Journal articles on the topic 'Turkey Foreign relations Greece'
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Kiratli, Osman Sabri. "Greece." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534027.
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This paper investigates the change in the Greek position from an ardent critic to an enthusiastic supporter of supranational cooperation in the Common Foreign and Security Policies of the European Union (EU) during the negotiation process (2003–2004) for the Constitutional Treaty. It proposes that the change was largely due to the imminent security threat perceived from its neighbour, Turkey. As unilateralist, confrontational responses, which had been in effect since Turkey’s Cyprus intervention in 1974, had largely failed to curb the level of threats perceived from the eastern side of the Aegean, Greek policy-makers started to develop a radically new security strategy based on a cooperative and integrationist partnership with the EU.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The legacy of the Treaty of Lausanne in the light of Greek-Turkish relations in the twentieth century: Greek perceptions of the Treaty of Lausanne." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546195s.
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The Treaty of Lausanne and the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey became the basis both for the reorientation of their foreign policies and for the establishment of close relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries. But the Cyprus question and the Aegean conflict affected bilateral relations. It had a negative impact on the Treaty of Lausanne.
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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136.
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This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.
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Kvashnin, Y. "Western Vector of Greece's Foreign Policy (Late 2010s – Early 2020s)." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-45-56.
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One of the main features of Greek diplomacy is the combination of pro-Western orientation and the desire to act independently in a number of key issues, firmly defending national interests. In recent years, however, the western vector began to prevail. In ideology, this manifested itself in the positioning of the country as an outpost of Western civilization in the East, a defender of democratic values, operating in accordance with the interests of collective West. In security policy, the main efforts were aimed at creating a counterbalance to Greece's existential rival – Turkey. Not having sufficient resources for an ‘arms race’ with the eastern neighbour, the Greek authorities have shifted their focus to closer cooperation with major powers, as well as with regional actors seeking to curb Turkish ambitions. The idea of confronting ‘geopolitical revisionism’ has taken a prominent place in the political rhetoric of the conservative government, especially since the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine. In economic sphere, Greece continues its policy aimed at becoming a key transit hub for transporting energy resources to Europe. Despite the fact that there are good reasons for strengthening ties with the West, the ultimate success of this strategy is not evident. In the Greek media, there is an increasing opinion that such a course will narrow the room for diplomatic maneuver. At the same time, the main task – to isolate Turkey – will not be implemented. In the future, imbalances in foreign policy may hinder the development of economic ties between Greece and non-Western countries (in the case of Russian-Greek relations, this is already happening), and this in turn will undermine the country's resilience to crisis processes in the world economy and politics.
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Türkeş-Kılıç, Selin, and Gizem Cakmak. "Turkey and Greece as frenemies: discourse-historical approach to foreign policy repertoires of the leaders." Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, no. 33 (December 19, 2022): 225–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reim2022.33.009.
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This paper analyzes Turkish-Greek relations during the contentious period of July 2019-2022, when tensions between the two countries have risen due to domestic and conjunctural factors. The study employs a Discourse Historical Approach to reveal the processes of identity construction in Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdo?an and Greece’s Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ political statements. The analysis suggests that the two leaders have developed discursive repertoires of frenemies, which represent interactive processes of logics and practices of amity and enmity between Turkey and Greece, in which they are competitive and mistrustful, but also convinced that collaboration advances their respective and often conflicting interests.
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Andreopoulos, George J. "The International Financial Commission and Anglo-Greek Relations (1928–1933)." Historical Journal 31, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012917.
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The final phase of Venizelism (1928–1933) has traditionally been considered as a period of considerable foreign policy accomplishments (e.g. friendship treaties with Italy, Yugoslavia and Turkey). Yet despite the attention which has been paid to these agreements, the period was clearly marked by the government's drive towards internal infrastructural changes via its commitment to extensive public works programmes. This effort necessitated a huge influx of capital from abroad; in fact, in the period between 1924 and 1931 more money entered the country than at any time since 1875–90. In this context, Britain's influential role was further enhanced as a result of the indispensability of the London credit market, and her financial presence in Greece was to set the tone and pace of Anglo-Greek relations. Probably no institution reflected this uneven relation more accurately than the International Financial Commission (I.F.C).
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Kvashnin, Yu D. "Russian-Greek Relations: Is There a Light at the End of the Tunnel?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-9.
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At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, relations between Russia and Greece entered a protracted period of stagnation, which continues to this day, despite numerous attempts by both countries to intensify political dialogue. One of the reasons is the general degradation of Russia’s relations with the Western countries, which intensified in the middle of the last decade against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. At the same time, the “sanctions wars” have become an important, but not the only reason for the reduction in bilateral contacts. There were other factors as well: Greece’s dissatisfaction with the excessively close cooperation between Russia and Turkey, different views on NATO’s Eastern enlargement, as well as interchurch disagreements.On the economic plane, Russian-Greek cooperation was hampered by the desire of Greece to diversify its energy supplies, the food embargo regime introduced by Russia against the EU countries, as well as the policy of investment protectionism pursued by Greece towards Russian companies.The greatest success has been achieved in the humanitarian field. Due to the cultural and historical closeness of the two peoples, as well as due to the disappointment of the Greeks in the results of European integration, Greece remains one of the few countries where most people treat Russia with sympathy. At the same time, the perception of Russia by the Greeks is distorted and often fragmentary. The positive effect of Russian-Greek humanitarian cooperation is often overshadowed by negative coverage of Russian foreign policy in the Greek media.
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SEZER, DUYGU B. "Peaceful Coexistence: Turkey and the Near East in Soviet Foreign Policy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001011.
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This article focuses on Soviet interests in the Near East, Soviet policy toward Turkey, Soviet-Greek relations, and the Cyprus conflict. The Near East is important to the Soviet Union for geographic, strategic-security, and ideological reasons. Soviet policy can be characterized as one of continuity, stability, and peaceful coexistence—resourceful and responsive at the same time. Moscow has been tolerant of a range of political regimes in Turkey, to which it has offered extensive economic aid, and it has welcomed Greece's new independent foreign policy.
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Kirişçi, Kemal. "The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005203.
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AbstractRecently, Turkish foreign policy, compared to the 1990s, has manifested a number of puzzlements. They range from the rapprochement with Greece, the turnabout over Cyprus, mediation efforts involving a series of regional conflicts to a policy seeking an improvement in relations with Armenia and Kurds of Northern Iraq. These puzzlements have increasingly transformed Turkey from being cited as a “post-Cold War warrior” or a “regional coercive power” to a “benign” if not “soft” power. Academic literature has tried to account for these puzzlements and the accompanying transformation in Turkish foreign policy from a wide range of theoretical perspectives. This literature has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of what drives Turkish foreign policy. At the same time, this literature has not paid adequate attention to the role of economic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy as we approach the end of the first decade of the new century. This article aims to highlight this gap and at the same time offer a preliminary conceptual framework based on Richard Rosecrance's notion of the “trading state” and Robert Putnam's idea of “two-level diplomatic games” to explore the impact of economic considerations on Turkish foreign policy.
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Labrecque, Georges. "STEARNS, Monteagle. Entangled Allies. U.S. Policy Toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. New York, Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992, 201 p." Études internationales 24, no. 2 (1993): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703203ar.
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Gerner, Deborah J. "Monteagle Stearns, Entangled Allies: U.S. Policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992). Pp. 200." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1993): 364–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058748.
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Frazier, Robert. "Kennan, “Universalism,” and the Truman Doctrine." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 2 (April 2009): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.3.
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Two key documents in 1947—the speech proclaiming the Truman Doctrine and George F. Kennan's “The Sources of Soviet Conduct” article—ushered in a new U.S. foreign policy aimed at containing the Soviet Union. The Truman administration's request for aid to Greece and Turkey envisaged a global approach, albeit a qualified one. Kennan's article included a call for pressure on the Soviet Union at every opportunity and in every quarter. Two decades later, Kennan repudiated the literal wording of his own article and claimed, inaccurately, that he had disapproved of the Truman Doctrine when he saw it in draft. A close examination of both documents suggests that the Truman Doctrine was never intended as a “universalist” call to action and that Kennan's article, despite its expansive phrasing, was also more limited in its aims than often thought.
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Gudev, P. "The Aegean Sea of Contradictions (Part II)." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-115-122.
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The Aegean Sea as a common sea region for Greece and Turkey is not only an important source of aquatic biological and energy resources, but also a water area where both countries have their own interests in its economic development and use. Traditionally, this sea area, most of which is a high sea in terms of rules and provisions of the modern international maritime law, has been used by both states on a parity basis, and other extra-regional countries have had equal rights with them here. However, the desire of Greece and Turkey to extend their zones of sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction over maritime zones, seabed and subsoil has given rise to new maritime disputes. It is no coincidence that the problem of delimiting the continental shelf, i. e. the underwater margin of the continent where coastal countries are vested with rights to explore and exploit its resources, has accompanied the Turkish-Greek negotiations for decades. Greece has even initiated legal proceedings before the International Court of Justice on the issue, but for various reasons the Court found that it had no jurisdiction to hear the case. To date, the positions of the parties on this issue have not changed; they are directly opposite and mutually exclusive. This and other circumstances, as well as the fact that Turkey is not a party to either the 1958 Geneva Conventions or the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, severely limits the possibility of a new trial. Moreover, the legal positivism of the Greek position on the entire spectrum of Aegean Sea problems, i. e. an appeal solely to the applicable rules and provisions of international law of the sea, not only fails to satisfy Turkey but also has negative consequences for other countries. First of all, this concerns issues related to the freedom of navigation. Greece’s claim to extend the outer limits of its territorial sea from 6 to 12 nautical miles around the huge number of Greek islands in the Aegean Sea would inevitably lead to a significant reduction of the high sea. Although at a minimum the right of innocent passage and at a maximum the more liberal rule of the law of the sea – the right of transit passage – will apply, the legal regime for these maritime areas will be fundamentally different and more heavily regulated. The passage of merchant ships and warships, as well as the overflight of military aircraft, including those of any foreign country, also of the U.S. and Russian Federation, will not be as free as on the high seas. All of these issues are dealt with in this (second) part of the paper. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Seufert, Günter. "The Sacred Aura of the Turkish Flag." New Perspectives on Turkey 16 (1997): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002636.
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During the last few years the Turkish Flag has gained incessant public attention and visibility. Events in both foreign and domestic Turkish politics are often discussed in relation to the honor of the ay yıldız, the ‘Star and Crescent’, and sometimes the banner itself is to be found in the very center of ongoing events. Among recent examples from the realm of foreign policy, one could refer to the crisis of January 1996 between Turkey and Greece over an uninhabited cliff in the Aegean Sea, which culminated in a commando operation to plant the Turkish flag on the cliff; or to the latest incident on the Turkish-Greek border in Cyprus where a young Greek trying to tear down the Turkish colors was shot dead. In the domestic arena, one of the most shocking and disturbing events of recent Turkish politics has centered on the insult to the flag during the last political rally of the pro-Kurdish Peoples Democracy Party, HADEP, in June of 1996. At the rally, the Turkish “Red Banner”, the al sancak, was cut down, and replaced by the flag of the banned Kurdish Workers Party, the PKK. The scene was captured by television cameras and repeatedly broadcast by different channels, in slow motion.
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Skorospelov, Petr P. "“A Special Form of Making Foreign Policy by the Threat of War to Imperialists”. A Case Study of Military-Political Activity of Central Committee Presidium under N.S. Khrushchev, 1953–1964. Part 2." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020574-8.
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The results of Khrushchev's foreign policy can be considered, albeit not in everything and even more modest than planned, on the whole quite successful. To resolve the 2nd Berlin crisis (1958–1963), Khrushchev in 1960 reduced the Soviet ground forces by a third, thereby trying to encourage the United States to reduce its military presence in Europe. However, at the Paris Summit of the heads of the 4 powers (1960), due to the active opposition of France and Germany, he failed to push through an agreement on West Berlin on Soviet terms. Mao Zedong, who himself dreamed of leadership among socialist countries after Stalin's death, took advantage of the convenient situation to start a conflict with Moscow. In such an environment, Khrushchev escalated the Berlin crisis by threatening to conclude a peace treaty with the GDR and block Western powers' access to West Berlin (at the same time he conducts command and staff exercises “Storm”, 5–15.10.1961, together with the armies of the ATS countries). He hoped that the United States would not dare to start a war because of West Berlin, and this, in turn, would help to break off Western European states from NATO, showing them that the United States is not a reliable defender for them. His plan partially succeeded: in 1966, France will withdraw from NATO. In order to divert the attention and forces of the United States from West Berlin, the USSR has been actively creating distracting situations around the world since 1961. One of these situations was the Caribbean crisis, which almost led to a nuclear war (1962) and was a heavy defeat for the USSR, which had to fulfill all the conditions of the United States, but in return received Kennedy's promise to remove missile bases from Turkey. It will be possible to remove them only in 1963 in exchange for Turkey's support in its war with Greece over Cyprus. From Iran, due to the harsh Anglo-American pressure on the Shah, the USSR was able to achieve only an obligation not to deploy foreign missiles on its territory, but not to withdraw from the Baghdad Pact, nevertheless, the latter's activities were paralyzed. Under Brezhnev, despite the rejection of Khrushchev's tactics of nuclear bluff, the main directions and strategic goals of foreign policy remained the same as under Khrushchev: ensuring security on the western and southern borders of the USSR by splitting the opposing military blocs and establishing ties with Western European countries, especially France, improving relations with Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, linking them economically. The program of naval construction and the permanent presence of the Soviet Navy in all oceans, begun in 1959, continued.
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Glybovets, Victoria, and Yuliia Khvesyk. "THE ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL TOURIST STREAMS OF UKRAINE FOR THE PERIOD FROM 2012 TO 2017." GEOGRAPHY AND TOURISM, no. 64 (2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2308-135x.2021.64.21-28.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of tourist streams between Ukraine and other countries of the world, as well as to identify the factors that influence the development of international tourism most of all. Research methodology. The most important statistical indicators that characterize tourist streams are the number of Ukrainians who visited other countries for tourist purposes and the number of tourists - citizens of other countries, who arrived in Ukraine. In our study of the tourist streams of Ukraine the mathematical indicator that reflects the features of tourist streams and their socio-economic importance for the development of international tourism in the country, namely the coefficient of tourist exchanges, was used. Selected for the research were the countries visited by more than 50 thousand tourists from Ukraine for at least 2 years in a row. The total number of the tourists includes persons who travelled for official, tourism, and private purposes (without vehicle servicing personnel and servicemen). Results of the research. Most tourists from Ukraine go to neighboring countries, namely to Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Romania, Hungary, and Turkey. Turkey is a popular holiday destination among Ukrainians, because it's close to Ukraine and can provide tourists with a good service. It is necessary to take into account the fact that a large number of Ukrainians work abroad, mainly in Europe, as well as in Russia. When these people leave for a foreign country, they can state their visit is private, not working; therefore, they are mistakenly defined as tourists. The donor countries of tourists who come to Ukraine are (the coefficient tends to "1") Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and the United States. The countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists are the (coefficient tends to "-1") United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Cyprus, Spain, Greece, Austria, Turkey, and Poland. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the coefficient of tourist exchanges of Ukraine in relation to 29 countries of the world for 2012 and 2017 was calculated. The donor countries of tourists coming to Ukraine, as well as the countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists were identified. Practical significance. It is to reveal the fact that Ukraine is a donor country for tourists. Given the fact that Ukraine is rich in tourist resources, over time, using the experience of tourist countries around the world, it can change this status and receive more foreign tourists.
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Lalević-Vasić, Bosiljka M. "Th e 2nd Congress of the Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists, belgrade 1931." Serbian Journal of Dermatology and Venerology 4, no. 3 (November 29, 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10249-012-0012-9.
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Abstract The Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists (PSADVs) was founded in May 1928, and it included dermatologic associations of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia. Its president was Prof. Krzysztalowicz from Poland. The 1st Congress of this association was held in Warsaw in 1929, and the 2nd Congress was organized by the Association of Dermatovenereologists of Yugoslavia (ADVY), in Belgrade in 1931. The president of the Organizing Committee was Prof. Đorđe Đorđevic, and the secretary Assoc. Prof. Milan Kićevac from the Clinic of Dermatovenereology in Belgrade. The Congress was attended by representatives of Slavic national associations, as well as by representatives of French, Romanian, Greek and Turkish dermatology. The number of participants amounted to 160 physicians and 60 members of their families. According to the report of Ilić S., 104 papers had been presented: 48 from Yugoslavia (37 from Serbia, 3 from Croatia, 3 from Macedonia, and 5 from Bosnia), 23 from Czechoslovakia, 18 from Poland, 8 from France, 5 from Romania, 1 from Turkey, and 1 from Greece. Most papers were from the area of sexually transmitted diseases: 43 papers (41.35% of the total number). Out of these, 27 papers were on syphilis, followed by gonorrhea with 9 papers. There were both research and experimental papers. The authors insisted on assessing diagnostic and therapeutic issues, as well as disease prevention. The second most frequent group of diseases accounted for eczema. The problem included the defi nition and pathogenesis of the disease. The third group of diseases was tuberculosis. The results of experiments on animals were studied pointing out the need for reclassifi cation of skin tuberculosis in relation to internal tuberculosis. A small number of papers were on other infections of the skin and genitals, as well as individual cases of various dermatoses. During the Congress, social events were also organized, as well as a banquet on the ship Alexander I cruising on the Danube and Sava. Optional travel tours to all parts of Yugoslavia were also offered. Soon after the Congress, foreign journals published reports on its high professional level and the entire organization.
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Hussain, Norasmahani. "THE ‘CYPRUS QUESTION’ AND BRITAIN’S DECISION TO LEAVE TURKEY AND GREECE OUTSIDE NATO, 1948-1949." SEJARAH 30, no. 2 (December 6, 2021): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol30no2.6.
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is an intergovernmental military alliance of unusual geographical membership that was signed on 4 April 1949 in Washington D.C. Twelve countries famously became founding members, but Turkey and Greece were surprisingly not included. In point of fact, these two Mediterranean countries were arguably victims that suffered from the ‘aggression’ of the Soviet Union in the early post-Second World War years and had some strong reasons for being included in NATO. The literature usually focuses on the geographical area of Turkey and Greece and a Mediterranean Pact in explaining why Britain refused to invite these countries to join NATO during its formation years. However, when placing more attention to the perspective of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office regarding this rejection issue, the ‘Cyprus question’, which refers to a major dispute between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus, also influenced them in tightening Britain’s decision to leave Turkey and Greece outside NATO. This study is using qualitative method like archieval data. The finding of this study shows that British documentary analysis illuminates the degree of influence of the problem of Cyprus on British considerations of western security. In particular, this paper offers analysis of British Foreign Office objections to the admission of Turkey and Greece to NATO before NATO was successfully established. Previous researchers have largely drawn attention to Britain’s general views on the structure and membership of NATO, and on Britain as a major instigator of the alliance. This paper, however, will discuss the ‘objection issue’ towards Turkey and Greece from the point of view of Britain, particularly from the perspective of the ‘Cyprus question’.
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Chisiridis, Konstantinos, and Theodore Panagiotidis. "The Relationship Between Greek Exports and Foreign Income." Special Issue on Applied Macroeconomics, Finance, and Banking 64, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/aeq.64.1.99.
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Abstract This paper assesses the effect of foreign economic activity on Greek exports. We employ data from 1995:I to 2016:IV and quantify the long-run foreign income elasticity of Greek exports. We establish a cointegration relationship and employ Dynamic OLS estimations. We find that the aggregate foreign income elasticity of Greek exports is positive and significant. When foreign income is decomposed to the main trading partners, we reveal that economic growth in Turkey and in emerging markets such as the Balkans, North Africa and the Middle East have the greatest impact on Greek exports. The impact of the traditional European trading partners of Greece (Germany and Italy) are found to be positive but insignificant. Finally, the dynamic analysis shows a positive interaction between real income growth in Turkey and Greek export growth at the short-run horizon. JEL classifications: C22, F43 Keywords: Greece, exports, foreign income, cointegration
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Vatikiotis, P. J. "Greece and Turkey: adversity in alliance." International Affairs 61, no. 1 (January 1985): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619821.
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Mikelis, Kyriakos, and Charalambos Tsardanidis. "International Relations Scholarship in Greece." European Review of International Studies 9, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-09010014.
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Abstract Drawing on Felix Grenier’s ‘Reflexive Studies on ir’ schema, this article offers a reconstruction of the search for a disciplinary identity in Greece, mainly through a combination of the geo-epistemic and historiographical perspectives. It begins with an overview of the field’s history and pre-history, followed by a section on the teaching and research framework and is then followed by a section emphasizing the state and status of theory. Since the 1980s, an increasing expansion in Greek ir has been signalled by a noticeable wave of departments devoted to international or regional studies as well as of research institutes. Thus, most of the relevant literature on ir is still focused on regional and thematic aspects of Greece’s foreign relations, with a fairly marginal theoretical impact. Despite theoretical arguments proposed by some Greek scholars on anarchy and sovereignty, a distinct ‘Greek/Hellenic’ school or approach of ir is hardly forthcoming.
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Mustafayeva, Nurlana. "Azerbaijan-Turkey literary relations." Laplage em Revista 7, Extra-E (July 27, 2021): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-e1157p.24-31.
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Article compares the literary relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey during the Soviet and independence periods. Research shows that during the Soviet era, limited literary relations under the leadership of Moscow were subordinated to the unified foreign policy goals of the USSR. The Soviet Union, among other means, sought to spread communist ideology in Turkey through literary ties, to weaken NATO’s southern wing from within, and to reduce Western influence. The closed society and the “iron curtain” of the USSR did not allow the free exchange of cultural and literary treasures. After the restoration of the state independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan on October 18, 1991 and the collapse of the USSR, literary relations were free from ideological stereotypes and all restrictions. The signing of bilateral documents between Azerbaijan and Turkey has laid the legal basis for cooperation in the field of culture, including literature.
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Radasanu, Andrea. "Montesquieu on Ancient Greek Foreign Relations." Political Research Quarterly 66, no. 1 (January 20, 2012): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912911431246.
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Montesquieu famously claims that modernity ushered in gentle mores and peaceful relations among countries. Consulting Montesquieu’s teaching on Greek foreign policy, both republican and imperial, elucidates the character of these peaceful mores. Montesquieu weaves a modernization tale from primitive ancient Greece to modern commercial states, all to teach the reader to overcome any lingering attachment to glory and to adopt the rational standards of national interest and self-preservation. This account provides important insights on the relationship between realism and idealism in Montesquieu’s international relations teaching and helps scholars to rethink how these categories are construed.
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Emen, Gözde. "Turkey’s Relations with Greece in the 1920s: The Pangalos Factor." Turkish Historical Review 7, no. 1 (April 12, 2016): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00701006.
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Based mainly on Turkish archival material and newspapers, this article argues that the short dictatorship of General Pangalos (1925–1926) in Greece not only stalled the solution of problems remaining from the Lausanne negotiations, but also heightened Turkish concerns over Greek expansionist ambitions towards Turkey in a way unlike any other period in early Turkish-Greek relations. Despite the General’s popularity among the migrants from Anatolia, the Turkish press and authorities were aware of the lack of general popular support behind Pangalos. Pangalos’s attempts to create alliances particularly with Britain and Italy and the increasing possibility of such a coalition against Turkey led the Turkish authorities and the press to watch developments in Greece very closely.
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Stęplewski, Artur. "“Was Atatürk gay?”. Construction of an Other in Turkish and Greek media." Dziennikarstwo i Media 14 (March 10, 2021): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2082-8322.14.4.
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The paper presents the issue of media manipulation in Turkey and Greece, the direct aim of which is to discredit Kemal Pasha Atatürk. Gaps in the biography of the creator of the Republic of Turkey are interpreted by journalists as evidence that he was gay. Homosexuality is treated as a deviation that compromises a man, a politician and a leader. The sign gay is semantized in the discourse as foreign / different. Using critical discourse analysis, I present the extra-linguistic context of media statements. In Turkey, these are political and religious changes, along with a new policy of remembrance. In Greece, the attack is based on successive conflicts between the two neighbours over domination in the eastern Mediterranean.
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Kurop, Marcia Christoff. "Greece and Turkey: Can They Mend Fences?" Foreign Affairs 77, no. 1 (1998): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048357.
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Oğuzlu, Tarık. "Tormented By History: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey." Turkish Studies 10, no. 3 (September 2009): 503–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840903141855.
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Bilgin, Pınar. "Securing Turkey through western-oriented foreign policy." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005239.
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AbstractHow are Turkey's insecurities relevant to the analysis of its international relations? While it is interesting to look at how particular security concerns have affected Turkey's foreign policies at various moments in history, this article will take a different route. Following the distinction that David Campbell has drawn between “Foreign Policy” (through which others are rendered “foreign) and “foreign policy” (through which relations with others are managed), the article will explore how Turkey's insecurities have shaped a Foreign Policy that rests on the West/non-West divide. While the literature has analyzed specific acts of foreign policy and how they were crafted in response to specific military insecurities, the role that Turkey's non-military and non-specific insecurities have played in shaping its international relations has remained understudied. Thus, the literature has not been able to fully account for the centrality of Turkey's western orientation to its security. The argument here proceeds in three steps: First, the article draws attention to the necessity of looking at non-material as well as material insecurities in designing research on foreign policy. Second, it illustrates this necessity by focusing on the case of Turkey's foreign policy. Thirdly, in view of this second point the article highlights the centrality of Turkey's western orientation (i.e., its Foreign Policy) to its security, more persuasively than studies that exclusively focus on the material aspects of security.
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D'Angelo, Massimo. "EU–Turkey relations: theories, institutions, and policies; EU–Turkey relations: a new direction for EU foreign policy?" International Affairs 98, no. 1 (January 2022): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab247.
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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
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SÖKMEN GÜRÇAM, Özlem. "AZERBAIJAN FOREIGN TRADE AFTER INDEPENDENCE AND THE DIMENSION OF COMMERCIAL RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKEY AND AZERBAIJAN IN RECENT YEARS." JOURNAL OF INSTITUTE OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL RESEARCHES 7, no. 28 (September 28, 2021): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31623/iksad072803.
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Declaring its independence in 1991, Azerbaijan faced many economic, financial and political problems, but since 1995 the country has grown substantially. The most important economic power in the country is on oil, natural gas and suitable agricultural lands. After Azerbaijan gained its independence, it started to search for markets and headed for foreign trade and in this way continued its dependence in the region. In the first years of its independence, a significant share of the country's foreign trade was with the Commonwealth of Independent States. In foreign trade, the country has an important share, especially in terms of oil and natural gas exports. Since Azerbaijan exports more than its imports every year, it is a country that gives a surplus in foreign trade balance. Turkey was the first country that accepts the independence of Azerbaijan. Declared the independence of Azerbaijan and Turkey should accept the independence of both political and economic issues of both countries have shown they are friendly. Current conjuncture in Turkey and Azerbaijan as a nation they were two brothers and two friendly states with state motto always wished they bring. It was first represented as Consulate and the Embassy of Azerbaijan in Turkey. Also at the same time, economic relations and trade relations have kept alive only Azerbaijan political relations with Turkey aimed at animation. For this reason, the two countries have signed a Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement. Trade relations between Turkey and Azerbaijan still maintains its sustainability today. This study examines the foreign trade of Azerbaijan's economy in the coming period and the course has a very significant share of the Azerbaijan foreign trade with Turkey until today. Keywords: Foreign Trade, Export, Import, Azerbaijan and Turkey.
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Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.
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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.
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Gawwad, Mira A. Abdel, and Mohamed Mohamed Hussein Mostafa. "Turkish Foreign Policy towards Syria since 2002." Asian Social Science 14, no. 2 (January 29, 2018): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n2p57.
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Since Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power, Turkey has been transformed from an isolated country from its regional environment to a regional player which had positive relations with most countries in the region, especially Syria. It represents a strategic importance for Turkey. Turkey’s policy towards Syria since 2002 has aimed at reviving its regional role, protecting its national security and achieving its economic interests. The problem of the study revolves around the nature of the determinants and orientations of Turkish foreign policy towards Syria, and changes that have taken place in this policy from the moment of the arrival of AKP to power to the period following the Syrian Revolution. The predicament here is the difficulty in following a general feature of Turkish policy towards Syria, from one stage to another, specifically before and after the revolution.Therefore, the study seeks to know the nature of this policy and its tools, and the extent of its impact on the relations between the two countries. The Syrian Revolution is difficult test for Turkey. To get out of the regional dilemma, Turkey has reoriented its foreign policy. The study has reached several points of results, the most important of which are:1) The change in the Turkish ruling elite since 2002 has been a major factor in the change of Turkish foreign policy towards Syria. 2) Despite the importance of the water factor in Turkish policy towards Syria, it reflected the development of relations between them. If relations between the two countries were good, the talk about conflict over water would decline. 3) Turkey's decision- makers have expected that the Arab revolutions would have a positive impact on the Turkish role in the region. However, the Syrian revolution had a negative impact on turkey and its regional project. 4) AKP has reconsidered ideology as a key determinant of foreign policy after the Arab revolutions by supporting the opposition. However, ideology has retreated in front of the state’s interests. This was evident in the changes of Turkish foreign policy after the failed coup in Turkey. 5) The Syrian crisis has proved that Turkey cannot engage in Syria away from the calculations of regional and international powers.
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Uçarlar, Nesrin. "Tormented by History — Nationalism in Greece and Turkey." Southeastern Europe 33, no. 1 (2009): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633309x421274.
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Ibrahim, Muhammad Khalis, and Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor. "Pasang Surut Hubungan Turki-Israel: Kajian terhadap Hubungan Dua Hala pada Era Erdoğan." UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 6, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2019.6n1.277.
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Turkey-Israel relations were established after the Second World War. However, the relations were fluctuating during Erdoğan era. This study focuses on Turkey-Israel bilateral relations during Erdoğan era by scrutinize on the fluctuation and factors that influence it. This study was conducted based on documentation method through content analysis and comparative analysis. During Erdoğan era, Strategic Depth doctrine became a basic principle for Turkey’s foreign policy. Changes of foreign policy from national security-based to more regional-based affected Turkey-Israel relations. At first, the relations were going well in trade, military, resources and diplomacy. However, some of Israel's violation towards universal values such as military operations in Gaza led its relations with Turkey to become tense. The peak of crisis reached as Israeli forces attacked Turkish Mavi Marmara ship which carrying humanitarian missions to Gaza. This study found that the fluctuation of Turkey-Israel relations was influenced by Turkey's and Israel’s domestics as well as regional factors, where regional factors played a major role in the pattern of the relations. Although Turkey-Israel relations have been restored through a peace treaty in 2016, crisis of relations may reoccur based on current developments. Turkey-Israel bilateral relations will continue to fluctuate along with future developments.
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Ulunian, A. A. "Soviet Cold War Perceptions of Turkey and Greece, 1945-58." Cold War History 3, no. 2 (January 2003): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999982.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Sticks, not carrots: immigration and rights in Greece and Turkey." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2013.824666.
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ANASTASAKIS, OTHON. "4 Greece and Turkey in the Balkans: Cooperation or Rivalry?" Turkish Studies 5, no. 1 (March 2004): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2004.9687241.
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Clive, Nigel. "Entangled allies: US policy towards Greece, Turkey and Cyprus." International Affairs 68, no. 3 (July 1992): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622976.
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Quandt, William B., and Monteagle Stearns. "Entangled Allies: U.S. Policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 4 (1992): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045375.
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Kayani, Farrukh Nawaz. "TURKEY’S BOLSTERING ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 4 (2021): 198–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejss.2021.09.04.001.
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Historically, the relations of Turkey with Bosnia and Herzegovina have remained very cordial, and friendly. The foreign policy of Turkey under President Erdogan has taken a new fresh route as the country has progressively asserted its influence in the Balkan region by benefiting from the common historical and cultural relations. Investing in infrastructure developments and educational sectors of the Balkan region under cultural diplomacy has helped Turkey to build its soft image. Turkish companies are actively investing in the various sectors and the industries of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including telecommunication, energy, transportation, health, tourism, construction, and banking, etc. Common history, geographic proximity, and Turkey's expanding economic importance, all these factors have resulted in boosting the Turkish investment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Turkey is also trying to promote regional trade cooperation besides the bilateral trade agreements like the establishment of a trilateral economic discussion mechanism between Turkey, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Serbia. This article has explained the historic and contemporary economic and political relations of Turkey with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article also suggested that Turkey needs to employ a more transparent and effective policy towards Bosnia & Herzegovina by addressing some reservations of Bosnian people like the provision of more jobs in the infrastructural development projects. At the same time, Bosnian foreign policy towards Turkey also needs to take a stand for its own objectives, aspirations, and long-term goals.
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Atrashkevich, Alexandra Nikolaevna. "Turkey and Greece: Political and Economic Relations within the Conflict Circumstances (1999-2017)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 675–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-675-689.
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The author distinguishes four stages of bilateral relations between Turkey and Greece in 1999-2017: 1) the “thaw” of 1999-2003; 2) the period of the growing cooperation with attempts to resolve the Cyprus issue in 2003-2009; 3) the next one encompassing 2009-2014, when efforts to build a contractual-cum-institutional basis for the expansion of relations took place: 4) and that of worsening the political relations in 2014-2017. After analyzing these phases, the author concludes that during the whole of study period, Ankara and Athens failed to improve their bilateral relations to the point of overcoming negative historical accounts and ethnic stereotypes. Despite the constant increase of the trade volume, at the political level there were a number of problems hindering the intensification of the bilateral dialogue. The main ones are the Cyprus issue and Turkey’s claims on the Greek continental shelf. The solution of these issues is obligatory for the further development of bilateral political relations as well as for the maintenance of the security in the region.
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Kvashnin, Y. "Crisis in Greece." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2011): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-4-70-78.
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The author points out that, despite some success in 2010, the medium-term prospects of Greece do not inspire much optimism. Even in the case of a quick recovery of the world economy in the next two years (which is highly questionable), the country will face a continuation of the recession. It is very likely that in the near future the government will have to restructure public debt, which reached 125% of GDP by 2010. Besides that, Greece faces a very difficult foreign policy challenge, that is to restore the credibility from the EU and to prove that Greece’s admittance to the Eurozone was not a mistake.
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Demenko, Oleksandr. "Greek-Turkish Relations: Current Status and Opportunities to Reduce Confrontational Potential." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXII (2021): 635–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-32.
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The article examines Greek-Turkish relations, whose periodic aggravation is one of the pressing problems of modern international relations. The main reasons for the conflict in relations between Greece and Turkey are: the unresolved Cyprus problem; historical and civilisational contradictions; non-compliance with the rights of national minorities in both countries; the struggle for access to energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean; unresolved issues regarding the delimitation of territorial waters, the continental shelf, exclusive economic zones, and airspace in the Aegean Sea. Analysis of the current stage in the development of Greek-Turkish relations allows us to make a conclusion about their instability and a high level of conflict potential, which is exacerbated by the irreconcilable positions of the parties on the key bilateral issues, historical prejudices, and domestic political factors. This has a negative impact on the security situation in the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, it is hoped that the political will of both countries, the resolute position of NATO, the EU, and the US on finding a mutually acceptable compromise and establishing dialogue, trust, and mutual tolerance between the two neighbouring states will eliminate the threat of a military conflict. The experience of dynamic cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the late 20th – early 21st centuries shows that the normalisation of relations between these countries is quite possible. The reduction of confrontational potential will be facilitated by the following factors: renunciation of belligerent and offensive rhetoric and threats of the use of force; demilitarization of the Aegean basin; normalisation and development of Turkey’s relations with the European Union; strengthening of trade and economic relations between Greece and Turkey; search for opportunities to jointly produce and transport energy resources; cooperation in culture and tourism; efforts to reach a compromise in the settlement of the Cyprus problem. Keywords: Greek-Turkish relations, conflict, Cyprus problem, ‘Aegean crisis’, Eastern Mediterranean.
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Tsarouhas, Dimitris, and Nüve Yazgan. "Trade, non-state actors and conflict: evidence from Greece and Turkey." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 31, no. 3-4 (July 4, 2018): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1501346.
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Kemper, Michael. "Orthodoxy and Islam: Theology and Muslim–Christian Relations in Modern Greece and Turkey." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 29, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 400–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2018.1496573.
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Baser, Bahar. "The politics of culture in Turkey, Greece and Cyprus." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2017.1400282.
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Vlasova, Ksenia. "Greek-Turkish Confrontation and Its Influence on the Eastern Mediterranean." Contemporary Europe 103, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320212737.
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The Eastern Mediterranean can rightly be considered as one of the most conflict regions in the world, as it has accumulated numerous security problems. Such problems are driven by the attempts of several regional players to revise the existing status quo and their own position in the region (Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iran), the increasing influence of some traditional actors (Russia, the USA, the EU, China), longstanding and current international conflicts, the problem of international terrorism, extremism, uncontrolled migration, etc. The article analyzes the most important contradiction in the Eastern Mediterranean, which can be attributed to the confrontation between the two neighbors, Greece and Turkey. The origins of their conflict go far back in history, and Greek-Turkish rivalry is still ongoing. Relations between Greece and Turkey have gone through many phases from armed conflict in 1974 to a period of neutrality and synergy in the 2000s. The study focuses on the events of 2020, when there was a sharp aggravation of the Greek-Turkish conflict in three areas: migration, religious and cultural action of the Turkish government upon the return of the status of a functioning mosque to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul, and the escalation around the complex ―Aegean problem‖ related to the delimitation of maritime borders. The new phase of the conflict could lead to the deterioration of bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey, but also to a security system in the Eastern Mediterranean with the support of regional players and great powers.
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Alessandri, Emiliano. "Turkey's New Foreign Policy and the Future of Turkey–EU Relations." International Spectator 45, no. 3 (September 2010): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2010.504620.
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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "Public choice and foreign affairs: Democracy and international relations in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005215.
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AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.