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1
Keleş, Ruşen. "Sustainable development, international cooperation and local authorities." Ekistics and The New Habitat 69, no. 415-417 (December 1, 2002): 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200269415-417359.
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The author is a Professor of Local Government and Urban Studies at the Faculty of Political Science , Ankara University and Eastern Mediterranean University. He served as Director of the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies as well as Director of the Center for Environmental Studies, Ankara University for many years. His numerous publications include The Politics of Rapid Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (New York , Holmes and Meier, 1985), Housing and the Urban Poor in the Middle East: Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (Tokyo, IDE, 1986), Urban Management in Turkey (Ankara, Turkish Social Science Association, 1988), Urban Poverty in the Third World: Theoretical Approaches and Policy Options Tokyo (IDE, 1988). Dr Keleş has been a correspondent of Ekistics since 1965. He is a member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) and has also served as a member of its Executive Council. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.
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Cihangiroğlu, Ahmet Furkan. "Death of Turkish Democracy: The “Turkish-Style” Presidential System." Studia Politologiczne, no. 61/2021 (October 1, 2021): 186–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2021.61.9.
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Turkey has adopted the presidential system over parliamentarism in 2018 with the promise that the new system would bring more stability, democracy, and economic growth. As being the most recent country which changed its government system through a referendum to presidentialism, Turkey constitutes a very important example to be analyzed in order to see the effects of it after a long-adopted parliamentary period in the 21st century. This paper compares the basic features of democracy as well as the democratic presidential systems with the example of Turkey and aims at finding out if the presidentialism has performed well and if not, why, in the light of examples and chosen indicators. Findings of this study suggest that presidential system led to a “consolidation of power” which in its nature is anti-democratic. Analysis of certain indicators show that presidentialism did not perform well in Turkey on democratic, political as well as economic fronts.
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LIJPHART, AREND. "Democracy in the 21st century: can we be optimistic?" European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
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Laurence, Jonathan. "The 21st-century impact of European Muslim minorities on ‘Official Islam’ in the Muslim-majority world." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (March 18, 2014): 449–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714526404.
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The article argues that the growth of religious service provision directed at the Muslim diaspora in Europe has led to greater professionalization and pluralism within the Islam state in Muslim countries. Contemporary Muslim governments have claimed a monopoly over public prayer and religious education and have heavily invested in a network of infrastructure and services – the Islam state. The recent breakthrough of Islamist parties into governments in Turkey and across North Africa poses a challenge to the continued ‘civilian control’ over religion. What will become of the enormous Islamic Affairs ministries that Islamist parties have inherited – the hundreds of thousands of public servants of state Islam across the region, the tens of thousands of mosques and thousands of religious schools? Liberals demand the abolition of the Islam state because it violates the separation of religion and state; Islamists detest it for its repressive qualities. Despite progressive liberalization, governments in the past decade have not sought disestablishment, and have instead increased the resources and policing of state-run religion. I draw on the experience of Muslim governments in the competitive field of state–Islam relations in European countries to explain the modest beginnings of reform of the official religion apparatus in Muslim-majority countries.
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Cop, Burak, and Kerem Kılıçdaroğlu. "Linkage, Leverage, and Authoritarianism: An Overview of the Collapse of Turkey’s EU Membership Prospect." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211040783.
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The effects of the linkage and the leverage over countries that either go through a democratic transition or further advance on the democratization path have been widely discussed by comparative democratization scholars. Western leverage designates governments’ level of vulnerability in the face of foreign pressure for democratization, while linkage is meant to be the intensity of the connections and the cross-border streams between a democratizing country and the Western world. It is generally acknowledged that the linkage is a more determinative factor than the leverage. On the contrary, the authoritarian shifts of many countries that took place during the first two decades of the 21st century challenged the optimistic and deterministic role assigned to linkage. Turkey is a noteworthy example in this regard since the intensity of its linkage to Europe could not compensate the negative effects of a declining leverage over Turkish democratization since 2006. The argument that linkage matters more than leverage does not apply to Turkey. The evolution of domestic political regimes in European Union candidate countries in parallel with their accession processes constitutes separate cases differing from one another. Turkey is not only a separate case for its part, but also a unique one.
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AVATKOV, V. A. "TURKEY: TURN TO THE EAST." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-181-196.
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The political regime of the Republic of Turkey created by Ataturk have always combines two mutually exclusive principles of Islam and western democracy. Fro a long period of time in its foreign policy Ankara has been foolowing the west-oriented vector. Since 1952 Turkey has been the member of NATO and at the end of the 20th century made a strong application to become the member of the European Union. At the beginning of the 21st century pro- Western politics began to enter an increasingly obvious impasse. Tukrey didn’t want to continue being a U.S. agent in the Middle East. However an attempt to play an active role in the region led Turkey to almost complete international isolation. The country was not ready a complete break in relations with influential Western allies. The loss of the status of an American agent would inevitably lead to a reduction of Turkey’s military-technical capabilities, and, consequently, of the political influence that it was achieved in cooperation with its Western patrons. The author comes to the concludes that modern Turkey resembles a power which has not determined its foreign policy priorities. It continues to pursue a sufficiently risky policy of maneuvering between regional and global players.
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Holston, James. "Metropolitan rebellions and the politics of commoning the city." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618812324.
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This article analyzes the remarkable wave of metropolitan rebellions that inaugurated the 21st century around the world (2000–2016). It argues that they fuel an emergent politics of city-making in which residents consider the city as a collective social and material product that they produce; in effect, a commons. It investigates this politics at the intersection of processes of city-making, city-occupying, and rights-claiming that generate movements for insurgent urban citizenships. It develops a critique of the so-called post-political in anthropological theory, analyzes recent urban uprisings in Brazil and Turkey, distinguishes between protest and insurgent movements, evaluates digital communication technologies as a new means to common the city, and suggests what urban citizenship brings to politics that the national does not.
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Baykan, Toygar Sinan. "Order and Compromise: Government Practices in Turkey from the Late Ottoman Empire to the Early 21st Century." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 43, no. 3 (January 27, 2016): 431–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2016.1140865.
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Mahmoudi, Hamid, Keith Walker, Abdolrahim Navehebrahim, Hamidreza Arasteh, and Hossein Abbasian. "The Missing Pieces in the Puzzle of Iranian Undergraduate General Education: Quantitative Findings." Comparative and International Education 49, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cie-eci.v49i1.13431.
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The general education (GE) literature suggests that there is a mismatch of courses offered to students in Iranian higher education institutions such that the needs of 21st-century students are unmet by these curricula. This article points to the missing pieces in terms of learning and content gaps in many of the undergraduate GE programs designed under the influence of policy, values, and politics which originate from both religious and government interests. The article explores undergraduate students’ general 21st-century skill requirements and examines the extant curricula for possible gaps. The gap analysis points to the need for up-to-date general skills such as thinking skills, decision-making, research, awareness of international issues, lifelong learning, problem-solving, critical thinking, and it offers that these remedies might be a precious investment in Iran’s higher education for the future of that society.
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Rather, Aqib Yousuf. "Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 24 (June 28, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.
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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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Koroglu, Ahmet. "Youth and Politics in Turkey in the Context of Education and Cultural Policies." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 316–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v2i2.24.
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The educational and cultural policies in Turkey are among the important issues impacting Turkish society and inherited from the Ottoman period. These issues show themselves in Turkey’s conception of civilization and perception of the world in particular. Therefore, Turkey’s educational and cultural policies are the main factor in detecting and specifying this conception and perception. On the point where even the conceptual definition of education and culture is exceedingly difficult, these concepts turn into a policy at the practical level, which is a problem in itself. The Republic of Turkey has deeply experienced this problem, and the steps taken on this topic have brought together many new and different problems. This article will primarily address the relationship of education and culture with youth as well as examine the process of how they transform into a policy. Later the practical developments of these phenomena will be examined with a certain historical process. At that point, the educational and cultural policies dating from the foundation of the Republic to the present will be discussed both through the breaking points as well as through the governmental and political-party programs. Last but not least, the article will briefly examine the objectives of these policies and what effect it has had on the 21st century Turkish youth.
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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Maisaia, Vakhtang, and Magdana Beselia. "Asymmetrical warfare Strategy and its Implications to the Black Sea Regional Security in 21st Century: Non-State Aggressive Actors and Terrorism." Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 2(15)/2020, no. 2(15)/2020 (December 2020): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/120204.
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Today, military politics have became a dominant factor in the aegis of the contemporary international and regional security, and this provision is also relevant in the Black Sea Region. The nature of military politics presupposes the existence of asymmetric threats, which is revealed in the implementation of functional politics by the states and implies the following components: power, chance, astonishment, armed forces, their doctrines, and armaments. The asymmetric military identification is vital to recognize at the regional level, with the example of the Black Sea Region and it’s involvement of so-called ‘Non-State Aggressive Actors’ (DAESH, Al-Qaeda, etc.). After the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Black Sea Region would be designated as a conflict zone and therefore NATO has reinforced it’s eastern security policy accordingly. The International Community witnessed that there are two regional hegemons: Russia and Turkey, pursuing their own geopolitical and economic interests in the Black Sea region and the region around the Caspian Sea (including one that sees regional power interests). Recently, China, as a global power in its own right, with its ‘One Belt and One Road’ Initiative (OBOR), expresses it’s own interests toward the region,
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Theodore, John D. "The Process Of Globalization In Latin America." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i1.9044.
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The purpose of this article was to examine and evaluate the historical and developmental process of globalization in Latin America from the 1970s to the second decade of the 21st century and make proposals for the additional developments needed in education, society, labor, management, politics, economics, business, government, and legal areas in order for the region to attain higher developmental levels in regional integration and globalization on a continuous basis. It also examined the advantages and disadvantages of globalization as perceived by its proponents and adversaries in the region.
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Jorgic, Kristina, and Petar Colic. "A brief survey of the fight against corruption in the Russian and Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 1 (2013): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301160j.
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For the Russian and Turkish Empire the nineteenth century is the period of adopting reform laws to modernize the country in order to be competitive in the course of time. Although the reform process in Russia was obstructed by the Arakcheyev regime and reactionary politics of Nicholas I of Russia, the government made a serious step in the fight against systemic corruption, enacting the Criminal Code of 1845. On the other hand, Turkey was undoubtedly under considerable foreign pressure concerning modernization processes. The Tanzimat period represents a significant epoch in which Turkey, among other countries, was faced with widespread corruption. The crown success of reformatory work in Turkey was adoption of the Criminal Code of 1856. This paper analyzes the specific laws which sanctioned corruption in these two empires.
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Makaradze, Beka. "The Issues of Democratization in Relations between Turkey and the USA in the Post-War Period." Historia i Polityka, no. 36 (43) (June 1, 2021): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.019.
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At the end of the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century, the relations between Turkey and the United States of America attracted the attention of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the United States has been mainly focused on security. The foreign policy of the two countries, from time to time, was conducted at counterpurposes. Parallel to this, the periods of ups and downs in political relations had an impact on economic relations as well. It was the matter of security that determined the acceptance of mutual cooperation between the two countries. On the one side stood the USA – one of the leaders of the Western bloc in the Cold War, and on the other Turkey – a state very important in its region, but the most dependent on the US. Despite being in the NATO bloc together with the USA, Turkey has never felt secure itself. Assessing Ankara’s domestic and foreign policy, it is necessary to take into account the relationship with the United States, as it had the biggest impact on the overall shape of Turkey’s policy. Although the real and potential power of these two countries was not equal, during the Cold War Turkey became a stronghold of NATO and the Western bloc against the Soviet Union. Turkey was one of the countries that appeared on the border between the eastern and western hemispheres. Perhaps due to the peculiarities of its geographical location, Turkey became a country with equally special role in the world politics. The relations with the United States evolved precisely in this direction.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Yuna, Melin Levent. "A Neoliberal Semi-Public Space in the Era of the JDP: Tango in Istanbul." Dance Research 39, no. 2 (November 2021): 158–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2021.0341.
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How has Argentine tango dance, that appears to represent publicly an erotic relationship between the female and the male, found the space to expand in Turkey pioneered by urban Istanbul despite the conservative JDP regime? While the tango dance shifted to a global entertainment and culture industry in the 21st century providing global belongingness, it locally became one neoliberal semi-public space of secular upper and middle class Turkish Muslims to reflect and reproduce their self-identity by distinguishing themselves from new Islamic bourgeoisie as well as lower social classes. This character provided the grounds for its spread even under the conservative government of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and it is still on practice despite such a conservative rule, even existing online during the Covid-19 Pandemic.
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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Karklins, Rasma. "Book Review: Daunis Auers, Comparative Politics and Government of the Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 21st Century." Political Studies Review 15, no. 2 (February 2017): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916686364.
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Erensü, Sinan, and Ayça Alemdaroğlu. "Dialectics of Reform and Repression: Unpacking Turkey's Authoritarian “Turn”." Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 1 (April 2018): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.8.
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AbstractTwenty-first century Turkey has been shaped by two conflicting trends: all-encompassing reform in almost all aspects of law that were transformative if not altogether progressive, and an increasing erosion of the rule of law, which finally culminated in a nation-wide emergency regime and the April 2017 constitutional referendum. The pressing question for many is why the promising reform era was abandoned for crude repression? In this essay, we answer this question by challenging its very foundation and pointing instead to an alternative line of inquiry concerning Turkish politics and society, one that focuses precisely on the interplay between reform and repression. The constitutional referendum of April 2017 compels observers and scholars of Turkey to reevaluate the interplay between reform and repression. Rather than reading contemporary Turkey as a case of relapse from reform into repression, as many commentators do, we suggest approaching reform and repression as concomitant and complementary modes of government.
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no. 4 (October 2019): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Moore, Sarah. "Towards a Sociology of Institutional Transparency: Openness, Deception and the Problem of Public Trust." Sociology 52, no. 2 (January 19, 2017): 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516686530.
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Transparency has become the watchword of 21st-century liberal democracies. It refers to a project of opening up the state by providing online access to public sector data. This article puts forward a sociological critique of the transparency agenda and the purported relationship between institutional openness and public trust. Drawing upon Simmel’s work, the article argues that open government initiatives routinely prize visibility over intelligibility and ignore the communicative basis of trust. The result is a non-reciprocal form of openness that obscures more than it reveals. In making this point the article suggests that transparency embodies the ethos of a now-discredited mode of what Ezrahi calls ‘instrumental politics’, reliant on the idea that the state constitutes a ‘domain of plain public facts’. The article examines how alternative mechanisms for achieving government openness might better respond to the distinctive needs of citizens living in late modern societies.
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Mazower, Mark. "The Messiah and the bourgeoisie: Venizelos and politics in Greece, 1909–1912." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026200.
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AbstractThe mercurial rise of Venizelos, the most prominent Greek statesman of this century, has been a hotly debated issue of modern Greek history. The tendency until recently has been to explain his success in terms of social changes, and to see the rise of the Liberal party as the triumph of modernizing bourgeois forces in early twentieth-century Greece. This article, however, compares Venizelos both with the generation of politicians which preceded him, and with his leading contemporary, Gounaris. It argues that Venizelos's enormous popularity hinged upon his response to the nationalist, quasi-messianicfervour which gripped Greece after its humiliating defeat by Turkey in 1897. Parliamentary government came to be seen as passive and elitist, political parties as causes of national decline. Using his rhetorical skills and the press, Venizelos presented himself as the agent of national regeneration. His attitude towards class politics, and to the very idea of political parties, was complex and ambivalent. Hence, his rise should be interpreted, not in terms of a simple Marxist or whiggish schema, as the product of Greece's bourgeois revolution, but as the expression of a new more confident nationalism, which reinforced the personality-centred quality of Greek politics.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu, and Sanjay Misra. "The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 15, no. 3 (July 2019): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2019070105.
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While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.
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Elinoff, Eli. "Subjects of politics: Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. "The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada." Society & Animals 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A. "Electoral Processes and Street Protests in 21st Century Algeria: Features and Traits of Algerian Political Culture." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023902-1.
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The following article discusses issues of electoral participation and street protest activity in 21st century Algeria. The work is based on the materials on Algerian election campaigns and results of the author's field research in the country. Describing the current political situation in Algeria, the author points out that the long established alienation between the civil society and government institutions is one of the most significant challenges for the country's development. The roots of this alienation are much deeper than the 2019 events when A. Bouteflika was overthrown due to mass protests and A. Tebboun became the President. Analyzing the electoral campaigns held since 2000 to this day, the author discovers that mutual distrust between the political elites and the society has been a characteristic trait of Algerian internal politics over the whole two decades. In this context, the Hirak movement founded in 2019 may be seen a an instrument of political transformation rather than merely a way to express popular discontent. However, even though this movement was successful enough to change the political leadership in Algeria, it hasn't managed to transform the essence of the system and update the social contract. Looking into the reasons for this failure, the author concludes that they stem from the specific traits of Algerian political culture formed in the colonial and early post-colonial eras.
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Нагиев, Орхан Гадироглу. "Формирование культурно-духовных ценностей в Азербайджане как следствие политики «Мягкой силы»." Revistă de Ştiinţe Socio-Umane = Journal of Social and Human Sciences 50, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46727/jshs.2022.v50.i1.p75-86.
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The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.
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Wilson, Geoff A., and P. Ali Memon. "Indigenous Forest Management in 21st-Century New Zealand: Towards a ‘Postproductivist’ Indigenous Forest–Farmland Interface?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 8 (August 2005): 1493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37144.
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The critique of indigenous forest management in New Zealand in this paper contextualises the discussion in light of recent Eurocentric debates on the transition towards ‘postproductivist’ and ‘multifunctional’ agricultural and forestry regimes. The research findings confirm recent criticisms of Australian writers with regard to the direct transferability of the notion of a transition towards postproductivism developed by European researchers and also lend support to Holmes's (2002) notion of productivist and postproductivist occupance. Long-standing productivist demands continue to be made on New Zealand's indigenous forests, especially from economically marginalised stakeholder groups who depend on the continuation of logging for economic survival. We argue that the tension between the recent adoption of a ‘postproductivist’ conservation policy at government level and the continuing ‘productivist’ attitudes among some stakeholder groups explains why the protection of remaining indigenous forests continues to be contested. The New Zealand findings also provide further evidence for those persons criticising the implied linearity and dualism inherent in the Eurocentric postproductivist transition model. We argue that processes at the New Zealand forest–farmland interface support Wilson's (2001) notion of a territorialisation of productivist and postproductivist territories into a ‘multifunctional’ territory. From a social constructionist perspective, the results highlight the fact that a clear separation into productivist and postproductivist occupance may not be easy to conceptualise as our view of agricultural land as ‘productivist’ territory and unlogged or sustainably managed indigenous forest as ‘postproductivist’ territory is largely based on a Euro–American ‘deep green’ view of unaltered ‘nonhuman’ nature. This supports Mather's (2001) suggestion that postproductivism should be cast as part of a shifting mode of social regulation of forestry with particular stakeholder groups constructing images of nature according to their interests, and where western ideas of nature as a (postproductivist) wilderness embody cultural politics which arguably serve to marginalise the interests of indigenous communities.
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Medushevsky, Nikolay A., Liudmila A. Pechishcheva, and Alisa R. Shishkina. "AFRICAN VECTOR IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 21ST CENTURY (POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 3 (2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-46-59.
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The research article is concerned with the mechanisms of cooperation between India and African countries in the latest historical period. The international support that India has provided to many African countries over the decades underscores the political commitment of the Indian leadership to speak on behalf of the nations of the global South. The government of Narendra Modi focuses on the common historical struggle of Indians and Africans against the colonial powers, as on the importance of developing cooperation in the politics, economy, energy, education, culture and humanitarian issues. The parties are interested in developing new approaches to environmental protection, and closely cooperate within the framework of the UN mechanism for sustainable development, actively participating in the formation and discussion of the climate agenda. Three successful Africa-India summits (in 2008, 2011 and 2015) showed a common interest in expanding the nature and areas of interaction. Moreover, India, experiencing an acute need for primary energy resources and minerals, sees in Africa not only a potential supplier of those resources, but also a capacious market for its products. In pursuit of all the interests mentioned, India, on the way of cooperation with African countries, often encounters the unpreparedness of African colleagues for direct dialogue, as well as opposition from other major players operating in the region. Among them, the UK and China play a key role. The authors come to the conclusion that at present India has a clear and comprehensive strategy for promoting its interests in Africa and considers the continent as a strategic one. At the same time, a large number of the variables associated with a specific process of interaction and regional development remain in the system of cooperation between India and African countries.
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Cevik, Neslihan. "The Muslimist Self and Fashion: Implications for Politics and Markets." Numen 66, no. 4 (June 18, 2019): 422–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341547.
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AbstractThis article introduces the rise of a new religious expression, Muslimism, in Turkey at the turn of the 21st century. I identify Muslimism as a prominent example of a new global category of religion, New Religious Orthodoxies (NRO). Muslimism and NROs neither reject nor submit to global modernity but engage aspects of it using religious categories. I then link Muslimism and NROs to the broader discussions on Muslim subjectivity formation, looking at Islamic fashion and how Muslimists respond to global modernity and its imaginaries, practices, and institutions. My empirical findings show that, historically, Islamic fashion has functioned as a site of hybridity, allowing pious Muslim females to resist binary patterns of identity, public space, and everyday activities, to challenge authoritarian formulations of religious community and redefine the (female) self as a legitimate moral and cultural agent by tapping into key Islamic notions. These findings have broad implications. Theoretically, they show that even in an area such as Islamic fashion, reduced by many as an oxymoron created by market forces, Muslim subjectivity formation goes beyond the choices of rejection of modernity or assimilation of Islam. Mapping these possibilities reveals greater insights into how religious groups engage modernity while remaining within the limits of orthodoxy, as well as their potent agency in challenging existing sources of self-formation and collective identity. Regarding policy, Muslimism illustrates a third way between fundamentalism and aggressive secularism that can negotiate tensions between religious orthodoxy and individual rights, the secular state and moral freedoms, and the West and Islam.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Yankaya, Dilek. "Marc Aymes, Benjamin Gourisse, and Élise Massicard (eds): Order and Compromise: Government Practices in Turkey from the Late Ottoman Empire to the Early 21st Century." ERIS – European Review of International Studies, no. 2-2018 (January 25, 2019): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v5i2.06.
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Bıcer, Z. Ozlem Parlak. "Assessing The Economic Contribution of Ecological Architecture Case Study: Kayseri Kadir Has Stadium." Open House International 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-01-2016-b0015.
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Ecological architecture consciousness has started spreading out with the idea that the limited resources that remain on the world in 21st century due to the damage caused by humans should be used economically. Energy saving consciousness should be executed in all stages from the design of the building to its construction and use. The number of buildings in the world that have been built with this consciousness continues to increase. Many technological applications have been put forth in order to ensure that a building supplies its own energy. This new situation contributes to the decreasing of the energy need of the building while also making significant savings in the Gross National Income of developing countries such as Turkey which are dependent to other countries for energy. When the contribution of ecologic designs to the country economy is considered, it is expected that the government and local administrations increase incentives especially for government buildings thereby leading the way. The objective of this study is to examine the energy consumption of Kadir Has City Stadium built in the city of Kayseri and to question the contribution of the local administration in terms of ecologic approach. It is expected that the study will make a contribution so that the local administrations will support all the stages of government buildings from the design to construction.
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Scotti, Valentina Rita. "Order and Compromise: Government Practices in Turkey from the Late Ottoman Empire to the Early 21st Century, written by Marc Aymes, Benjamin Gourisse and Elise Massicard." Arabica 63, no. 3-4 (May 26, 2016): 410–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341397.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Ames, David. "Australia (Melbourne)." Psychiatric Bulletin 16, no. 9 (September 1992): 552–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.16.9.552.
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Australia is a unique, geologically ancient island continent. Its flora and fauna are unlike those found anywhere else and the same may be said of its people, politics and health services. The population of 17.3 millions represents a multicultural mix, with an anglo-celtic core conflated by sustained post-war immigration from southern Europe, Turkey, southeast Asia and south America. One in five current Australians was born elsewhere, one in ten comes from a non-English speaking background, and a quarter of those born here have a parent who was born overseas. Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders form 1.4% of the total population. They have third world mortality figures but die of first world diseases, their life expectancy being 20 years less than that of other Australians. Two hundred and four years after what they see as the British invasion, their standard of living lags far behind all other socio-cultural groups in the country. Most members of the Aboriginal community do not live long enough to develop Alzheimer's disease, but it and other age-related diseases are emerging as the major determinants of health costs as Australia moves towards the 21st century.
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Ratnawati, Ratnawati, and Oberlin Silalahi. "Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia." Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no. 9 (September 15, 2022): 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/eduvest.v2i9.574.
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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.
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Ukas, Ukas, and Zuhdi Arman. "THE ROLE OF LAW IN ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION IN INDONESIA." JIM UPB (Jurnal Ilmiah Manajemen Universitas Putera Batam) 9, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/jimupb.v9i1.2173.
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Legal development has a more comprehensive and basic meaning compared to the promotion and renewal of law in the context of increasing the nation's competitiveness, legal politics in Indonesia directs legal development to encourage economic growth. The research objective is to determine economic growth, especially in the business world and in the industrial world which determines investment capacity, especially law enforcement and protection. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study see Law as a social engineering tool that was born because the concept of law is taught to direct people to better understand change. Law as an instrument of development control includes development in the economic field. Enforcement of law and justice in particular in the economic development of activities and developing development in accordance with long-term government programs. The role of law in economic globalization in the 21st century is certainly expected aspects of globalization in legal and economic growth, the development of economic law also includes investment law, which of course must run in accordance with long-term development tools.
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Himmah, Dhurotun Nasicha Aliyatul, and Nurul Yaqien. "KEPEMIMPINAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM." J-MPI (Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam) 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jmpi.v2i2.5483.
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<p><em>Women's leadership has always been a discussion of controversy, especially in explaining, interpreting and determining the law of a woman's leadership. This study aims to: (1) Review the interpretation related to the concept of leadership with the interpretation model of maudhu'i Al-Qur'an letter An-Nisa verse 34 and Al-Mujadalah verse 11 according to some classical and contemporary commentators including Ibn Abbas, Imam Jalaludin, Ibn Kathir, Mustafa Al-Maraghi, Muhammad Hasbi and Quraish Shihab, (2) Assessing the relevance of the concept of female leadership in an Islamic perspective with the concept of leadership in the 21st century. This type of research is literature study using descriptive-analytic method, historical-philosophical approach, carried out with documentation techniques, analysis, interpretation, checking the validity of the data to obtain the results of the study according to purpose. The results of the study show that there are differences between the thoughts of classical mufassir and contemporary mufassir on women's leadership based on An-Nisa verse 34. It is the differences in times, conditions, situations and civilizations that influence it. The 21st Century is no longer a century where women cannot join in politics, government, social affairs, education, and so on. Contemporary mufassir allow women to be leaders as long as they do not violate the sharia and do not ignore the main task of being a wife. Relevance is related to the realization of the Constitution of 1945 article 27 concerning equal rights and obligations of Indonesian citizens, and Article 31 related to the right of education for all citizens of Indonesia relevant to the letter of Al-Mujadalah verse 11. The relevance is related to the realization of Article 27 of the 1945 constitution concerning the equality of Indonesian citizens' rights and obligations, and Article 31 concerning the right of education of all Indonesian citizens relevant to Al-Mujadalah verse 11. Men or women who are leaders, most importantly is the realization of the good leadership for creating baldatun thayyibun warabbun ghafur.</em></p>
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Nam Tien, Tran. "THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY: IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.
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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations.
Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records.
Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia.
Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics.
Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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Beserra, Me Elijalma Augusto, Roberta Freire d’Aguiar de Almeida, Maria Helena Maia e Souza, and Profa Dra Eva Mônica Sarmento da Silva. "The Practice of Integrated and Articulated Actions within the Scope of the Brazil Sem Misery Plan - PBSM as a Instrument for the Social Inclusion of Small Beekeepers in the Semiarid Pernambuco: The Case of Beekeepers of Quixaba - PE." International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science 9, no. 10 (2022): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.910.40.
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Even with all the evolution achieved by humanity, it is still possible to identify in several societies that there are people in extreme poverty. Combating this sad reality is a task not only for governments but for all those who make up this society. In Brazil, the commitment to the fight against extreme poverty formed the agenda of the social democratic governments that commanded national politics during the first two decades of the 21st century. Recognized by international agencies as a successful example of a government program aimed at the socio-economic inclusion of the most needy part of society, the Brasil Sem Miséria Plan - PBSM focused on creating structuring conditions so that individuals, in extreme poverty, could enter the job market, managing to obtain an income capable of granting them social inclusion, dignity, food sovereignty and financial freedom. In this sense, the present study aims to discuss the integrated and articulated practices promoted within the scope of the PBSM with small beekeepers in the semi-arid region of Pernambuco, especially in the municipality of Quixaba - PE. Beekeepers benefited from the program, and how the combination of actions developed by the government, society, and producers managed to change the living conditions of this group, and how these practices can be used as an example for other locations.
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Boeva, Luc. "Recensie van: Re-Thinking the State. Critical Perspectives on the Citizen, Politics and Government in the 21st Century / Filip De Rynck, Bram Verschuere & Ellen Waeyenberg (eds.) (2009)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, no. 4 (January 26, 2011): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12340.
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Octastefani, Theresia. "The Dynamics of Women and Political Heritage in Yogyakarta: A Critical Reflection in Welcoming the Next Leader." MUWAZAH 10, no. 2 (December 25, 2018): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v10i2.1783.
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Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition’s values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.
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Kayaarslan, Berkcan, Gizem Berrak Taş Güzeloğlu, Yiğit Alp Onat, and Omer Bilgehan Sonsel. "Emergency Remote Teaching During the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Case of Music Teachers in Turkey and England." International Journal of Education and Literacy Studies 10, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijels.v.10n.2p.57.
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The biggest and most devastating pandemic of the 21st century began to affect our world, with the Chinese Government reporting that a mysterious respiratory disease of unknown origin was detected in 2019. Education has been one of the areas most affected by this deadly disease, which spread all over the world in a short time. In this process, countries went into lockdown and changed the education model and switched to the “emergency remote teaching” model. Consequently, many students have been deprived of face-to-face education. According to UNESCO data, more than 1 billion students were affected on 13 April 2020 due to the disruption of education due to the pandemic. While face-to-face education is suspended in 7 countries today, approximately 37 million students are affected by this situation. In this research, the opinions of the music teachers working in primary and secondary public schools in Turkey and England during the emergency remote teaching about the process were taken. A sample group was formed with a total of 50 music teachers from Turkey and England. The opinions of the teachers were taken with a Likert-type interview form consisting of 6 sections and 22 questions and open-ended answers. According to these answers, the average duration of a lesson is almost equal in both countries, the lessons are generally taught from the same platforms and devices, the teachers in Turkey have more problems with the internet infrastructure during the process. While teachers’ opinions about the COVID-19 processes were generally negative, it was revealed that they developed themselves in digital literacy after the process. In addition, suggestions were received from the teachers for the development of possible new emergency remote music teaching after the process. It has been seen that teachers working in both countries agree on providing equal opportunities to students. At the same time, one of the most striking suggestions is to keep the online alternative education model always ready. This study is important in order to be better prepared for the new possible emergency distance music education.
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TAŞ, Elif Nur, Zeynep PARALI, and Hatice Nur ÇETİN. "DÜNYA BASININDA TÜRKİ YE’Nİ N S/İ HA GÜCÜ VE KÜRESEL Sİ YASETE YANSIMALARI." “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (April 30, 2021): 202–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.202.
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Technological innovations in the ield of informatics, rapid developments in subjects such as artiicial intelligence and robotic engineering have put Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) and Armed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UCAV) into the battleield of the 21st century. At this point, states whose common concerns are security have taken the path of both obtaining intelligence and developing unmanned aerial systems, whose use is rapidly increasing in the ield of war-defense. It is known that many countries are currently working on developing and producing UAVs, beside United States of America (USA) and Israel which both have advanced unmanned aerial systems. Because states that are developing and manufacturing their own unmanned aerial systems are aware that this situation will provide a strategic advantage in terms of their military, political and economic interests. In this context, Turkey didn’t stay indifferent to the developments of unmanned aerial systems emerging in each passing day, it has made considerable momentum towards the last ifteen years to develop national and indigenous UAV systems. Especially since mid-2010, these systems have been used eficiently in both intra border operations and crossborder operations The main question of this article is how Turkey’s UAV/UCAV power is relected in global politics and in this direction, world press will be scanned. In this context, this study will primarily explained by Turkey’s domestic and national development of unmanned aerial systems adventure in general terms; then Turkey’s use of these vehicles in where and for what purpose will be evaluated. Afterward it will be evaluated that how Turkey’s power of UAV/UCAV is perceived by other states in economic and military-political aspects by examining the relevant state press and publishing organizations Keywords: Turkey, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles, Press- Publishing Organizations.
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Gutorow, Władimir. "O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego." Politeja 12, no. 7 (34/2) (December 31, 2015): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.
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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system
The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.