Academic literature on the topic 'Turkish - Muslim Minority'
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Journal articles on the topic "Turkish - Muslim Minority"
1
Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi, and Semiha Sözeri. "Diyanet as a Turkish Foreign Policy Tool: Evidence from the Netherlands and Bulgaria." Politics and Religion 11, no. 3 (March 2, 2018): 624–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175504831700075x.
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AbstractHow does Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) act as an instrument of foreign policy (FP)? What are the factors that allow such an instrumentalization of Islam in Turkish FP? In addressing these questions, this paper uses semi-structured expert interviews from Bulgaria and the Netherlands. Although both countries host a sizeable Muslim minority, these populations differ in their characteristics and historical ties with Turkey. ComparingDiyanet’s role in the Netherlands with its recent Turkish-Muslim diaspora, and in Bulgaria with its centuries-old Muslim minority allows us to reveal variation in the practical engagement strategies that Diyanet adopts in different country contexts. Thus, this paper advances two main claims; first,Diyanetserves as a primary FP tool of Turkey in countries with a significant Turkish-Muslim minority. Secondly, this instrumentalization destabilizes secularization projects both at home and abroad.
2
Dimasi, Maria, and Stella Theologou. "Muslim Students Learning L2 and FL in Minority Primary Schools in Thrace: Relational Instances of Tri/Bilingualism." Journal of Education and Learning 8, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v8n6p150.
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The Muslim minority in Thrace is a heterogeneous group of people regarding their cultural and linguistic identities. It consists of Muslims of Turkish origin who speak Turkish as their mother tongue, of Pomaks, who speak Pomak, and of Roma, who speak Romani. Their educational-linguistic situation is fraught with long-lasting problems, which are attributed to the inherent characteristics of ‘Minority Εducation’, a term used to describe a specific group of primary and secondary schools, situated exclusively in the area of Thrace, that operates under a special regime, as stipulated in legal instruments of international law and bilateral agreements, and can be attended only by Muslim minority children.
Extensive research over the years has shown that there are serious impediments in these students learning Greek as an L2, even after the implementation of the Project for Reform in the Education of Muslim Children (PEM) and the additional educational material that targeted this particular religious minority. The results show that most of these students do not achieve a language level of A2 in Greek and, thus, exhibit low school performance. Similar results have been recorded in research papers concerning learning English as a FL, which is a compulsory school subject, by Muslim minority students in both public and minority primary schools. These students also fail to achieve the foreign language attainment level set in the school curriculum.
The present paper seeks to outline the unchartered causes of this situation, delve into the language situation of Muslim students and suggest possible and viable solutions.
3
Hergüvenç, Begüm, and Mehmet Hacısalihoğlu. "Inclusion and Exclusion: Image and Perceptions of Turkish Migrants in Bulgaria and Turkey." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.3.
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This paper deals with the image and perceptions that Turkish migrants from Bulgaria had about the Turks in Turkey, the Turkish state, Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian state both before and after 1989. Perceptions of the Turkish minority among the Bulgarian communist elite are analysed according to published reports and statements made by Bulgarian Communist Party members. The perceptions that Turkish migrants had about Bulgaria and Turkey are the main focus of this study which is based on field research and interviews conducted with Turkish migrants from Bulgaria now living in Turkey. This article shows that these migrants held both positive and negative perceptions of Bulgaria and Turkey, largely depending on the context. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria was regarded as a problem for the Communist government and as an in-ternal enemy to the Bulgarian state. Moreover, the locals in Turkey regarded the Turkish migrants from Bulgaria as “Bulgarian migrants” who possessed a non-Muslim or “liberal” culture. In this way, they experienced exclusionary attitudes from their neighbours both in Bulgaria and in Turkey. The Turks of Bulgaria perceived the Communist regime as oppressive and as a threat to their Turkish identity. Despite their dislike of the regime, prior to the period of forced assimilation that began in 1984, they still possessed a relatively positive perception about the Bulgarian people. Interestingly, while they perceive Turkey as their homeland, they nonetheless held certain prejudices against the local population in Turkey. All of these various interaction helped to strengthen their group identity as migrants from Bulgaria.This paper deals with the image and perceptions that Turkish migrants from Bulgaria had about the Turks in Turkey, the Turkish state, Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian state both before and after 1989. Perceptions of the Turkish minority among the Bulgarian communist elite are analysed according to published reports and statements made by Bulgarian Communist Party members. The perceptions that Turkish migrants had about Bulgaria and Turkey are the main focus of this study which is based on field research and interviews conducted with Turkish migrants from Bulgaria now living in Turkey. This article shows that these migrants held both positive and negative perceptions of Bulgaria and Turkey, largely depending on the context. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria was regarded as a problem for the Communist government and as an internal enemy to the Bulgarian state. Moreover, the locals in Turkey regarded the Turkish migrants from Bulgaria as “Bulgarian migrants” who possessed a non-Muslim or “liberal” culture. In this way, they experienced exclusionary attitudes from their neighbours both in Bulgaria and in Turkey. The Turks of Bulgaria perceived the Communist regime as oppressive and as a threat to their Turkish identity. Despite their dislike of the regime, prior to the period of forced assimilation that began in 1984, they still possessed a relatively positive perception about the Bulgarian people. Interestingly, while they perceive Turkey as their homeland, they nonetheless held certain prejudices against the local population in Turkey. All of these various interaction helped to strengthen their group identity as migrants from Bulgaria.
4
Karpat, Kemal H. "The Turks of Bulgaria: The Struggle for National-Religious Survival of a Muslim Minority." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 725–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408413.
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In May 1989, two series of demonstrations in Turkish villages of northeast Bulgaria was followed by a massive gathering of more than 50,000 Muslim Turks in the town of Shumnu in the same area. The Turks had converged to Shumnu from the surrounding villages and smaller towns in order to protest the forced changes of names and the bulgarization imposed by the government of Todor Zhivkov, then undisputed ruler of Bulgaria. The demonstration was put down in the usual brutal Bulgarian way; some twenty to thirty-five demonstrators were killed and hundreds were injured. However, the Turks had made their point; they were not going to give up, however fierce the official terror, their Islamic identity and culture.
5
Hanif, Muh, and Amanatul Maula. "Kehidupan Kaum Minoritas Muslim Hui dan Uyghur di Negeri Tirai Bambu." JSI: Jurnal Sejarah Islam 1, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/jsij.v1i2.6851.
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Being a minority is not an easy thing, it is also experienced by the people of the season. Muslims in China often experience discrimination, especially for Uyghur Muslim communities, Although Muslims in China are not only Uyghurs but the government often discriminates against Uyghurs, they are often referred to as Theorists because of their Turkish ancestors. This study of researchers wants to examine how the lives of minorities for Hui Muslims and Uyghurs live in the bamboo curtain country, as well as how the history of the entry of Islam in China and how they gained their identity. This type of research is qualitative research. The method used is a literature study taken from several journals as well as articles and videos on youtube. The purpose of this research is that the wider community can understand the related muslim life in China.
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Mills, Amy. "THE PLACE OF LOCALITY FOR IDENTITY IN THE NATION: MINORITY NARRATIVES OF COSMOPOLITAN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 401a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081312.
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A greater understanding of the politics of nationalism and identity must consider the importance of locality. This research, conducted among Muslims and non-Muslim minorities in Istanbul, Turkey, and Tel Aviv, Israel, relies on place narratives of Istanbul during the mid-20th century, when Istanbul was transforming into a predominantly Muslim, “Turkish” city. Place narratives reveal the multiplicity of interpretations of the national past and are thus a powerful resource for examining the cultural politics of identity in the national present. This research contributes to studies of national identity, which have traditionally focused on the top-down role of the state in producing the nation, by examining the processes through which ordinary people make meaning of the state-authored nation. I conclude that place-based relationships can transcend national/minority frameworks for identity, as shared ties to local place create feelings of common belonging among diverse residents
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Bayar, Yeşim. "In pursuit of homogeneity: the Lausanne Conference, minorities and the Turkish nation." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.802767.
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Following World War I, the Allied Powers signed Minority Treaties with a number of Central and Eastern European states. These treaties delineated the status of religious, ethnic and linguistic minorities in their respective countries. Turkey would be one of the last states that sat down to the negotiation table with the Allied Powers. In the Turkish case, the Lausanne Treaty would be the defining document which set out a series of rights and freedoms for the non-Muslim minorities in the newly created nation. The present article explores how and why the non-Muslim minorities were situated in the fringes of the new nation. In doing so, the article highlights the content of the discussions in the Lausanne Conference and in the Turkish Grand National Assembly with an emphasis on the position of the Turkish political elite.
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Mills, Amy. "THE PLACE OF LOCALITY FOR IDENTITY IN THE NATION: MINORITY NARRATIVES OF COSMOPOLITAN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080987.
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These words of an elderly Jewish man in Istanbul relate his memory of neighborhood life with Greeks, Armenians, and Muslims in the neighborhood of Kuzguncuk. In this place, there were no arguments between people of different religious backgrounds; Muslims shared “his” language, and he, as a Jew, knew Greek. As I examine his narrative for what it emphasizes and for the silences in between, I read Kuzguncuk as exceptional: describing an absence of argument in the past suggests that tension exists today; sharing multiple ethnic languages is understood now to be an old-fashioned rarity. His statement “Because we are Kuzguncuklu Jews, our Muslims over there loved us very much” suggests that in Kuzguncuk, he and his Muslim neighbors shared a common tie to place, a unique identity as Kuzguncuklu (of Kuzguncuk) that superseded any difference based on religion or ethnicity. As he describes a culture that remained from Ottoman times, his story illuminates indirectly the current Turkish national context that conditions the telling of his narrative.
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Israeli, Raphael. "ISLAM IN CHINA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602251i.
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Unlike other Muslim minorities in the world, the one in China is : a. Divided between two large ethnic groups: Hui in China Proper, who are concentrated in major urban agglomerations; and Uighurs, of Turkish stock, who used to make up the majority in North-Western China, but are now outnumbered by Han Chinese, via a policy of settlement and dilution of the minority. b. Except for Xinjiang, the Muslims of China are not attached to any particular territory (like the Mongols in Mongolia or the Tibetans in Tibet), but are spread all over the country, something which dilutes them into an insignificant minority (1-2%) in spite of their large absolute numbers (25-30 million). The vast distribution of the Muslims all over that vast country has made for a huge diversification in their creed and customs, beyond the division between Hui and Uighurs. This great variety has created many sects and sub-sects, some of which are very special to China.
10
Saray, Mehmet. "What is the Bulgarian Government Trying to Prove by Denying the Historical Facts?" Belleten 52, no. 202 (April 1, 1988): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1988.183.
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The move of the Bulgarian Communist Government to liquidate the Muslim Turks in Bulgaria, initiated at the end of 1984 and completed in the beginning of 1985, by forcing the Turks in Bulgaria to exchange their Turkish names for Bulgarian ones, is a crime against the most elemantary principles of human rights, of world civilization and culture. By this act the Bulgarian government has committed itself to a policy of an ethnic, cultural and political genocide. Though this term has been initially used to mean physical destruction of one or another nation, in a broader sense it signifies a cultural and political extinction of a national minority.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Turkish - Muslim Minority"
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Emen, Gozde. "Turkey And Turkish/muslim Minorities In Greece And Bulgaria (1923-1938)." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613673/index.pdf.
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This thesis examined how Turkish perception of insecurity, which was based on its suspicions about Greek and Bulgarian intentions and politics towards its territorial integrity and stability of its regime, shaped its view of Turkish/Muslim minorities living in these two states in the early Republican period. Using a wealth of archival material and newspapers, it questioned to what extent these physical and ideological concerns of the Turkish Republic played a role in its approach to these minorities in the period between 1923 and 1938. Turkey perceived the Greek and Bulgarian maltreatment of these minorities as a part of these states&rsquohostile intentions regarding the new Turkish state. Thus, what this thesis argued is that Turkey responded to pressure on Turkish/Muslim minorities in these two states not only because of humanitarian concerns but according to its security concern, which became an important factor to determine Turkish interventionist approach to the minority issues in Greece and Bulgaria in this period.
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Iliadis, Christos. "The Turkish-Muslim minority of Greece : confidential discourses, reciprocity and minority subjectivity during the emergence of the policies of discrimination (1945-1966)." Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558841.
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This thesis examines through confidential discourses and political logics the emergence of the regime of administrative harassment that was established in Greek Thrace in regard to its Muslim-Turkish minority population in the middle of 1960s. Deploying a Discursive Analytical approach, the thesis seeks to do this by means of examination of the most extensive collection of previously confidential official documents regarding Thrace in a period extending from the end of the Second World War until the application of the first administrative measures with repressive character. The basic argument is that the conditions of possibility for the emergence of the organized policies of discrimination against the minority population of Western Thrace can be traced in the various ways the transformation of minority's identification from a religious (Islamic) to an ethno-national (Turkish) one was 'problematized' by formal agents and institutions. The interpretation of minority's identification with Turkish nationalism as a 'threat', interacting with the intervention of the Turkish state (as a 'kin-state') in Thrace, and contingent historical events like the repressive policies against the Greek-Orthodox minorities of Turkey and the dispute over Cyprus, transformed these negative interpretations and logics into political projects. As a result, the focus of the Greek administration became the construction of a secret political project that tried unsuccessfully to block the growing identification of the local Muslims with the Turkish-Kemalist discourse, while at the same time promoting alternative groups such as the traditional Islamists and ethnic Pomaks. That project included the selective application of the 'principle of reciprocity' with regard to various minority groups, while the program of "land purchasing" manifested the first efforts to Hellenize Thrace by forcing its minority population to emigrate.
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Papanikolaou, Antigoni. "'Hak verilmez, alinir' (rights are not granted, they are taken) : the politicization of rights in the case of the Muslim-Turkish minority in Greece." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487089.
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This thesis focuses on the case of the Muslim-Turkish Minority in Greece, which was excluded from the mandatory population exchange that took place between Greece and Turkey in 1923. This project explores the discourse of minority rights and the use of rights claims by a considerable number of agents operating at different levels. This thesis is mainly preoccupied with the process that is defined as the 'politicization of rights'. Based on this process, the aim is to study and analyze the politics surrounding rights claims, the context in which rights claims are framed, as well as the ways that different rights agendas are drawn.
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Tahir, Nuri Ali. "Minority Rights in Bulgaria and Greece, and the Impact of European Integration Process." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trieste, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/8629.
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2011/2012La presente tesi ha come oggetto di studio i diritti delle minoranze in Bulgaria e in Grecia e il conseguente impatto sul processo di Integrazione Europea. Fornisce dettagli su come queste minoranze siano divise dai confini e su fino a che punto il concetto di nazionalismo influisce sull’adozione di un equo regime di tutela dei diritti delle minoranze per conto degli Sati-Nazione. Il contributo dell’Integrazione Europea viene valutato in termini di progresso raggiunto nel campo dei diritti delle minoranze e della cooperazione transfrontaliera. Subito dopo le rispettive dichiarazioni di indipendenza, entrambi i Paesi hanno firmato accordi bilaterali con l’Impero Ottomano esprimendo il loro impegno a rispettare i diritti delle minoranze turche/musulmane presenti nel territorio. Tuttavia, con il passare del tempo e soprattutto a causa dell’irruzione delle due guerre mondiali e delle prese di posizione nazionalistiche in entrambi i paesi, la situazione delle minoranze turco-musulmane é drammaticamente cambiata. Nel corso della storia, il trattamento di queste minoranze in Bulgaria e in Grecia ha creato una serie di problemi nelle relazioni con la Turchia, che rappresenta lo “stato di riferimento” (kin-state) di queste minoranze in entrambi i Paesi. Il nazionalismo Greco con le sue forti caratteristiche di esclusivitá ha giá in varie occasioni escluso la popolazione turco-musulmana dal processo costititutivo della nazione, classificando le minoranze musulmane come “altre”, “estranee”. Con lo scambio demografico tra popolazioni greche e turche, sancito dal Trattato di Losanna, il riconoscimento dell’esistenza della minoranza turco-musulmana é stata limitato soltanto al territorio della Tracia occidentale. Esaminando d’altro lato la situazione della Bulgaria, il trattamento delle minoranze turche ha lí seguito un cammino differente. Comparato con quello greco, il nazionalismo bulgaro ha adottato un approccio relativamente piú inclusivo, soprattutto con riferimento alla popolazione Pomaks, conosciuti oggi anche come musulmani che parlano correntemente bulgaro. Con la fioritura del nazionalismo bulgaro durante il regime comunista, l’inclusione prese la forma di assimilazione e il risultato fu la conversione dei Pomaks in “bulgari”. Per quanto riguarda la minoranza turca poi, la situazione si riveló altrettanto poco esemplare. In molte occasioni i Turchi furono forzati ad emigrare in Turchia, per poter bilanciare l’ alterazione demografica in Bulgaria. Nel frattempo, con la campagna di assimilazione intrapresa nel 1984-1985, i nomi delle minoranze turche in Bulgaria furono sostituiti con nomi bulgari e la Bulgaria arrivó a negare completamente l’esistenza della minoranza turca. Quando i Turchi si opposero a questa politica di assimilazione forzata, furono nuovamente costretti ad emigrare. La discussione intrapresa sui diritti delle minoranze nell’ambito del processo di Integrazione Europea, ha apportato cambiamenti significativi in entrambi i Paesi. Tuttavia, si é verificata una certa limitazione dell’impatto delle politiche dell’Unione Europea in quest’area, derivante da alcuni problemi di natura storica. La Grecia ad esempio, in quanto giá membro effettivo dell’Unione Europea, non dovette passare attraverso un processo europeo di valutazione del trattamento delle minoranze, laddove invece la Bulgaria dovette seguire specifiche procedure di accesso preliminari, necessarie per poter permettere la sua adesione all’Unione Europea. Le dinamiche di cambiamento del discorso sulla democrazia resero inapplicabili alcune restrizioni previamente accettate, per cui un processo di democratizzazione nell’area dei diritti delle minoranze divenne inevitabile. Di fronte all’esistenza di tali problemi, questo processo di democratizzazione suscitó effetti positivi in entrambi i Paesi. Risolvere il problema di democratizzazione non ha portato automaticamente ad una soluzione di tutti i problemi esistenti. Stabilire una collaborazione transfrontaleria tra Bulgaria e Grecia fu il primo problema ad essere discusso dopo la caduta del Comunismo. Tuttavia questo progresso non é avvenuto in maniera semplice e armoniosa. Nuovamente si puó affermare che la prospettiva di un integrazione Europea rappresentó il principale catalizzatore dello sviluppo della cooperazione fra i due Paesi, nonostante la presenza di alcuni problemi in alcune parti del confine, dovuti alla presenza della minoranza turca, il cui “stato di riferimento” é la Turchia. La percezione tradizionale dei confini come barriere di esclusione continua ancora ad essere presente in alcune aree del Sudest Europa, e potrá essere cambiata soltanto attraverso un rinsaldamento dell’integrazione Europea. Per concludere, rispetto al loro trattamento delle minoranze turco-musulmane, Bulgaria e Grecia hanno creato differenti politiche di integrazione. Mentre in Grecia, la partecipazione politica e sociale della minoranza turco-musulmana fu limitata attraverso la creazione di una comunitá separata dal resto della popolazione, in Bulgaria tale partecipazione fu maggiormente incoraggiata proprio per evitare tale segregazione. Tuttavia, questa politica di non-segregazione é stata condotta spesso di pari passo con il non-riconoscimento del carattere etnico della minoranza turca, trasformandosi finalmente in assimilazione durante gli anni ’80. Con il ristabilimento della democrazia in Bulgaria, sono state adottate nuove politiche di integrazione, poi denominate “Modello Etnico Bulgaro”. Conseguentemente, il modello di prevenzione di un conflitto etnico in Bulgaria ha attirato l’attenzione di alcuni Paesi dell’area dei Balcani che hanno sperimentato simili problemi nel corso della loro storia.
XXIV Ciclo
1983
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Isik-Ercan, Zeynep Z. "Making Sense of Schooling, Identity, and Culture: Experiences of Turkish Students and Their Parents." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253548918.
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Mihai, Catalina Andreea. "Cultural resilience or the Interethnic Dobrujan Model as a Black Sea alternative to EuroIslam in the Romanian Turkish-Tatar community." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Bergamo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10446/62450.
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The main purpose of this research is to put to the ultimate test (the field) the concept of EuroIslam, developed in sterile environments and based on similar premises (new migration communities, Muslim, mostly North-African but also Middle-Eastern), in order to see how these concepts are perceived and how they hold up to the different conditions of an East-European setting and a historical Muslim community. Romanian culture was forged by the geographical, historical, and social factors that have left a decisive imprint on the Romanian identity, so much so that the core characteristics of this complex geopolitical reality, such as flexibility, the power of resilience, became its quintessential elements. Romania’s geographic situation led to the creation of a ‘crossroad’ identity open to hybridity and contaminations. This ‘condition’ has positive and negative sides: on the positive side, a syncretic culture was forged that is open to the new, whose traditions are not immutable but adaptable, and whose people display a cultural resilience able to safeguard a core identity that instead of being endangered by alterity, makes it its very nature. The negative side is that it risks political weakness, which is exactly what Romania experienced having a strong culture, but a weak political system, making it impossible to resist to surrounding Empires.
The “Romanian multiculturalism” was forged during 2,000 years of cultural blending thus creating a mosaical environment able to survive and to spring back after hardships, proving to be a true resilient culture.
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Chousein, Ali. "Continuities And Changes In The Minority Policy Of Greece: The Case Of Western Thrace." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606351/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the Greek minority policy of Western Thrace by dwelling on the history of the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace from the beginning of 1920s until today. Until the early 1990s, changes in the Greek policy of Western Thrace had not been observed. However, the year 1991 marks a turning point both in the attitude of Greece towards the Muslim Turkish minority and in the history of the Western Thracian minority. As a result of the change in the Greek minority policy of Western Thrace there has been developments in the living conditions of the Minority. It is the aim of this thesis to explore to what extent there has been occurring changes and to what extent problems continue to affect the members of the Minority. Moreover, this thesis aims to analyze the actors that played a quite significant role in the Western Thracian policy change of the Greek state. After evaluating the situation in Western Thrace in the pre-1990 and post-1990 period this thesis argues that while on the one hand it is the economic and social domains that changes have been observed, on the other hand continuities in the Greek policy of the Muslim Turkish minority regarding the political and educational issues keep on affecting the members of this Minority. The aim of this thesis is to show that as a result of such a &lsquopartial change&rsquo
today&rsquo
s situation in Western Thrace is better than that of pre-1990s but some significant problems of the Minority still remain unresolved due to the unaltered stance of the Greek state towards some issues of the Western Thracian Minority.
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Huseyinoglu, Ali. "The development of minority education at the south-easternmost corner of the EU : the case of Muslim Turks in Western Thrace, Greece." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39339/.
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This study focuses on the Muslim Turkish minority in Greece and the development of its educational rights. It starts with the 1923 Lausanne Treaty that established the minorityhood of the Muslim ummah for the former Ottoman territory and explores various aspects of Minority education between then and the end of the 2000s. While doing so, it treats these rights as individual rights with a collective aspect; some of the individual rights of minorities can only be enjoyed together with others. Also, it draws a direct correlation between the Minority's education and its rights. That is, in the case that the education level of the Minority was high, there was less discrimination against members of the Minority, since they had the linguistic skills, educational background and self-confidence to fight against violations of their rights by the host country, Greece. Also, it emphasizes the involvement of external actors in the development of Minority education in Western Thrace. Concerning the development of Minority education, this study argues that minorities' rights are not only ‘given' by host states but also ‘claimed' by members of minorities through various struggles at the local, national and international level. Also, as well as the Minority and the Greek state, various external agents, such as Turkey and the European Union, are also involved in the struggle between the Minority and the Greek state over the former's education. The impact of these agents on the survival of the Minority's educational rights was immense, particularly from the 1980s onwards. It was primarily the inclusion of these external actors that pushed Greece to change its discriminatory policy against the Minority in 1991. This study demonstrates that a number of the individual rights emanating from the Minority's Greek citizenship have only been recognized since 1991. Nonetheless, I conclude that in spite of some improvements, the Minority's difficulties in the realm of rights with collective aspects, such as education of Minority students in a bilingual environment, persist.
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Holm, Klas. "Integrationspolitikens utmaningar på kommunal nivå : En studie om immigranter i Sjöbo och Åstorp." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376957.
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Invandringen till Sverige har ökat de senaste åren och i samband med flyktingkrisen 2015 steg antalet nyanlända dramatiskt. Denna utveckling har orsakat debatt om immigranters rättigheter och krav för integration som staten bör ställa för att utveckla integrationen av immigranter i det svenska samhället. Studier av hur integration fungerar på kommunal nivå har endast gjorts i begränsad omfattning. I och med det faktum att det finns en stark politisk självständighet på kommunal nivå i Sverige, samt att det råder en polarisering mellan politiker är det intressant att studera skillnader i målsättningar och förutsättningar för integration mellan kommuner. Uppsatsen behandlar därför frågan om vilka förutsättningarna är för integration av immigranter. Detta görs genom att studera de två skånska kommunerna Åstorp och Sjöbo som har liknande storlek och geografiskt läge men olika politiska styren. Intervjuer görs med politiker från dessa kommuner och uppsatsen redogör för skillnaderna i integrationspolitiska målsättningar. En kvantitativ analys görs även med hjälp av en enkät som besvarats av immigranter i de två kommunerna. Analysen visar att kommuntillhörighet spelar en viss roll för hur immigranterna upplever mottagandet av deras kultur samt social integration med svenskar. Därutöver visar resultaten att immigranters ursprung, kön, tid i Sverige, uppfattning om religionens betydelse samt upplevda krav på anpassning, förknippas på olika sätt med tillfredställande av deras anspråk för integration, såsom hur de upplever kulturellt mottagande, autonomi, inkludering i olika avseenden samt religiösa rättigheter. En slutsats är att förutsättningarna för integration är starkt förknippade med dessa egenskaper, men att de är relaterade till immigranternas anspråk om rättigheter på olika sätt. Integrationspolitiska åtgärder bör lämpligen ta hänsyn till hur de olika egenskaperna hos immigranterna är relaterade till tillfredställandet av deras anspråk för att därigenom stärka integrationsprocessen.
Books on the topic "Turkish - Muslim Minority"
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Sonyel, Salahi Ramadan. The silent minority: Turkish muslim children in British schools. Cambridge: Islamic Academy, 1988.
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Dış Politika Enstitüsü (Ankara, Turkey), ed. The Tragedy of the Turkish Muslim minority in Bulgaria: Documents. Gaziosmanpaşa, Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute, 1989.
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Kenneth, MacKenzie, ed. Oppression and discrimination in Bulgaria: The case of the Muslim Turkish minority : facts and documents. London: K. Rustem, 1986.
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Turan, Ömer. The Turkish minority in Bulgaria, 1878-1908. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1998.
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Akgönül, Samim. The minority concept in the Turkish context: Practices and perceptions in Turkey, Greece, and France. Leiden: Brill, 2013.
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Sella-Mazi, Eleni. La minorité musulmane turcophone de Grèce: Approche sociolinguistique d'une communauté bilingue. Corfu: Trohalia, 1999.
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Akgönül, Samim. Une communauté, deux états: La minorité turco-musulmane de Thrace occidentale. Beylerbeyi, Istanbul: Éditions Isis, 1999.
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International Symposium of Jurists on the Question of the Turkish Moslem Minority in Bulgaria (1987 Istanbul, Turkey). Proceedings of the International Symposium of Jurists on the Question of the Turkish Moslem Minority in Bulgaria: Organized by Istanbul Bar Association, on September 21st-23rd 1987 in İstanbul, Turkey. [Istanbul, Turkey]: The Association, 1988.
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Sunier, Thijl. Islam in beweging: Turkse jongeren en islamitische organisaties. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1996.
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Islam, family life, and gender inequality in urban China. Abingdon, Oxon : New York: Routledge, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Turkish - Muslim Minority"
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Dimitrova, Radosveta, Athanasios Chasiotis, Michael Bender, and Fons J. R. van de Vijver. "Collective Identity Resources for Positive Well-Being Among Turkish-Bulgarian and Muslim-Bulgarian Minority Adolescents in Bulgaria." In Cross-Cultural Advancements in Positive Psychology, 191–207. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68363-8_13.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Linguistic Rights in Greece: Crossing Through Territorial and Non-Territorial Arrangements." In Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy, 103–19. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19856-4_8.
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AbstractSince 1913, when Greece significantly increased her territory, minority protection has come under the spotlight of international consideration and guarantees. During the past 110 years, language rights, among other minority rights, were either reluctantly granted or ignored. Although minority languages have been treated asymmetrically and incoherently, a particular pattern seems to have emerged: minority languages spoken by Christians (Vlach, Slavic languages, Arvanitika) are subject to assimilation dynamics, whereas minority languages spoken by non-Christians (Muslims, Jews) are governed by protection norms, with or without territorial criteria. This trend was shaped by international political influences and legal regulations through a very narrow perspective, which actually screened out any attempt at establishing non-territorial arrangements. Today, only one minority language enjoys special rights (mostly in the field of education), namely Turkish spoken by the Muslims of Thrace. Despite this, migratory flows after 1990, primarily from Albania, the former USSR and the Middle East, once again brought up the question of multiculturalism, language contact and language management. However, subsequent Greek governments have been reluctant to introduce special language rights for immigrants and refugees. Since Greece refrains from adhering to the main European legal instruments that safeguard language rights, such as the European Charter for Regional of Minority Languages or the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, the single protective mechanism granting linguistic rights remains the Treaty of Lausanne, which is limited to a specific minority language within a specific region. The legal protection of linguistic otherness in Greece was and still is fragmented and ambivalent, ranging from non-territorial autonomy invisibility to strict institutional territoriality.
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Clarke, Michael. "“No Cracks, no Blind Spots, no Gaps”: Technologically-Enabled “Preventative” Counterterrorism and Mass Repression in Xinjiang, China." In Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications, 121–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90221-6_8.
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AbstractThe Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is now the site of the largest mass repression of an ethnic and/or religious minority in the world today. Researchers estimate that since 2016 over one million people (mostly ethnic Uyghurs) have been detained without trial in the XUAR in a system of “re-education” camps. Outside of the camps, the region’s Turkic Muslim population are subjected to a dense network of hi-tech surveillance systems, checkpoints, and interpersonal monitoring which severely limit all forms of personal freedom penetrating society to the granular level. This chapter argues that the erection of this “carceral state” has been propelled by a “preventative” counterterrorism that has incorporated key practices (e.g. greater reliance on new surveillance technologies) and discourses (e.g. Islamaphobia) of the “global war on terrorism” with the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in pursuit of the negation of the very possibility of “terrorism”. As such the contemporary situation in the XUAR represents not only the mass repression of an ethnic and religious minority by an authoritarian regime but also an example of the dystopian potentialities of ostensibly “neutral” technologies.
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"The Muslim Minority in the Balkans." In Studies on Turkish Politics and Society, 523–42. BRILL, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047402718_021.
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"The Turks of Bulgaria: The Struggle for National-Religious Survival of a Muslim Minority." In Studies on Turkish Politics and Society, 661–92. BRILL, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047402718_026.
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Shelly, Joshua. "Chapter 3. Jewish Tales from a Muslim Turkish Pen: Feridun Zaimoğlu and Moses in Oberammergau." In Minority Discourses in Germany since 1990, 78–98. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781800734289-005.
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Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. "Minorities under Law." In Beyond Religious Freedom. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691166094.003.0005.
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This chapter explores the implications of adopting religion as a category to draw together individuals and communities as corporate bodies that are depicted as in need of legal protection to achieve their freedom. It draws on an extended case study of the Alevis in Turkey. Ongoing uncertainty about the legal and religious status of the Alevis opens a space in which to explore claims to the category of religious minority, constructs of religious freedom, and the implications of contemporary legal approaches to managing religious difference. The chapter begins with a short introduction to the Alevis, a social group that was formally constituted as a single community relatively recently as part of the Turkish nation-building project. It then evaluates two legal definitions of Alevism by the Turkish state and the European Court of Human Rights. These distinct institutional contexts produce different constructions of Alevism with significant legal and political implications for arbitrating major social issues in Turkey, such as who is a Muslim, who is a minority, and what is religion.
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Llewellyn-Smith, Michael. "Cretan Autonomy." In Venizelos, 93–102. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586495.003.0011.
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The chapter describes the transition between disturbances in Crete and Greek-Turkish war in Thessaly, and the birth of Cretan autonomy with the arrival of Prince George of Greece as High Commissioner of the Powers. The autonomy was still not 'full and genuine' (Venizelos's phrase) and union (enosis) was still distant. In this transition Venizelos was engaged in consulting widely in Crete and at revolutionary assemblies, first arguing for early union (which put him in danger at an assembly at Archanes) then accepting that autonomy was the right answer, to be strengthened progressively until union became feasible. The main players at this stage were Venizelos, the Cretan elder statesman Sfakianakis and the representatives of the Powers. Their common interest was to agree a settlement that would restore peace and good government including in the interior of the island, and assure the protection of the Muslim minority. Ottoman official involvement in Crete, already diminished, was virtually ended when after a bloody disturbance in Iraklio, the British insisted on the departure of Ottoman troops. Prince George was appointed by the Powers and arrived, to jubilation of the Christians, in December 1998, welcomed by Venizelos. This was a new and hopeful start.
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"Religious Belonging and Transnationality: The Muslims of Greece." In The Minority Concept in the Turkish Context, 103–16. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004249721_005.
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Methodieva, Milena B. "Introduction." In Between Empire and Nation, 1–10. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613379.003.0001.
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In addition to providing an overview of the existing scholarship on the Muslims and Turks in Bulgaria, the introduction presents the subject of this book. The book follows the history of the Muslims in Bulgaria (mostly Turks but also Pomaks, Tatars, and Roma) in the first crucial decades after the establishment of modern Bulgaria on former Ottoman territories. More specifically, it focuses on the activities of a movement for cultural reform and its efforts to reshape local Muslim society, a phenomenon neglected by scholarship so far. The book seeks to bring out the history of Bulgaria’s Muslims from the confines of “minority studies,” and put it in a new framework of inquiry, while underscoring how the community also remained a part of the Ottoman world.
Conference papers on the topic "Turkish - Muslim Minority"
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Lacey, Jonathan. "REFLECTING ON THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT’S INTERFAITH DIALOGUE WORK THROUGH THE ACTIVITIES OF NITECA, A GÜLEN-INSPIRED SOCIETY BASED IN NORTHERN IRELAND." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/tnji8887.
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Until the peace agreement of 1998 the Catholics and Protestants of Northern Ireland were pe- dantically focused on what separates these two identities. Following the end of the decades- long ‘civil war’, reconciliation has led to increased migration to the region, which now hosts more than 20,000 people from ethnic minority backgrounds. This means that there are now more than just two identity communities in Northern Ireland. This paper focuses on an unlikely actor in this peace-building endeavour, a Turkic religio- cultural organisation, the Northern Ireland–Tolerance, Educational and Cultural Association (NI-TECA), inspired by the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen. The paper relies on ethnographic work and qualitative interviews conducted with members of NI–TECA, and draws on the writings of Fethullah Gülen and others to explain the organisation’s principles and policies as implemented by NI–TECA. The paper also reflects on the global influence of Fethullah Gülen’s ideas, of which the existence and work of NI–TECA is an illustration.
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Cantori, Louis J. "FETHULLAH GÜLEN: KEMALIST AND ISLAMIC REPUBLICANISM AND THE TURKISH DEMOCRATIC FUTURE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/xgns5949.
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To put it bluntly, the claim that liberal democracy is a universal concept is false. Its prerequi- sites of individualism, equality, secularism, pluralism etc. have a minority status in the world. On the other hand, what can be termed Islamic conservatism does apply to Islamic societies: 1) the past incorporates within it the revelations of God as expressed in the Qur’an as the spiritual centre of gravity; 2) community and family take precedence over the individual and 3) the goal of society is the enjoining of that which is good and the prohibition of that which is evil. Islamic conservatism can also be analytically attached to republicanism as an alterna- tive to democracy. Referred to here is the republicanism of ancient Rome which argues for (a) the limitation of the powers of a strong and benevolent and moral state, (b) an elite pledged to serve the public good (maslahah), (c) a citizenry also pledged to serve society, and (d) an embedded law respected and upheld by all. Kemalism in contemporary Turkey represents the principles of republicanism as formulated in the famous ‘Six Arrows’, which centred more on the need for a strong centralised state than on the obligations of the state to its citizens. If measured against the four criteria of the ancient Roman republican ideal, the Turkish state clearly falls far short. By contrast, this paper argues, the Gülen movement does, rather remarkably, meet those high standards. As a consequence, there are present in Turkey today, two interacting modes of republicanism that are increasingly beginning to overlap with and resemble one another.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.