Salafis in the Ural region is regarded by many (though disputed by others) as a source of rampant extremism. TheRussian Federationshould undertake to recognize and to spread among Tatarstan and Bashkortostan population the value of ethnic and religious coexistence underpinning theRussian Federationconcept in the post-Communist era.